JFtanci's  Parfeman's  Morkg. 


NEW   LIBRARY   EDITION. 
Vol.  Vn. 


FRANCIS   PARKMAN'S  WORKS. 

"Nt^D  Htfavai-g  lElttion. 

Pioneers  of  France  in  the  Hew  World I  vol. 

The  Jesuits  in  North  America 1  vol. 

La  Salle  and  the  Discovery  of  the  Great  West   .    ■  I  vol. 

The  Old  Regime  in  Canada i  vol. 

Count  Frontenac  and  New  France  under  Louis  XTV.  I  vol. 

A  Half  Century  of  Conflict 2  vols. 

Montcalm  and  Wolfe 2  vols. 

The  Conspiracy  of  Fontiac  and  the  Indian  War  after 

the  Conquest  of  Canada 2  vols. 

The  Oregon  Trail I  vol. 


Sir  IVilliam  Pepperrell. 

From  the  painting  by  John  Smibert. 
A  Half  Cbntury  of  Conflict,  II.,  Pronttsptece 


A  HALF-CENTURY  OF 
CONFLICT. 


FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND  IN 
NORTH  AMERICA. 

Part  Sixth. 


BY 

FRANCIS  PARKMAN. 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES. 

Vol.  II. 


BOSTON 

LITTLE,  BROWN,   AND  COMPANY 

1914. 


Copyrigld,  1892, 
By  Francis  Parkman. 

Copyright,  1897, 
By  Little,  Brown,  and  Compant. 


^Tintera 
8.  J.  Parkhili,  <fc  Co.,  Boston,  U.S.A. 


F 


LIBRARY 

•TATE  TEACHERS  COLl  FOe 
SANTA    BARBARA.    CAL.I  <=^On  ~  I  A 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XVL 

1716-1761. 

search  for  the  pacific. 

Page 

The   Western   Sea.  —  Schemes   for  reaching    it.  —  Journey  of 

Charlevoix.  —  The  Sioux  Mission.  —  Vareunes  de  la  Ve'ren- 

drye :  his  Enterprise ;  his  Disasters ;  visits  the  Mandans  ;  his 

Sous ;  their  Search  for  the  Western  Sea ;  their  Adventures. 

—  The  Snake  Indians.  —  A  Great  War-party.  —  The  Rocky 
Mountains.  —  A  Panic.  —  Return  of  the  Brothers ;  their 
Wronga  and  their  Fate 3 

CHAPTER  XVn. 
1700-1750. 

THE    CHAIN    OF    POSTS. 

Opposing  Claims.  —  Attitude  of  the  Rival  Nations.  —  America  a 
French  Continent.  —  England  a  Usurper.  —  French  Demands. 

—  Magnanimous  Proposals.  —  Warlike  Preparation.  —  Niag- 
ara. —  Oswego.  —  Crown  Point.  —  The  Passes  of  the  West 
secured 44 

CHAPTER  XVIIL 
1744,  1745, 

A    MAD   SCHEME. 

War  of  the  Austrian  Succession.  —  The  French  seize  Canseau  and 
attack  Annapolis.  —  Plan  of  Reprisal.  —  William  Vaughan.  — 
Governor  Shirley  :  he  advises  an  Attack  on  Louisbourg.  — 
The  Assembly  refuses,  but  at  last  consents.  —  Prepara- 
tion.—  William  Pepperrell. —  George  Whitefield.  —  Parson 


vi  CONTENTS. 

Pack 
Moody. —  The  Soldiers.  —  The  Provincial  Navy.  —  Commo- 
dore Warren.  —  Shirley  as  an  Amateur  Soldier.  —  The  I'leet 
sails 59 

CHAPTER  XIX. 
1745. 

LOUISBOURG     BESIEGED. 

Seth  Pomeroy.  —  The  Voyage.  —  Caiiseau.  —  Unexpected  Suc- 
cors. —  Delays.  —  Louisbourg.  —  The  Landing.  —  The  Grand 
Battery  taken.  —  French  Cannon  turned  on  the  Town. — 
Weakness  of  Duchambon.  —  Sufferings  of  the  Besiegers : 
their  Hardihood ;  their  Irregular  Proceedings.  —  Joseph 
Sherburn.  —  Amateur  Gunnery.  —  Camp  Frolics.  —  Sectarian 
Zeal.  —  Perplexities  of  Pepperrell 90 

CHAPTER  XX. 
1745. 

LOUISBOURG    TAKEN. 

A  Rash  Resolution.  —  The  Island  Battery.  —  The  Volunteers.  — 
The  Attack.  — The  Repulse.  —  Capture  of  the  "  Vigilant."  — 
A  Sortie.  —  Skirmishes.  —  Despondency  of  the  French.  — 
English  Camp  threatened.  —  Pepperrell  and  Warren.  —  War- 
ren's Plan.  —  Preparation  for  a  General  Attack.  —  Flag  of 
Truce.  —  Capitulation.  —  State  of  the  Fortress.  —  Parson 
Moody.  —  Soldiers  dissatisfied.  —  Disorders.  —  Army  and 
Navy.  —  Rejoicings.  —  England  repays  Provincial  Outlays     .     117 

CHAPTER   XXL 
174.5-1747. 

DUG    d'aNVILLE. 

Louisbourg  after  the  Conquest.  —  Mutiny.  —  Pestilence.  — 
Stephen  Williams :  his  Diary.  —  Scheme  of  Conquering 
Canada.  —  Newcastle's  Promises.  —  Alarm  in  Canada.  — 
Promises  broken. — Plan  against  Crown  Point.  —  Startling 
News.  —  D'Anville's  Fleet.  —  Louisbourg  to  be  avenged.  — 
Disasters  of  D'Anville.  —  Storm.  —  Pestilence.  —  Famine.  — 
Death  of  D'Anville.  —  Suicide  of  the  Vice- Admiral.  —  Ruin- 
ous Failure.  —  Return  Voyage.  —  Defeat  of  La  Jonquiere      .     145 


CONTENTS.  VU 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

1745-1747. 

acadian  conflicts. 

Page 

Efforts  of  France.  —  Apatliy  of  Newcastle.  —  Dilemma  of  Aca- 

dians  :  their  Character.  —  Danger  of  the  Province.  —  Plans 

of    Shirley.  —  Acadian    Priests.  —  Political     Agitators.  — 

Noble's  Expedition.  —  Ramesay   at   Beaubassin.  —  Noble  at 

Grand-Prc.  —  A  Winter  March.  —  Defeat  and  Death  of  Noble. 

—  Grand-Pre'    reoccupied    by    the    English.  —  Threats    of 

Ramesay  against  the  Acadians.  —  The  British  Ministry  will 

not  protect  them 169 

CHAPTER   XXIII. 

1740-1747. 

WAR    AND    POLITICS. 

Governor  and  Assembly.  —  Saratoga  destroyed.  —  William  John- 
son. —  Border  Ravages.  —  Upper  Ashuelot.  —  French  ''  Mili- 
tary Movements."  —  Number  Four.  —  Niver'ille's  Attack. — 
Phiueas  Stevens.  —  The  French  repulsed 205 

CHAPTER   XXIV. 
1745-1748. 

FORT    MASSACHUSETTS. 

Frontier  Defence.  —  Northfield  and  its  Minister.  —  Military  Criti- 
cisms of  Rev.  Benjamin  Doolittle.  —  Rigaud  de  Vaudreuil: 
his  Great  War-party ;  he  attacks  Fort  Massachusetts.  — 
Sergeant  Hawks  and  his  Garrison. —  A  Gallant  Defence. — 
Capitulation.  —  Humanity  of  the  French.  —  Ravages.  —  Re- 
turn to  Crown  Point.  —  Peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle     ....     230 


APPENDIX. 


A.  France    claims    all    North    America   except   the    Spanish 

Colonies 257 

B.  French  Views  of  the  Siege  of  Louisbourg 274 

C.  Shirley's  Relations  with  the  Acadians 312 


INDEX 361 


A  HALF-CEXTURY  OF   COXFLICT 


A  HALF-CENTURY  OF  CONFLICT, 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

1716-1761. 

SEARCH  FOR  THE  PACIFIC. 

The  Western  Sea.  —  Schemes  for  reaching  it.  —  Jouknbt 
OF  Charlevoix.  —  The  Sioux  Mission.  —  Varennes  de  la 
Verendrye  :  his  Enterprise  ;  his  Disasters  ;  visits  the 
Mandans  ;  HIS  Sons  ;  their  Search  for  the  Western 
Sea;  their  Adventures.  —  The  Snake  Indians. —  A  Great 
War-Party.  —  The  Rocky  Mountains.  —  A  Panic.  —  Return 
OF   THE  Brothers  ;   their  Wrongs  and  their  Fate. 

In  the  disastrous  last  years  of  Louis  XIV.  the 
court  gave  little  thought  to  the  New  World;  but 
under  the  regency  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  interest  in 
American  affairs  revived.  Plans  for  reaching  the 
Mer  de  T Quest,  or  Pacific  Ocean,  were  laid  before 
the  Regent  in  1716.  It  was  urged  that  the  best  hope 
was  in  sending  an  expedition  across  the  continent, 
seeing  that  every  attempt  to  find  a  westward  passage 
by  Hudson  Bay  had  failed.  As  starting-points  and 
bases  of  supply  for  the  expedition,  it  was  proposed  to 
establish  three  posts,  one  on  the  north  shore  of  Lake 
Superior,  at  the  mouth  of  the   river  Kaministiguia, 


4  SEARCH   FOR  THE   PACIFIC.         [1717-1723. 

another  at  Lac  des  Cristineaux,  now  called  Lake  of 
the  Woods,  and  the  third  at  Lake  Winnipeg,  —  the 
last  being  what  in  American  phrase  is  called  the 
"  jumping-off  place, "  or  the  point  where  the  expedi- 
tion was  to  leave  behind  the  last  trace  of  civilization. 
These  posts  were  to  cost  the  Crown  nothing;  since 
by  a  device  common  in  such  cases,  those  who  built 
and  maintained  them  were  to  be  paid  by  a  monopoly 
of  the  fur-trade  in  the  adjacent  countries.  It  was 
admitted,  however,  that  the  subsequent  exploration 
must  be  at  the  charge  of  the  government,  and  would 
require  fifty  good  men,  at  three  hundred  francs  a 
year  each,  besides  equipment  and  supplies.  All 
things  considered,  it  was  reckoned  that  an  overland 
way  to  the  Pacific  might  be  found  for  about  fifty 
thousand  francs,  or  ten  thousand  dollars.^ 

The  Regent  approved  the  scheme  so  far  as  to  order 
the  preliminary  step  to  be  taken  by  establishing  the 
three  posts,  and  in  this  same  year,  Lieutenant  La 
None,  of  the  colony  troops,  began  the  work  by  build- 
ing a  stockade  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kaministiguia. 
Little  more  was  done  in  furtherance  of  the  explora- 
tion till  three  years  later,  when  the  celebrated  Jesuit, 
Charlevoix,  was  ordered  by  the  Duke  of  Orleans  to 
repair  to  America  and  gain  all  possible  information 
concerning  the  Western  Sea  and  the  way  to  it.^ 

In  the  next  year  he  went   to  the    Upper   Lakes, 

*  Me'moire  fait  et  arrests  par  le  Conseil  de  Marine,  S  Fevrier,  1717  ; 
M€moire  du  Roy,  26  Juin,  1717. 

'^  Charlevoix  au  Comte  de  Morville,  1  Avril,  1723. 


1717-1723.J  CHARLEVOIX.  5 

and  questioned  missionaries,  officers,  voyageurs^  and 
Indians.  The  results  were  not  satisfactory.  The 
missionaries  and  the  officers  had  nothing  to  tell;  the 
voyagers  and  Indians  knew  no  more  than  they,  but 
invented  confused  and  contradictory  falsehoods  to 
hide  their  ignorance.  Charlevoix  made  note  of  every- 
thing, and  reported  to  the  Comte  de  Toulouse  that 
the  Pacific  probably  formed  the  western  boundary  of 
the  country  of  the  Sioux,  and  that  some  Indians  told 
him  that  they  had  been  to  its  shores  and  found  white 
men  there  different  from  the  French. 

Believing  that  these  stories  were  not  without 
foundation,  Charlevoix  reported  two  plans  as  likely 
to  lead  to  the  coveted  discovery.  One  was  to  ascend 
the  Missouri,  "the  source  of  which  is  certainly  not 
far  from  the  sea,  as  all  the  Indians  I  have  met  have 
unanimously  assured  me;"  and  the  other  was  to 
establish  a  mission  among  the  Sioux,  from  whom, 
after  thoroughly  learning  their  language,  the  mis- 
sionaries could,  as  he  thinks,  gain  all  the  desired 
information.^ 

The  Regent  approved  the  plan  of  the  mission ;  but 
the  hostile  disposition  of  the  Sioux  and  the  Outaga- 
mies  prevented  its  execution  for  several  years.     In 

*  The  valuable  journal  of  Charlevoix's  western  travels,  written 
in  the  form  of  letters,  was  published  in  connection  with  his  His- 
to'ire  de  la  Nouvelle  France.  After  his  visit  to  the  Lakes,  he  went  to 
New  Orleans,  intending  to  return  in  the  spring  and  continue  his  in- 
quiries for  the  Western  Sea;  but  being  unable  to  do  this,  he  went 
back  to  France  at  the  end  of  1722.  The  official  report  of  his  mis- 
sion is  contained  in  a  letter  to  the  Comte  de  Toulouse,  20  January 
1723. 


6  SEARCH    FOR   TIIK   PACIFIC.  [17J7. 

1727  the  schemo  was  revived,  and  the  colonial  min- 
ister at  Versailles  ordered  the  governor  of  Canada  to 
send  two  missionaries  to  the  Sioux.  Hut  the  mission 
requiivd  munov,  and  the  King  wonld  not  give  it. 
Hence  the  usual  expedient  was  adopted.  A  com- 
pany was  formed,  and  invested  with  a  monopoly  of 
the  Sioux  fiir-tnidc,  on  condition  of  building  a  fort, 
mission-house,  and  cliaprl,  and  keeping  an  armed 
force  to  guard  them.  It  was  specially  provided  that 
none  hut  i)ious  and  virtuous  pei-sons  were  to  be 
allowed  to  join  the  Company,  '* in  order,"  says  the 
document,  " to  attract  the  l)onedi(tion  of  God  upon 
them  and  their  business."*  The  prospects  of  the 
Comj)any  were  thought  good,  and  the  governor  him- 
self was  one  of  the  shareholdei"s.  While  the  missicm 
was  given  the  most  consjucuous  place  in  the  enter- 
prise, itvS  objects  were  rather  secular  than  spiritual,  — 
to  attiich  the  Sioux  to  the  French  interest  by  the 
double  ties  of  religion  and  trade,  and  utilize  their 
supposed  knowledge  to  reach  the  Pacific.^ 

Father  Guignas  was  made  the  head  of  the  mission, 
and  Boucher  de  la  I'erriOre  the  militiiry  chief.  The 
party  left  Montreal  in  June,  and,  journeying  to  the 
Mississippi  by  way  of  Michilimackinac,  Green  Bay, 
Fox  River,  and  the  "Wisconsin,  went  up  the  great 
river  to  Lake  Pepin,  where  the  adventurous  Nicolas 
Perrot  had  built  two  trading-posts  more  than  forty 

1   Tralti  de  hi  Compagnle  des  Sioux,  6  Jmn,  1727. 

'  On  this  scheme,  VaudreuU  et  B^gon  au  M'lmstre,  4  Ortobre,  172.3; 
Lonqueuil  ft  Began  au  Min'istre,  31  Octobre,  1725 ;  Beauharnois  et 
Dupui/  ail  ^f{nlstre,  25  Septembre,  1727. 


1728-1731.]  THE   SIOUX   MISSION.  7 

years  before.  Even  if  his  time-worn  tenements  were 
still  standing,  La  Perriere  had  no  thought  of  occupy- 
ing them.  On  the  north,  or  rather  west,  side  of  the 
lake  his  men  found  a  point  of  land  that  seemed  fit 
for  their  purpose,  disembarked,  cut  down  trees,  and 
made  a  square  stockade  enclosing  the  necessary  build- 
ings. It  was  near  the  end  of  October  before  they 
were  all  well  housed.  A  large  band  of  Sioux  pres- 
ently appeared,  and  set  up  their  teepees  hard  by. 
When  the  birthday  of  the  governor  came,  the  party 
celebrated  it  with  a  display  of  fireworks  and  vociferous 
shouts  of  Vive  le  Boi,  Vive  Charles  de  Beauharnois, 
while  the  Indians  yelped  in  fright  and  amazement  at 
the  pyrotechnics,  or  stood  pressing  their  hands  upon 
their  mouths  in  silent  amazement.  The  French 
called  their  fort  Fort  Beauharnois,  and  invited  the 
aid  of  Saint  Michael  the  Archangel  by  naming  the 
mission  in  his  honor.  All  went  well  till  April,  when 
the  water  rose  with  the  spring  floods  and  filled  fort, 
chapel,  and  houses  to  the  depth  of  nearly  three  feet, 
ejecting  the  whole  party,  and  forcing  them  to  encamp 
on  higher  ground  till  the  deluge  subsided.^ 

Worse  enemies  than  the  floods  soon  found  them 
out.  These  were  the  irrepressible  Outagamies,  who 
rose  against  the  intruding  French  and  incited  the 
Sioux  to  join  them.  There  was  no  profit  for  the 
Company,  and  no  safety  for  its  agents.  The  stock- 
holders became  discouraged,  and  would  not  support 
the  enterprise.     The  fort  was  abandoned,  till  in  1731 

1  Guignas  a  Beauharnois,  28  Mai,  1728. 


S  SEARCH  FOR  THE   PACIFIC.  [1737. 

a  new  arrangement  was  made,  followed  by  anothei 
attempt.^  For  a  time  a  prosperous  trade  was  carried 
on;  but,  as  commonly  happened  in  such  cases,  the 
adventurers  seem  to  have  thought  more  of  utilizing 
their  monopoly  than  of  fulfilling  the  terms  on  which 
they  had  received  it.  The  wild  Sioux  of  the  plains, 
instead  of  being  converted  and  turned  into  French- 
men, proved  such  dangerous  neighbors  that,  in  1737, 
Legardeur  de  Saint-Pierre,  who  then  commanded  the 
post,  found  himself  forced  to  Jibandon  it.^  The 
enterprise  had  failed  in  both  its  aims.  The  West- 
ern Sea  was  still  a  mystery,  and  the  Sioux  were  not 
friends,  but  enemies.  Legardeur  de  Saint-Pierre 
recommended  that  they  should  be  destroyed,  — 
benevolent  advice  easy  to  give,  and  impossible  to 
execute.^ 

Ren^  Gaultier  de  Varennes,  lieutenant  in  the  regi- 
ment of  Carignan,  married  at  Three  Rivers,  in  1667, 
the  daughter  of  Pierre  Boucher,  governor  of  that 
place;  the  age  of  the  bride,  Demoiselle  Marie 
Boucher,  being  twelve  years,  six  months,  and  eigh- 
teen days.  Varennes  succeeded  his  father-in-law  as 
governor  of  Three  Rivers,  with  a  salary  of  twelve 
hundred  francs,  to  which  he  added  the  profits  of  a 
farm  of  forty  acres;  and  on  these  modest  resources, 
reinforced  by  an  illicit  trade  in  furs,  he  made  shift  to 

1  Beauharnois  et  Hocquart  au  Ministre,  25  Octobre,  1729;  Idem,  12 
Octobre,  1731. 

*  Relation  du  Sieur  de  Saint-Pierre,  14  Octobre,  1737. 

'  "  Cet  oflScier  [Saint-Pierre]  a  ajoute'  qu'il  seroit  avantageirx  de 
de'truire  cette  nation."  —  Memoire  de  Beauharnois, 1758. 


1728]  VAREXXES    DE   LA   VEREXDRYE.  9 

sustain  the  dignity  of  his  ofifice.  His  wife  became 
the  mother  of  numerous  offspring,  among  whom  was 
Pierre,  born  in  1685,  —  an  active  and  hardy  youth, 
who,  like  the  rest  of  the  poor  but  vigorous  Canadian 
noblesse^  seemed  born  for  the  forest  and  the  fur-trade. 
When,  however,  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession 
broke  out,  the  young  man  crossed  the  sea,  obtained 
the  commission  of  lieutenant,  and  was  nearly  killed 
at  the  battle  of  Malplaquet,  where  he  was  shot 
through  the  body,  received  six  sabre-cuts,  and  was 
left  for  dead  on  the  field.  He  recovered,  and  returned 
to  Canada,  when,  finding  his  services  slighted,  he 
again  took  to  the  woods.  He  had  assumed  the 
designation  of  La  Verendrye,  and  thenceforth  his 
full  name  was  Pierre  Gaultier  de  Varennes  de  la 
Vdrendrye.^ 

In  1728,  he  was  in  command  of  a  small  post  on 
Lake  Nipigon,  north  of  Lake  Superior.  Here  an 
Indian  chief  from  the  river  Kaministiguia  told  him 
of  a  certain  great  lake  which  discharged  itself  by  a 
river  flowing  westward.  The  Indian  further  declared 
that  he  had  descended  this  river  till  he  reached  water 
that  ebbed  and  flowed,  and,  terrified  by  the  strange 
phenomenon,  had  turned  back,  though  not  till  he  had 
heard  of  a  great  salt  lake,  bordered  with  many  vil- 
lages. Other  Indians  confirmed  and  improved  the 
story.     "These  people,"  said  La  Verendrye  to  the 

^  M.  Benjamin  Suite  has  traced  out  the  family  history  of  the 
Varennes  in  the  parish  registers  of  Three  Rivers  and  other  trust- 
worthy sources.     See  Revue  Canadienne,  x.  781,  849,  936. 


10  SEARCH   FOR   THP:   PACIFIC.  [1731. 

Jesuit  Degonnor,  "are  great  liars,  but  now  and  then 
they  tell  the  truth."  ^  It  seemed  to  him  likely  that 
their  stories  of  a  western  river  flowing  to  a  western 
sea  were  not  totally  groundless,  and  that  the  true 
way  to  the  Pacific  was  not,  as  had  l)een  supposed, 
through  the  country  of  the  Sioux,  but  farther  north- 
ward, through  that  of  the  Cristineaux  and  Assini- 
])oins,  or,  in  other  words,  through  the  region  now 
called  Manitol)a.  In  this  view  he  was  susUiiiied  by 
his  friend  Degonnor,  who  iiad  just  returned  from  the 
ill-starred  Sioux  mission. 

La  Vdrendryc,  fired  with  the  zeal  of  discovery, 
offered  to  search  for  the  Western  Sea  if  the  King 
would  give  him  one  hinidred  men  and  supply  canoes, 
arms,  and  provisions. 2  But,  as  was  usual  in  such 
cases,  the  King  would  give  nothing;  and  though 
the  governor,  Beauharnois,  did  all  in  his  power  to 
promote  the  enterprise,  the  burden  and  the  risk  were 
left  to  the  adventurer  himself.  La  Vdrendrye  was 
authorized  to  find  a  way  to  the  Pacific  at  his  own 
expense,  in  consideration  of  a  monopol}'  of  the  fur- 
trade  in  the  regions  north  and  west  of  Lake  Superior. 
This  vast  and  remote  country  was  held  by  tribes  who 
were  doul)tful  friends  of  the  French,  and  perjietual 
enemies  of  each  other.  The  risks  of  the  trade  were 
as  great  as  its  possible  profits,  and,  to  reap  these,  vast 
outlays   must   first   be   made:    forts    must   be    built, 

*  Relation  dti  Pere  Degonnor,  J^suite,  Missionnaire  des  Sioux, 
adress^e  a  M.  le  ^farquis  de  Beauharnois. 

'  Relation  de  Degonnor ;  Beauharnois  au  Ministre,  1  Octobre,  1731. 


1731,]  LA  V^RENDRYE  S  EXTERPRISE.  11 

manned,  provisioned,  and  stocked  with  goods  brought 
through  two  thousand  miles  of  difficult  and  perilous 
wilderness.  There  were  other  dangers,  more  insidious, 
and  perhaps  greater.  The  exclusive  privileges  granted 
to  La  V<irendrye  would  inevitably  rouse  the  intensest 
jealousy  of  the  Canadian  merchants,  and  they  would 
spare  no  effort  to  ruin  him.  Intrigue  and  calumny 
would  be  busy  in  his  absence.  If,  as  was  likely,  his 
patron,  Beauharnois,  should  be  recalled,  the  new 
governor  might  be  turned  against  him,  his  privileges 
might  be  suddenly  revoked,  the  forts  he  had  built 
passed  over  to  his  rivals,  and  all  his  outlays  turned 
to  their  profit,  as  had  happened  to  La  Salle  on  the 
recall  of  his  patron,  Frontenac.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  country  was  full  of  the  choicest  furs,  which  the 
Indians  had  hitherto  carried  to  the  English  at  Hudson 
Bay,  but  w^hich  the  proposed  trading-posts  would 
secure  to  the  French.  La  Verendrye's  enemies  pre- 
tended that  he  thought  of  nothing  but  beaver-skins, 
and  slighted  the  discovery  which  he  had  bound  him- 
self to  undertake;  but  his  conduct  proves  that  he 
was  true  to  his  engagements,  and  that  ambition  to 
gain  honorable  distinction  in  the  service  of  the  King 
had  a  large  place  among  the  motives  that  impelled 
him. 

As  his  own  resources  were  of  the  smallest,  he  took 
a  number  of  associates  on  conditions  most  unfavorable 
to  himself.  Among  them  they  raised  money  enough 
to  begin  the  enterprise,  and  on  the  eighth  of  June, 
1731,  La  Vdrendrye  and  three  of  his  sons,   together 


12  SEARCH    FOR   THE   PACIFIC.     [1731,  1732. 

with  his  nephew,  La  Jemeraye,  the  Jesuit  Mess.iger, 
and  a  party  of  Canadians,  set  out  from  Montreal.  It 
was  late  in  August  Ijefore  they  reached  the  great 
portage  of  Lake  Superior,  which  led  across  the  height 
of  land  separating  the  waters  of  that  lake  from  those 
flowing  U)  Lake  Winnipeg.  The  way  was  long  and 
difficult.  The  men,  who  had  perhaiw  been  tampered 
with,  mutinied,  and  refused  to  go  farther.'  Some  of 
them,  witli  much  ado,  consented  at  last  to  proceed, 
and,  under  the  lead  of  La  Jemeraye,  made  their  way 
by  an  intricate  and  broken  chain  of  lakes  and  streams 
to  Rainy  Lake,  where  they  built  a  fort  and  called  it 
Fort  St.  Pierre.  La  Verendrye  wius  forced  to  winter 
with  the  rest  of  the  party  at  the  river  Kaministiguia, 
not  far  from  the  great  portage.  Here  months  were 
lost,  during  which  a  crew  of  useless  mutineers  had  to 
be  fed  and  paid;  and  it  was  not  till  the  next  June 
that  he  could  get  them  again  into  motion  towards 
Lake  Winnipeg. 

This  ominous  beginning  was  followed  by  a  train  of 
disasters.  His  associates  abandoned  him;  the  mer- 
chants on  whom  he  depended  for  supplies  would  not 
send  them,  and  he  found  himself,  in  his  own  words, 
"  destitute  of  everything. "  His  nephew,  La  Jemeraye, 
died.  The  Jesuit  Auneau,  bent  on  returning  to 
Michilimackinac,  set  out  with  La  Vdrendrye's  eldest 
son  and  a  party  of  twenty  Canadians.  A  few  days 
later,  they  were  all  found  on  an  island  in  the  Lake  of 

1  M^moire  du  Sieur  de  la  Verendrye  du  Sujet  des  Etabllssemenis 
pour  parvenir  a  la  D^couverte  de  la  Mer  de  VOuest,  m  Margry,  vi.  580. 


1740.]  DISASTERS.  13 

the  Woods,  murdered  and  mangled  by  the  Sioux. ' 
The  Assiniboins  and  Cristineaux,  mortal  foes  of  that 
fierce  people,  offered  to  join  the  French  and  avenge 
the  butchery;  but  a  war  with  the  Sioux  would  have 
ruined  La  Vdrendrye's  plans  of  discovery,  and  exposed 
to  torture  and  death  the  French  traders  in  their 
country.  Therefore  he  restrained  himself  and  de- 
clined the  proffered  aid,  at  the  risk  of  incurring  the 
contempt  of  those  who  offered  it. 

Beauharnois  twice  appealed  to  the  court  to  give  La 
V^rendrye  some  little  aid,  urging  that  he  was  at  the 
end  of  his  resources,  and  that  a  grant  of  thirty  thou- 
sand francs,  or  six  thousand  dollars,  would  enable  him 
to  find  a  way  to  the  Pacific.  All  help  was  refused, 
])ut  La  V^rendrye  was  told  that  he  might  let  out  his 
forts  to  other  traders,  and  so  raise  means  to  pursue 
the  discovery. 

In  1740  he  went  for  the  third  time  to  Montreal, 
where,  instead  of  aid,  he  found  a  lawsuit.  "In 
spite,"  he  says,  "of  the  derangement  of  my  affairs, 
the  envy  and  jealousy  of  various  persons  impelled 
them  to  write  letters  to  the  court  insinuatincr  that  I 
thought  of  nothing  but  making  my  fortune.  If  more 
than  forty  thousand  livres  of  debt  which  I  have  on 
my  shoulders  are  an  advantage,  then  I  can  flatter 
myself  that  I  am  very  rich.  In  all  my  misfortunes,  I 
have  the  consolation  of  seeing  that  M.  de  Beauharnois 

*  Beauharnois  au  Ministre,  14  Octobre,  1736;  Relation  du  Massacre 
au  Lac  des  Bois,  en  Juin,  1736;  Journal  de  la  V€rendrj/e,  Joint  a  la 
iettre  dt  M.  de  Beauharnois  du  —  Octobre,  1737. 


14  SEARCH  FOR  THE   PACIFIC.      [1732-1740. 

enters  into  my  views,  recognizes  the  uprightness  of 
my  intentions,  and  does  me  justice  in  spite  of 
opposition."^ 

Meanwhile,  under  all  his  difficulties,  he  had 
explored  a  vast  region  hitherto  unknown,  diverted  a 
great  and  lucrative  fur-trade  from  the  English  at 
Hudson  Bay,  and  secured  possession  of  it  by  six 
fortified  posts,  —  Fort  St.  Pierre,  on  Rainy  Lake ; 
Fort  St.  Charles,  on  the  Lake  of  the  Woods;  Fort 
Maurepas,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Winnipeg ;  Fort 
Bourbon,  on  the  eastern  side  of  Lake  Winnipeg; 
Fort  La  Reine,  on  the  Assiniboin;  Fort  Dauphin, 
on  Lake  Manitoba.  Besides  these  he  built  another 
post,  called  Fort  Rouge,  on  the  site  of  the  city  of 
Winnipeg;  and,  some  time  after,  another,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  river  Poskoiac,  or  Saskatchewan,  neither 
of  which,  however,  was  long  occupied.  These  various 
forts  were  only  stockade  works  flanked  with  block- 
houses; but  the  difficulty  of  building  and  maintain- 
ing them  in  this  remote  wilderness  was  incalculable.' 


*  M^moire  du  Sieiir  de  la  V€rendrye  au  Sujet  des  Etahlissements 
pour  parvemr  a  la  Decouverte  de  la  Mer  de  I' Quest. 

2  M^moire  en  abr£g€  de  la  Carte  qui  repr^sente  les  J^tablissemenis 
fails  par  le  Sieur  de  la  Ve'rendrye  et  ses  En/ants  (Margry,  vi.  616) ; 
Carte  des  Nouvelles  De'couvertes  dans  I'Ouest  du  Canada  dresse'e  sur 
les  M^nioires  du  Ml  de  la  Verandrie  et  donn€e  au  Depot  de  la  Marine 
parM.de  la  Galissonniere,  17 IJO;  Bellin,  Remarques  sur  la  Carte  de 
VAm^rique,  1755;  Bougainville,  Me'moire  sur  I'J^tat  de  la  NouveUt 
France,  1757 

Most  of  La  Verendrye's  forts  were  standing  during  the  Seven 
dears'  War,  and  were  known  collectively  as  Pastes  de  la  Mer  d* 
I'Ouest. 


1737,  1738.]  FRUITLESS   INQUIRIES.  15 

He  had  inquired  on  all  sides  for  the  Pacific.  The 
Assiniboins  could  tell  him  nothing.  Nor  could  any 
information  be  expected  from  them,  since  their  rela- 
tives and  mortal  enemies,  the  Sioux,  barred  their  way 
to  the  West.  The  Cristineaux  were  equally  ignorant; 
but  they  supplied  the  place  of  knowledge  by  inven- 
tion, and  drew  maps,  some  of  which  seem  to  have 
been  made  with  no  other  intention  than  that  of  amus- 
ing themselves  by  imposing  on  the  inquirer.  They 
also  declared  that  some  of  their  number  had  gone 
down  a  river  called  White  River,  or  River  of  the 
West,  where  they  found  a  plant  that  shed  drops  like 
blood,  and  saw  serpents  of  prodigious  size.  They 
said  further  that  on  the  lower  part  of  this  river  were 
walled  towns,  where  dwelt  white  men  who  had  knives, 
hatchets,  and  cloth,  but  no  firearms.^ 

Both  Assiniboins  and  Cristineaux  declared  that 
there  was  a  distant  tribe  on  the  Missouri,  called 
Mantannes  (Mandans),  who  knew  the  way  to  the 
Western  Sea,  and  would  guide  him  to  it.  Lured  by 
this  assurance,  and  feeling  that  he  had  sufficiently 
secured  his  position  to  enable  him  to  begin  his  western 
exploration.  La  Vdrendrye  left  Fort  La  Reine  in 
October,  1738,  with  twenty  men,  and  pushed  up  the 
river  Assiniboin  till  its  rapids  and  shallows  threat- 
ened his  bark  canoes  with  destruction.  Then,  with 
a  band  of  Assiniboin  Indians  who  had  joined  him, 
he   struck  across  the  prairie  for  the  Mandans,    his 

*  Journal  de  la   V€rendrye  joint  a  la  Lettre  dt  M,  do  Beauharnoit 

du  —  Octobre,  1737. 


16  SEARCH   FOR   THE   PACIFIC.     [1738,  1739. 

Indian  companions  hunting  buffalo  on  the  way. 
They  approached  the  first  ]Mandan  village  on  the 
afternoon  of  the  third  of  December,  displaying  a 
French  flag  and  firing  three  volleys  as  a  salute.  The 
whole  population  poured  out  to  see  the  marvellous 
visitors,  who  were  conducted  through  the  staring 
crowd  to  the  lodge  of  the  principal  chief,  —  a  capa- 
cious structure  so  thronged  with  the  naked  and  greasy 
savages  that  the  Frenchmen  were  half  smothered. 
What  was  worse,  they  lost  the  bag  that  held  all  their 
presents  for  the  Mandans,  wliich  was  snatched  away 
in  the  confusion,  and  h.'dden  in  one  of  the  caches^ 
called  cellars  by  La  V^rendrye,  of  which  the  place 
was  full.  The  chief  seemed  much  discomposed  at 
this  mishap,  and  explained  it  by  saying  that  there 
were  many  rascals  in  the  village.  The  loss  was 
serious,  since  without  the  presents  nothing  could  be 
done.  Nor  was  this  all;  for  in  the  morning  La 
V^rendrye  missed  his  interpreter,  and  was  told  that 
he  had  fallen  in  love  with  an  Assiniboin  girl  and 
gone  off  in  pursuit  of  her.  The  French  were  now 
without  any  means  of  communicating  with  the 
Mandans,  from  whom,  however,  before  the  disap- 
pearance of  the  interpreter,  they  had  already  received 
a  variety  of  questionable  information,  chiefly  touch- 
ing white  men  cased  in  iron  who  were  said  to  live  on 
the  river  below  at  the  distance  of  a  whole  summer's 
journey.  As  they  were  impervious  to  arrows,  —  so 
the  story  ran,  —  it  was  necessary  to  shoot  their  horses, 
after  which,  being  too  heavy  to  run,  they  were  easily 


1739.]  THE  MANDANS.  17 

caught.  This  was  probably  suggested  by  the  armor 
of  the  Spaniards,  who  had  more  than  once  made 
incursions  as  far  as  the  lower  Missouri ;  but  the  nar- 
rators drew  on  their  imagination  for  various  additional 
particulars. 

The  Mandans  seem  to  have  much  declined  in  num- 
bers during  the  century  that  followed  this  visit  of 
La  Vdrendrye.  He  says  that  they  had  six  villages 
on  or  near  the  Missouri,  of  which  the  one  seen  by 
him  was  the  smallest,  though  he  thinks  that  it  con- 
tained a  hundred  and  thirty  houses.^  As  each  of 
these  large  structures  held  a  number  of  families,  the 
population  must  liave  been  considerable.  Yet  when 
Prince  Maximilian  visited  the  Mandans  in  1833,  he 
found  only  two  villages,  containing  jointly  two  hun- 
dred and  forty  warriors  and  a  total  population  of 
about  a  thousand  souls.  Without  having  seen  the 
statements  of  La  V^rendrye,  he  speaks  of  the  popu- 
lation as  greatly  reduced  by  wars  and  the  small-pox, 
—  a  disease  which  a  few  years  later  nearly  extermi- 
nated the  tribe. 2 


1  Journal  de  La  Verendrye,  1738, 1739.  This  journal,  which  is  ill- 
written  and  sometimes  obscure,  is  printed  in  Brymner,  Report  on 
Canadian  Archives,  1889. 

*  Le  Prince  Maximilien  de  Wied-Neuwied,  Voi/age  dans  I'lnt^rieur 
de  I'Ame'rique  du  Nord,  ii.  371,  372  (Paris,  1843).  When  Captains 
Lewis  and  Clark  visited  the  Mandans  in  1804,  they  found  them  in 
two  villages,  Avith  about  three  hundred  and  fifty  warriors.  They 
report  that,  about  forty  j^ears  before,  they  lived  in  nine  villages, 
the  ruins  of  which  the  explorers  saw  about  eighty  miles  below  the 
two  villages  then  occupied  by  the  tribe.  The  Mandans  had  moved 
Up  the  river  in  consequence  of  the  persecutions  of  the  Sioux  and 

VOL.  II. — 2 


18  SEARCH   FOR   THE   PACIFIC.  [1739. 

La  V^rendrye  represents  the  six  villages  as  sur- 
rounded with  ditches  and  stockades,  flanked  by  a 
sort  of  bastion,  —  defences  which,  he  says,  had  noth- 
ing savage  in  their  construction.  In  later  times  the 
fortifications  were  of  a  much  ruder  kind,  though 
Maximilian  represents  them  as  having  pointed  salients 
to  serve  as  bastions.  La  V^rendrye  mentions  some 
peculiar  customs  of  the  Mandans  which  answer  ex- 
actly to  those  described  by  more  recent  observers. 

He  had  intended  to  winter  with  the  tribe ;  but  the 
loss  of  the  presents  and  the  interpreter  made  it  use- 
less to  stay,  and,  leaving  two  men  in  the  village  to 
learn  the  language,  he  began  his  return  to  Fort  La 
Reine.  "I  was  very  ill,"  he  writes,  "but  hoped  to 
get  better  on  the  way.  The  reverse  was  the  case,  for 
it  was  the  depth  of  winter.  It  would  be  impossible 
to  suffer  more  than  I  did.  It  seemed  that  nothing 
but  death  could  release  us  from  such  miseries."  He 
reached  Fort  La  Reine  on  the  eleventh  of  February, 
1739. 

His  iron  constitution  seems  to  have  been  severely 
shaken;  but  he  had  sons  worthy  of  their  father. 
The  two  men  left  among  the  Mandans  appeared  at 
Fort  La  Reine  in  September.  They  reported  that 
they  had  been  well  treated,  and  that  their  hosts  had 
parted  from  them  with  regret.     They  also  declared 

the  small-pox,  which  had  made  great  havoc  among  them.  Expe 
dition  of  Lewis  and  Clark,  i.  129  (ed.  Philadelphia,  1814).  Thesv 
nine  villages  seem  to  have  been  above  Cannon-ball  River,  a  tribu 
tary  of  the  Missouri. 


1740.]      ADVENTURES  OF  THE   EXPLORERS.  19 

that  at  the  end  of  spring  several  Indian  tribes,  all 
well  supplied  with  horses,  had  come,  as  was  their 
yearly  custom,  to  the  Mandan  villages  to  barter 
embroidered  buffalo  hides  and  other  skins  for  corn 
and  beans ;  that  they  had  encamped,  to  the  number 
of  two  hundred  lodges,  on  the  farther  side  of  the 
Missouri,  and  that  among  them  was  a  band  said  to 
have  come  from  a  distant  country  towards  the  sunset, 
where  there  were  white  men  who  lived  in  houses 
built  of  bricks  and  stones. 

The  two  Frenchmen  crossed  over  to  the  camp  of 
these  western  strangers,  among  whom  they  found  a 
chief  who  spoke,  or  professed  to  speak,  the  language 
of  the  mysterious  white  men,  which  to  the  two 
Frenchmen  was  unintelligible.  Fortunately,  he  also 
spoke  the  language  of  the  Mandans,  of  which  the 
Frenchmen  had  learned  a  little  during  their  stay, 
and  hence  were  able  to  gather  that  the  white  men  in 
question  had  beards,  and  that  they  prayed  to  the 
Master  of  Life  in  great  houses,  built  for  the  purpose, 
holding  books,  the  leaves  of  which  were  like  husks 
of  Indian  corn,  singing  together  and  repeating  Jesus, 
Marie.  The  chief  gave  many  other  particulars, 
which  seemed  to  show  that  he  had  been  in  contact 
with  Spaniards,  —  probably  those  of  California ;  for 
he  described  their  houses  as  standing  near  the  great 
lake,  of  which  the  water  rises  and  falls  and  is  not  fit 
to  drink.  He  invited  the  two  Frenchmen  to  go 
with  him  to  this  strange  country,  saying  that  it  could 
be  reached  before  winter,  though  a  wide  circuit  must 


20  SEARCH   FOR   THE   PACIFIC.  [1742. 

be  made,  to  avoid  a  fierce  and  dangerous  tribe  called 
Snake  Indians  (JJens  diL  Serpent).^ 

On  hearing  this  story,  La  V^rendrye  sent  his  eldest 
son,  Pierre,  to  pursue  the  discovery  with  two  men, 
ordering  him  to  hire  guides  among  the  Mandans  and 
make  his  way  to  the  Western  Sea.  But  no  guides 
were  to  be  found,  and  in  tlie  next  summer  the  young 
man  returned  from  his  bootless  eri-and.^ 

Undaunted  by  this  failure,  Pierre  set  out  again  in 
the  next  spring,  1742,  with  his  younger  brother,  the 
Chevalier  de  la  V^rendrye.  Accompanied  only  by  two 
Canadians,  they  left  Fort  La  Heine  on  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  April,  and  following,  no  doubt,  the  route  of 
the  Assiniboin  and  Mouse  River,  reached  the  chief 
village  of  the  Mandans  in  about  three  weeks. 

Here  they  found  themselves  the  welcome  guests  of 
this  singularly  interesting  tribe,  ruined  by  the  small- 
pox nearly  half  a  century  ago,  but  preserved  to 
memory  by  the  skilful  pencil  of  the  artist  Charles 
Bodmer,  and  the  brush  of  the  painter  George  Catlin, 
both  of  whom  saw  them  at  a  time  when  they  were 
little  changed  in  habits  and  manners  since  the  visit 
of  the  brothers  La  V^rendrye.' 

1  Journal  du  Sieur  de  la  Ve'rendrye,  1740,  in  Archives  de  la  Marine. 

^  Me'moire  du  Sieur  de  la  Verendr ye,  joint  a  sa  Ittlre  du  31  Oclobre, 
1744. 

8  Prince  Maximilian  spent  the  winter  of  1832-33  near  the  Man- 
dan  villages.  His  artist,  with  the  instinct  of  genius,  seized  the 
characteristics  of  the  wild  life  before  him,  and  rendered  them  with 
admirable  vigor  and  truth.  Catlin  spent  a  considerable  time 
among  the  Mandans  soon  after  the  visit  of  Prince  Maximilian,  and 
had  unusual  opportunities  of  studying  them.     He  was  an  indifler 


1742]  THE  MANDAN  VILLAGE.  21 

Thus,  though  the  report  of  the  two  brothers  is  too 
concise  and  brief,  we  know  what  they  saw  when  they 
entered  the  central  area,  or  public  square,  of  the 
village.  Around  stood  the  Mandan  lodges,  looking 
like  round  flattened  hillocks  of  earth,  forty  or  fifty 
feet  wide.  On  examination  they  proved  to  be  framed 
of  strong  posts  and  poles,  covered  with  a  thick  mat- 
ting of  intertwined  willow-branches,  over  which  was 
laid  a  bed  of  well-compacted  clay  or  earth  two  or 
three  feet  thick.  This  heavy  roof  was  supported  by 
strong  interior  posts.  ^  The  open  place  which  the 
dwellings  enclosed  served  for  games,  dances,  and  the 
ghastly  religious  or  magical  ceremonies  practised  by 
the  tribe.  Among  the  other  structures  was  the  sacred 
"medicine  lodge,"  distinguished  by  three  or  four  tall 
poles  planted  before  it,  each  surmounted  by  an  effigy 
looking  much  like  a  scarecrow,  and  meant  as  an 
offering  to  the  spirits. 

If  the  two  travellere  had  been  less  sparing  of 
words,  they  would  doubtless  have  told  us  that  as 
they  entered  the  village  square  the  flattened  earthen 
domes  that  surrounded  it  were  thronged  with  squaws 

ent  painter,  a  shallow  observer,  and  a  garrulous  and  windy  writer ; 
yet  his  enthusiastic  industry  is  beyond  praise,  and  his  pictures  are 
invaluable  as  faithful  reflections  of  aspects  of  Indian  life  which 
are  gone  forever. 

Beauharnois  calls  the  Mandans  Blanci  Barhus,  and  says  that  they 
have  been  hitherto  unknown.  Beauharnois  au  Ministre,  14  Aoui, 
1739.  The  name  Mantannes,  or  Mandans,  is  that  given  them  by 
the  Assiniboins. 

1  The  Minnetarees  and  other  tribes  of  the  Missouri  built  their 
lodges  in  a  similar  way. 


22  SEARCH   FOR   THE   PACIFIC.  [1742. 

and  children,  —  for  this  was  always  the  case  on  occa- 
sions of  public  interest,  —  and  that  they  were  forced 
to  undergo  a  merciless  series  of  feasts  in  the  lodges 
of  the  chiefs.  Here,  seated  hy  the  sunken  hearth  in 
the  middle,  under  the  large  hole  in  the  roof  that 
served  both  for  window  and  chimney,  they  could 
study  at  their  ease  the  domestic  economy  of  their 
entertainers.  Each  lodge  held  a  gcns^  or  family  con- 
nection, whose  beds  of  raw  buffalo  hide,  stretched  on 
poles,  were  ranged  around  the  circumference  of  the 
building,  while  by  each  stood  a  post  on  which  hung 
shields,  lances,  bows,  quivers,  medicine-bags,  and 
masks  formed  of  the  skin  of  a  buffalo's  head,  with  the 
horns  attached,  to  be  used  in  the  magic  buffalo  dance. 

Every  day  had  its  sports  to  relieve  the  monotony 
of  savage  existence,  the  game  of  the  stick  and  the 
rolling  ring,  the  archery  practice  of  boys,  hoi-se-racing 
on  the  neighboring  prairie,  and  incessant  games  of 
chance;  while  every  evening,  in  contrast  to  these 
gayeties,  the  long,  dismal  wail  of  women  rose  from 
the  adjacent  cemeter}-,  where  the  dead  of  the  village, 
sewn  fast  in  buffalo  hides,  lay  on  scaffolds  above  the 
reach  of  wolves. 

The  Mandans  did  not  know  the  way  to  the  Pacific, 
but  they  told  the  brothers  that  they  expected  a  speedy 
visit  from  a  tribe  or  band  called  Horse  Indians,  who 
could  guide  them  thither.  It  is  impossible  to  identify 
this  people  with  any  certainty.^     The  two  travellers 

1  The  Cheyennes  have  a  tradition  that  they  were  the  first  tribe 
of  this  region  to  hare  horses.    This  may  perhaps  justify  a  conjee 


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1742.]  A  LONELY  JOURNEY.  23 

waited  for  tliem  in  vain  till  after  midsummer,  and 
then,  as  the  season  was  too  far  advanced  for  longer 
delay,  they  hired  two  Mandans  to  conduct  them  to 
their  customary  haunts. 

They  set  out  on  horseback,  their  scanty  baggage  and 
their  stock  of  presents  being  no  doubt  carried  by 
pack-animals.  Their  general  course  was  west-south- 
west, with  the  Black  Hills  at  a  distance  on  their  left, 
and  the  upper  Missouri  on  their  right.  The  country 
was  a  rolling  prairie,  well  covered  for  the  most  part 
with  grass,  and  watered  by  small  alkaline  streams 
creeping  towards  the  Missouri  with  an  opaque,  whitish 
current.  Except  along  the  watercourses,  there  was 
little  or  no  wood.  "I  noticed,"  says  the  Chevalier 
de  la  V^rendrye,  "earths  of  different  colors,  blue, 
green,  red,  or  black,  white  as  chalk,  or  yellowish  like 
ochre."  This  was  probably  in  the  "bad  lands"  of 
the  Little  Missouri,  where  these  colored  earths  form 
a  conspicuous  feature  in  the  bare  and  barren  bluffs, 
carved  into  fantastic  shapes  by  the  storms.^ 

For  twenty  days  the  travellers  saw  no  human 
being,  so  scanty  was  the  population  of  these  plains. 
Game,  however,  was  abundant.  Deer  sprang  from 
the  tall,  reedy  grass  of  the   river  bottoms;  buffalo 

ture  that  the  northern  division  of  this  brave  and  warlike  people 
were  the  Horse  Indians  of  La  Verendrye ;  though  an  Indian  tradi- 
tion,  unless  backed  by  well-established  facts,  can  never  be  accepted 
as  substantial  evidence. 

1  A  similar  phenomenon  occurs  farther  west  on  the  face  of  the 
perpendicular  bluffs  that,  in  one  place,  border  the  valley  of  the 
river  Rosebud. 


24  SEARCH  FOR  THE  PACIFIC.  [1742. 

tramped  by  in  ponderous  columns,  or  dotted  the 
swells  of  the  distant  prairie  with  their  grazing  thou- 
sands; antelope  approached,  with  the  curiosity  of 
their  species,  to  gaze  at  the  passing  horsemen,  then 
fled  like  the  wind;  and  as  they  neared  the  broken 
uplands  towards  the  Yellowstone,  they  saw  troops  of 
elk  and  flocks  of  mountain-sheep.  Sometimes,  for 
miles  together,  the  dry  i)lain  was  studded  thick  with 
the  earthen  mounds  that  marked  the  burrows  of  the 
curious  marmots,  called  prairie-dogs,  from  their 
squeaking  bark.  Wolves,  white  and  gray,  howled 
about  the  camp  at  night,  and  their  cousin,  the  coyote, 
seated  in  the  dusk  of  evening  upright  on  the  grass, 
with  nose  turned  to  the  sky,  saluted  them  with  a 
complication  of  yelpings,  as  if  a  score  of  petulant 
voices  were  pouring  together  from  the  throat  of  one 
small  beast. 

On  the  eleventh  of  August,  after  a  march  of  about 
three  weeks,  the  brothers  reached  a  hill,  or  group  of 
hills,  apparently  west  of  the  Little  Missouri,  and 
perhaps  a  part  of  the  Powder  River  Range.  It  was 
here  that  they  hoped  to  find  the  Horse  Indians,  but 
nobody  was  to  be  seen.  Arming  themselves  with 
patience,  they  built  a  hut,  made  fires  to  attract  by 
the  smoke  any  Indians  roaming  near,  and  went  every 
day  to  the  tops  of  the  hills  to  reconnoitre.  At  length, 
on  the  fourteenth  of  September,  they  descried  a  spire 
of  smoke  on  the  distant  prairie. 

One  of  their  Mandan  guides  had  left  them  and 
gone  back  to  his  village.     The  other,  with  one  of  the 


1742.]  THE   BEAUX  HOMMES.  25 

Frenchmen,  went  towards  the  smoke,  and  tound  a 
camp  of  Indians,  whom  the  journal  calls  Les  Beaux 
Hommes,  and  who  were  probably  Crows,  or  Apsaroka, 
a  tribe  remarkable  for  stature  and  symmetry,  who 
'long  claimed  that  region  as  their  own.  They  treated 
the  visitors  well,  and  sent  for  the  other  Frenchmen 
to  come  to  their  lodges,  where  they  were  received 
with  great  rejoicing.  The  remaining  Mandan,  how- 
ever, became  frightened,  —  for  the  Beaux  Hommes 
were  enemies  of  his  tribe,  —  and  he  soon  followed  his 
companion  on  his  solitary  march  homeward. 

The  brothers  remained  twenty-one  days  in  the 
camp  of  the  Beaux  Hommes,  much  perplexed  for 
want  of  an  interpreter.  The  tribes  of  the  plains 
have  in  common  a  system  of  signs  by  which  they 
communicate  with  each  other,  and  it  is  likely  that 
the  brothers  had  learned  it  from  the  Sioux  or 
Assiniboins,  with  whom  they  had  been  in  familiar 
intercourse.  By  this  or  some  other  means  they  made 
their  hosts  understand  that  they  wished  to  find  the 
Horse  Indians ;  and  the  Beaux  Hommes,  being  soothed 
by  presents,  offered  some  of  their  young  men  as 
guides.  They  set  out  on  the  ninth  of  October, 
following  a  south-southwest  course.^ 

In  two  days  they  met  a  band  of  Indians,  called  by 

1  Journal  du  Voyage  fait  par  le  Chevalier  de  fa  Vtfrrndrj/e  en  1742. 
The  copy  before  me  is  from  the  original  in  the  Depot  des  Cartes 
de  la  Marine.  A  duplicate,  in  the  Archives  des  Affaires  Etran- 
gferes,  is  printed  by  Margry.  It  gives  the  above  datp  as  November 
9  instead  of  October  9.  The  context  shows  the  letter  to  be 
correct. 


26  SEARCH   FOR   THE   PACIFIC.  [1742. 

them  the  Little  Foxes,  and  on  the  fifteenth  and 
seventeenth  two  villages  of  another  unrecognizable 
horde,  named  Pioya.  From  La  Vdrendrye's  time  to 
our  own,  this  name  "villages"  has  always  ])een  given 
to  the  encampments  of  the  wandering  people  of  the 
plains.  All  these  nomadic  communities  joined  them, 
and  they  moved  together  southward,  till  they  reached 
at  last  the  lodges  of  the  long-sought  Horse  Indians. 
They  found  them  in  the  extremity  of  distress  and 
terror.  Their  camp  resounded  with  howls  and  wail- 
ings;  and  not  without  cause,  for  the  Snakes,  or 
Shoshones,  — a  formidable  people  living  farther  west- 
ward, —  had  lately  destroyed  most  of  their  tribe. 
The  Snakes  were  the  terror  of  that  country.  The 
brothers  were  told  that  the  year  before  they  had 
destroyed  seventeen  villages,  killing  the  warriors 
and  old  women,  and  carrying  off  the  young  women 
and  children  as  slaves. 

None  of  the  Horse  Indians  had  ever  seen  the 
Pacific;  but  they  knew  a  people  called  Gens  de 
I'Arc,  or  Bow  Indians,  who,  as  they  said,  had  traded 
not  far  from  it.  To  the  Bow  Indians,  therefore,  the 
brothers  resolved  to  go,  and  by  dint  of  gifts  and 
promises  they  persuaded  their  hosts  to  show  them 
the  way.  After  marching  southwestward  for  several 
days,  they  saw  the  distant  prairie  covered  with  the 
pointed  buffalo-skin  lodges  of  a  great  Indian  camp. 
It  was  that  of  the  Bow  Indians,  who  may  have  been 
one  of  the  bands  of  the  western  Sioux,  —  the  pre- 
dominant race  in  this  region.     Few  or  none  of  them 


1742.]  THE  BOW  INDIANS.  27 

could  ever  have  seen  a  white  man,  and  we  may  im- 
agine their  amazement  at  the  arrival  of  the  strangers, 
who,  followed  by  staring  crowds,  were  conducted  to 
the  lodge  of  the  chief.  "  Thus  far, "  says  La  Verendrye, 
"we  had  been  well  received  in  all  the  villages  we 
had  passed ;  but  this  was  nothing  compared  with  the 
courteous  manners  of  the  great  chief  of  the  Bow 
Indians,  who,  unlike  the  others,  was  not  self- 
interested  in  the  least,  and  who  took  excellent  care 
of  everything  belonging  to  us." 

The  first  inquiry  of  the  travellers  was  for  the 
Pacific ;  but  neither  the  chief  nor  his  tribesmen  knew 
anything  of  it,  except  what  they  had  heard  from 
Snake  prisoners  taken  in  war.  The  Frenchmen  were 
surprised  at  the  extent  of  the  camp,  which  consisted 
of  many  separate  bands.  The  chief  explained  that 
they  had  been  summoned  from  far  and  near  for  a 
grand  war-party  against  that  common  foe  of  all,  — 
the  Snakes.  1  In  fact,  the  camp  resounded  with  war- 
songs  and  war-dances.  "Come  with  us,"  said  their 
host;  "we  are  going  towards  the  mountains,  where 
you  can  see  the  great  water  that  you  are  looking 
for." 

At  length  the  camp  broke  up.  The  squaws  took 
down  the  lodges,  and  the  march  began  over  prairies 

1  The  enmity  between  the  Sioux  and  the  Snakes  lasted  to  our 
own  time.  When  the  writer  lived  among  the  western  Sioux,  one 
of  their  chiefs  organized  a  war-party  against  the  Snakes,  and  nu- 
merous  bands  came  to  join  the  expedition  from  a  distance  in  some 
cases  of  three  hundred  miles.  Quarrels  broke  out  among  them, 
and  the  scheme  was  ruined. 


28  SEARCH   FOR  THE   PACIFIC.  [1742 

dreary  and  brown  with  the  withering  touch  of  autumn. 
The  spectacle  was  such  as  men  still  young  have  seen 
in  these  western  lands,  but  which  no  man  will  see 
again.  The  vast  plain  swarmed  with  the  moving 
multitude.  The  tril)es  of  the  Missouri  and  the 
Yellowstone  had  by  this  time  abundance  of  horses, 
the  best  of  which  were  used  tor  war  and  hunting,  and 
the  others  as  beasts  of  burden.  These  last  were 
equipped  in  a  peculiar  maimer.  Several  of  the  long 
poles  used  to  frame  the  teepees,  or  lodges,  were 
secured  by  one  end  to  each  side  of  a  rude  saddle, 
while  the  other  end  trailed  on  the  ground.  Crossbars 
lashed  to  the  poles  just  behind  the  horse  kept  them 
three  or  four  feet  apart,  and  formed  a  firm  support, 
on  which  was  laid,  compactly  folded,  the  buffalo-skin 
covering  of  the  lodge.  On  this,  again,  sat  a  mother 
with  her  young  family,  sometimes  stowed  for  safety 
in  a  large  open  willow  basket,  with  the  occasional 
addition  of  some  domestic  pet,  —  such  as  a  tame 
raven,  a  puppy,  or  even  a  small  bear-cub.  Other 
horees  were  laden  in  the  same  manner  with  wooden 
bowls,  stone  hammers,  and  other  utensils,  along  with 
stores  of  dried  buffalo-meat  packed  in  cases  of  raw- 
hide whitened  and  painted.  Many  of  the  innumerable 
dogs  —  whose  manners  and  appearance  strongly  sug- 
gested their  relatives  the  wolves,  to  whom,  however, 
they  bore  a  mortal  grudge  —  were  equipped  in  a 
similar  way,  with  shorter  poles  and  lighter  loads. 
Bands  of  naked  boys,  noisy  and  restless,  roamed  the 
prairie,  practising  their  bows  and  arrows  on  any  small 


1742,  1743.]      INDIANS   ON   THE   MARCH.  29 

animal  they  might  find.  Gay  young  squaws  —  adorned 
on  each  cheek  with  a  spot  of  ochre  or  red  cla}^  and 
arrayed  in  tunics  of  fringed  buckskin  embroidered 
with  porcupine  quills  —  were  mounted  on  ponies, 
astride  like  men ;  while  lean  and  tattered  hags  —  the 
drudges  of  the  tribe,  unkempt  and  hideous  —  scolded 
the  lagging  horses,  or  screeched  at  the  disorderly 
dogs,  with  voices  not  unlike  the  yell  of  the  great 
horned  owl.  Most  of  the  warriors  were  on  horse- 
back, armed  with  round  white  shields  of  bull-hide, 
feathered  lances,  war-clubs,  bows,  and  quivers  filled 
with  stone-headed  arrows;  while  a  few  of  the  elders, 
wrapped  in  robes  of  buffalo-hide,  stalked  along  in 
groups  with  a  stately  air,  chatting,  laughing,  and 
exchanging  unseemly  jokes. ^ 

"We  continued  our  march,"  says  La  Vdrendrye, 
"sometimes  south-southwest,  and  now  and  then  north- 
west; our  numbers  constantly  increasing  by  villages 
of  different  tribes  which  joined  us."  The  variations 
of  their  course  were  probably  due  to  the  difficul- 
ties of  the  country,  which  grew  more  rugged  as  they 
advanced,  with  broken  hills,  tracts  of  dingy  green 
sage-bushes,  and  bright,  swift  streams,  edged  with 
Cottonwood  and  willow,  hurrying  northward  to  join 
the  Yellowstone.     At  length,  on  the  first  of  January, 

1743,  they  saw  what  was  probably  the  Bighorn  Ilange 

1  The  above  descriptive  particulars  are  drawn  from  repeated 
observation  of  similar  scenes  at  a  time  when  the  primitive  condi- 
tion of  these  tribes  was  essentially  unchanged,  though  with  the 
difference  that  the  concourse  of  savages  counted  by  hundreds,  and 
not  by  thousands. 


80  SEARCH    lOK   Tin:    rAClFIC.  [1748. 

of  the  Rooky  Mountains,  a  liundicd  and  twenty  miles 
east  of  the  Yellowstone  Park. 

A  council  of  all  the  allied  Uinds  was  now  called, 
and  the  Frenchmen  were  iusked  to  take  j)art  in  it. 
The  questions  discussed  were  liow  to  dis[)ose  of  the 
wniiicii  and  cliildrrn,  and  li<»\v  to  attack  the  enemy, 
llavinj^  settled  their  plans,  the  chiefs  Ix'^ged  their 
white  frit'uds  not  to  alwind.on  theni ;  and  the  younger 
of  the  two,  the  Chevali  r,  consented  to  join  the 
warrioi-s,  and  aid  them  with  advice,  though  not  with 
arms. 

The  tribes  of  the  western  plains  rarely  go  on  war- 
jiarties  in  winter,  and  this  great  expedition  nujst 
have  \K'on  the  result  of  unusual  exasperation.  The 
object  was  to  surprise  the  Snakes  in  the  security  of 
their  wintt-r  camp,  and  strike  a  deadly  blow,  which 
would  have  Ix'cn  impossible  in   summer. 

On  the  eighth  of  January  the  whole  lx)dy  stopped 
to  encamp,  choosing,  no  doubt,  after  the  invariable 
winter  custom  of  western  Indians,  a  place  sheltered 
from  wind,  and  supj)lied  with  water  and  fuel.  Here 
the  squaws  and  children  were  to  remain,  while  most 
of  the  warriors  advanced  against  the  enemy.  By 
pegging  the  lower  edge  of  the  lodge-skin  to  the 
ground,  and  piling  a  ridge  of  stones  and  earth  upon 
it  to  keep  out  the  air,  fastening  with  wooden  skew- 
ers the  flap  of  hide  that  covered  the  entrance,  and 
keeping  a  constant  fire,  they  could  pass  a  winter 
endurable  to  Indians,  though  smoke,  filth,  vermin, 
bad  air,  the  crowd,  and  the  total  absence  of  privacy, 


1743.]  THE  SNAKE  INDIANS.  31 

would  make  it  a  purgatory  to  any  civilized  white 
man. 

The  Chevalier  left  his  brother  to  watch  over  the 
baggage  of  the  party,  which  was  stored  in  the  lodge 
of  the  great  chief,  while  he  himself,  with  his  two 
Canadians,  joined  the  advancing  warriors.  They 
were  on  horseback,  marching  with  a  certain  order, 
and  sending  watchmen  to  reconnoitre  the  country 
from  the  tops  of  the  hills. ^  Their  movements  were 
80  slow  that  it  was  twelve  days  before  they  reached 
the  foot  of  the  mountains,  which,  says  La  Vdrendrye, 
"  are  for  the  most  part  well  wooded,  and  seem  very 
high."^  He  longed  to  climb  their  great  snow- 
encumbered  peaks,  fancying  that  he  might  then  see 
the  Pacific,  and  never  dreaming  that  more  than  eight 
hundred  miles  of  mountains  and  forests  still  lay 
between  him  and  his  goal. 

Through  the  whole  of  the  present  century  the  vil- 
lages of  the  Snakes  were  at  a  considerable  distance 
west  of  the  Bighorn  Range,  and  some  of  them  were 
even  on  the  upper  watei-s  of  the  Pacific  slope.  It  is 
likely  that  they  were  so  in  1743,  in  which  case  the 
war-party  would  not  have  only  reached  the  Bighorn 
^Mountains,  but  have  pushed  farther  on  to  within 
sight  of  the  great  Wind  River  Range.  Be  this  as  it 
may,  their  scouts  reached  the  chief  winter  camp  of 

1  At  least  this  was  done  by  a  band  of  Sioux  with  whom  the 
writer  once  traversed  a  part  of  the  country  ranged  by  these  same 
Snakes,  who  had  lately  destroyed  an  entire  Sioux  village. 

•  The  Bighorn  Range,  below  the  snow  line,  is  in  the  main  wel/ 
timbered  with  pine,  fir,  oak,  and  juniper. 


82  SEARCH   FUR  THE   PACIFIC.  [174&. 

the  Snakes,  and  found  it  abandoned,  with  h)dges  still 
standing,  and  many  household  possessions  left  behind. 
The  enemy  had  discovered  their  approach,  and  fled. 
Instead  of  encouraging  the  allies,  this  news  lilled 
them  with  terror,  for  they  feared  that  the  Snake 
warriors  might  make  a  circuit  to  the  rear,  and  fall 
upon  the  camp  where  they  had  left  their  women  imd 
children.  The  great  chief  spent  all  his  ehxpienie  in 
vain,  nobody  would  listen  to  him;  and  with  charac- 
teristic fickleness  they  gave  over  the  enterprise,  and 
retreated  in  a  [)anic.  "  Our  advance  was  made  in 
good  order;  but  not  so  our  retreat,"  says  the  Cheva- 
lier's journal.  "  Everybody  fled  his  own  way.  Our 
hoi-ses,  though  good,  were  very  tired,  and  got  little 
to  eat."  The  Chevalier  was  one  day  ritliiig  with  his 
friend,  the  great  chief,  when,  looking  Ijchind  him, 
he  missed  his  two  French  attendants.  Hastening 
back  in  alarm,  he  found  them  far  in  the  rear,  quietly 
feeding  their  horses  under  the  shelter  of  a  clump  oi 
trees.  He  had  scarcely  joined  them  when  he  saw  a 
party  of  fifteen  hostile  Indians  stealthily  creeping 
forward,  covered  by  their  bull-hide  shields.  He  and 
his  men  let  them  approach,  and  tlien  gave  tliem  a 
few  shots;  on  which  they  immediately  ran  off,  fire- 
arms being  to  them  an  astounding  novelty. 

The  three  Frenchmen  now  tried  to  rejoin  the  great 
chief  and  his  band,  but  the  task  was  not  easy.  The 
prairie,  bare  of  snow  and  hard  as  flint,  showed  no 
trace  of  foot  or  hoof ;  and  it  was  by  rare  good  fortune 
that  they  succeeded,  on  the  second  day,  not  in  over 


1743.]  THE   WARRIORS  DISPERSE.  33 

taking  the  chief,  but  in  reaching  the  camp  where  the 
women  and  children  had  been  left.  They  found 
them  all  in  safety ;  the  Snakes  had  not  attacked  them, 
and  the  panic  of  the  warriors  was  needless.  It  v/as 
the  ninth  of  February.  They  were  scarcely  housed 
when  a  blizzard  set  in,  and  on  the  night  of  the  tenth 
the  plains  were  buried  in  snow.  The  great  chief  had 
not  appeared.  With  such  of  his  warriors  as  he  could 
persuade  to  follow  him,  he  had  made  a  wide  circuit 
to  find  the  trail  of  the  lost  Frenchmen,  but,  to  his 
great  distress,  had  completely  failed.  It  was  not  till 
five  days  after  the  arrival  of  the  Chevalier  and  his 
men  that  the  chief  reached  the  camp,  "more  dead 
than  alive,"  in  the  words  of  the  journal.  All  his 
hardships  were  forgotten  when  he  found  his  white 
friends  safe,  for  he  had  given  them  up  for  lost. 
"His  sorrow  turned  to  joy,  and  he  could  not  give 
QS  attention  and  caresses  enough." 

The  camp  broke  up,  and  the  allied  bands  dispersed. 
The  great  chief  and  his  followers  moved  slowly 
through  the  snowdrifts  towards  the  east-southeast, 
ftccompanied  by  the  Frenchmen.  Thus  they  kept  on 
till  the  first  of  March,  when  the  two  brothers,  learn- 
ing that  they  were  approaching  the  winter  village  of 
a  people  called  Gens  de  la  Petite  Cerise,  or  Choke- 
Cherry  Indians,  sent  one  of  their  men,  with  a  guide, 
to  visit  them.  The  man  returned  in  ten  days,  bring- 
ing a  message  from  the  Choke-Cherry  Indians,  invit- 
ing the  Frenchmen  to  their  lodges. 

The  great  chief  of  the  Bow  Indians,  who  seems  to 

VOL.  II.  —  3 


34  SEARCH    FOR   THK    PACIFIC.  [1743. 

have  regarded  liis  young  friends  with  mingled  affec- 
tion, respect,  and  wonder,  was  grieved  at  the  thought 
of  losing  them,  hut  took  comfort  wlicn  they  promised 
to  visit  him  again,  provided  that  lie  would  make  his 
abode  near  a  certain  river  which  they  pointed  out. 
To  this  he  readily  agreed,  and  then,  with  mutual 
regret,  they  parted.*  The  Frenchmen  re])aired  to  the 
village  of  the  Choke-C'herry  Indians,  who,  like  the 
Bow  Indians,  were  prolwihly  a  hand  of  Sioux.*  Hard 
by  their  lodges,  wliich  stood  near  the  Missouri,  the 
brothers  ])uried  a  plate  of  lead  graven  with  the  royal 
arms,  and  raised  a  pile  of  stones  in  honor  of  the  gov- 
ernor of  Canada.  They  remained  at  this  place  till 
April;  then,  mounting  their  hoi-ses  again,  followed 
the  Missouri  upward  to  the  village  of  the  Mandans, 
which  they  reached  on  the  eighteenth  of  May.  After 
spending  a  week  here,  they  joined  a  party  of 
Assiniboins,  journeyed  with  them  towards  Fort  La 
Reine,  and  reached  it  on  the  second  of  July,  —  to  the 

'  Tlie  only  two  tribes  of  this  reK'on  who  were  a  mutch  for  the 
Snakes  were  the  Sioux  and  the  Blaekfeet.  It  is  clear  that  the  How 
Indians  could  not  have  heen  Hlackfeet,  as  in  that  case,  after  the  war- 
party  broke  up,  they  would  have  moved  northward  towards  their 
own  country,  instead  of  east-southeast  into  tlie  country  of  their 
enemies.  Hence  I  incline  to  think  the  Bow  Indians  a  band  of  Sioux, 
or  Dakota,  — a  people  then,  as  since,  predominant  in  that  country. 

The  banks  of  the  Missouri,  in  the  part  which  La  V<5rendrye 
would  have  reached  in  following  an  east-southeast  course,  were 
occupied  by  numerous  bands  or  sub-tribes  of  Sioux,  such  as  the 
Minneconjou,  Yankton,  Oncpapa,  Brule',  and  others,  friends  and 
relatives  of  the  Bow  Indians,  supposing  these  to  have  been  Sioux. 

*  The  Sioux,  Cheyennes,  and  other  prairie  tribes  use  the  small 
astringent  wild  cherry  for  food.  The  squaws  pound  it,  itones  and 
all,  and  then  dry  it  for  winter  use. 


1743-1750.]  JEALOUSY   OF   RIVALS.  35 

great  relief  of  their  father,  who  was  waiting  in  sus- 
pense, having  heard  nothing  of  them  for  more  than  a 

year. 

Sixty-two  years  later,  when  the  vast  western 
regions  then  called  Louisiana  had  just  been  ceded  to 
the  United  States,  Captains  Lewis  and  Clark  left  the 
Mandan  villages  with  thirty-two  men,  traced  the 
Missouri  to  the  mountains,  penetrated  the  wastes 
beyond,  and  made  their  way  to  the  Pacific.  The 
first  stages  of  that  remarkable  exploration  were  anti- 
cipated by  the  brothers  La  V(5rendrye.  They  did  not 
find  the  Pacific,  but  they  discovered  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  or  at  least  the  part  of  them  to  which  the 
name  properly  belongs ;  for  the  southern  continuation 
of  the  great  range  had  long  been  known  to  the 
Spaniards.  Their  bold  adventure  was  achieved,  not 
at  the  charge  of  a  government,  but  at  their  own  cost 
and  that  of  their  father,  —  not  with  a  band  of  well- 
equipped  men,  but  with  only  two  followei-s. 

The  fur-trading  privilege  which  was  to  have  l)een 
their  compensation  had  proved  their  ruin.  They 
were  still  pursued  without  ceasing  by  the  jealousy  ol 
rival  traders  and  the  ire  of  disappointed  partnei-s 
"Here  in  Canada  more  than  anywhere  else,"  the 
Chevalier  wrote,  some  years  after  his  return,  "envy 
is  the  passion  d,  la  mode,  and  there  is  no  escaping  it."  ' 
It  was  the  story  of  La  Salle  repeated.  Beauharnois, 
however,  still  stood  by  them,  encouraged  and  defended 
them,  and  wrote  in  their  favor  to  the  colonial  minis- 

1  Le  Chevalier  de  la  Verendn,e  au  Mimitre,  30  Septembre,  1750. 


86  SEARCH   FOR   THE   PACIFIC.         [1746-1750. 

ter.^  It  was  doubtless  tlirough  liis  efforts  that  the 
elder  La  Vdrendrye  was  at  last  promoted  to  a  captaincy 
in  the  colony  troops.  Beauhamois  was  succeeded  in 
the  government  by  the  sagacious  and  able  Galis- 
soniere,  and  he  too  befriended  the  explorers.  "  It 
seems  to  me,"  he  wrote  to  the  minister,  "that  what 
you  have  been  told  touching  the  Sieur  de  la  V^rendrje, 
to  the  effect  that  he  has  been  more  busy  with  his  own 
interests  than  in  making  discoveries,  is  totally  false, 
and,  moreover,  that  any  officers  employed  in  such 
work  will  always  be  compelled  to  give  some  of  their 
attention  to  trade,  so  long  as  the  King  allows  them 
no  other  means  of  sul)sistence.  These  discoveries  are 
very  costly,  and  more  fatiguing  and  dangerous  than 
open  war. "  ^  Two  years  later,  the  elder  La  Vdrendrj^e 
received  the  cross  of  the  Order  of  St.  Louis,  —  an 
honor  much  prized  in  Canada,  but  which  he  did  not 
long  enjoy ;  for  he  died  at  Montreal  in  the  following 
December,  when  on  the  point  of  again  setting  out  for 
the  West. 

His  intrepid  sons  survived,  and  they  were  not  idle. 
One  of  them,  the  Chevalier,  had  before  discovered 
the  river  Saskatchewan,  and  ascended  it  as  far  as  the 
forks. 2  Ilis  intention  was  to  follow  it  to  the  moun- 
tains, build  a  fort  there,  and  thence  push  westward 
in   another  search  for  the  Pacific;  but  a  disastrous 

1  La  Verendrye  pere  au  Mtnistre,  1  Novembre,  1746,  in  Margry,  vi. 
611. 

*  La  Galissoniere  au  Ministre,  2S  Octobre,  1747. 

•  M^moire  en  abr€g€  des  £tablissements  et  Decouvertes  fails  par  U 
Sieur  de  la  V^rendrye  et  ses  Enfants. 


1746-1750.]  RUINED  HOPES.  87 

event  ruined  all  his  hopes.  La  Galissoniere  returned 
to  France,  and  the  Marquis  de  la  Jonquiere  succeeded 
him,  with  the  notorious  Fran9ois  Bigot  as  intendant. 
Both  were  greedy  of  money,  —  the  one  to  hoard,  and 
the  other  to  dissipate  it.  Clearly  there  M'as  money 
to  be  got  from  the  fur-trade  of  Manitoba,  for  La 
V^rendrye  had  made  every  preparation  and  incurred 
every  expense.  It  seemed  that  nothing  remained  but 
to  reap  where  he  had  sown.  His  commission  to  find 
the  Pacific,  with  the  privileges  connected  with  it, 
was  refused  to  his  sons,  and  conferred  on  a  stranger. 
La  Jonquiere  wrote  to  the  minister :  "  I  have  charged 
M.  de  Saint-Pierre  with  this  business.  He  knows 
these  countries  better  than  any  officer  in  all  the 
colony."  1  On  the  contrary,  he  had  never  seen  them. 
It  is  difficult  not  to  believe  that  La  Jonquiere,  Bigot, 
and  Saint-Pierre  were  partners  in  a  siDeculation  of 
which  all  three  were  to  share  the  profits. 

The  elder  La  V^rendrye,  not  long  before  his  death, 
had  sent  a  large  quantity  of  goods  to  liis  trading-forts. 
The  brothers  begged  leave  to  return  thither  and 
save  their  property  from  destruction.  They  declared 
themselves  happy  to  serve  under  the  orders  of  Saint- 
Pierre,  and  asked  for  the  use  of  only  a  single  fort  of 
all  those  which  their  father  had  built  at  his  own  cost. 
The  answer  was  a  flat  refusal.  In  short,  they  were 
shamefully  robbed.  The  Chevalier  writes:  "M.  le 
Marquis  de  la  Jonquiere,  being  pushed  hard,  and  as 
I  thought  even  touched,  by  my  representations,  told 

1  La  Jonquiere  au  Ministre,  27  Fevrier,  1750. 


38  SEARCH   FOR  THE  PACIFIC.  [1750. 

me  at  last  that  M.  de  Saint-Pierre  wanted  nothing  to 
do  with  me  or  my  brothers."  "I  am  a  ruined  man," 
he  continues.  "  I  am  more  than  two  thousand  livres 
in  debt,  and  am  still  only  a  second  ensign.  INIy  elder 
brother's  grade  is  no  better  than  mine.  My  younger 
brother  is  only  a  cadet.  This  is  the  fruit  of  all  that 
my  father,  my  brothers,  and  I  have  done.  My  other 
brother,  whom  the  Sioux  murdered  some  years  ago, 
was  not  the  most  unfortunate  tamong  us.  We  must 
lose  all  that  has  cost  us  so  much,  unless  M.  de  Saint- 
Pierre  should  take  juster  views,  and  prevail  on  the 
Marquis  de  la  Jonquiere  to  share  them.  To  be  thus 
shut  out  from  the  West  is  to  be  most  cruelly  robbed 
of  a  sort  of  inheritance  which  we  had  all  the  pains 
of  acquiring,  and  of  which  others  will  get  all  the 
profit."! 

His  elder  brother  writes  in  a  similar  strain :  "  We 
spent  our  youth  and  our  property  in  building  up 
establishments  so  advantageous  to  Canada ;  and,  after 
all,  we  were  doomed  to  see  a  stranger  gather  the  fruit 
we  had  taken  such  pains  to  plant."  And  he  com- 
plains that  their  goods  left  in  the  trading-posts  were 
wasted,  their  provisions  consumed,  and  the  men  in 
their  pay  used  to  do  the  work  of  others.  ^ 

They  got  no  redress.  Saint-Pierre,  backed  by  the 
governor  and  the  intendant,  remained  master  of  the 
position.     The  brothers  sold  a  small  piece  of  land, 

1  Z<  Chevalier  de  la  V^rendrye  au  Ministre,  30  Septembre,  1750. 
'  M€moire  des  Services  de  Pierre  Gautier  de  la  V^rendri/e  l'aisn€, 
pr€$ent€a  Mg''.  RouilU,  ministre  et  secretaire  d'JEtat. 


1750.1  SAINT-PIERRE'S  JOURNEY.  39 

their  last  remaining  property,  to  appease  their  most 
pressing  creditors.^ 

Saint -Pierre  set  out  for  Manitoba  on  the  fifth  of 
June,  1750.  Though  he  had  lived  more  or  less  in 
the  woods  for  thirty-six  years,  and  though  La 
Jonquiere  had  told  the  minister  that  he  knew  the 
countries  to  which  he  was  bound  better  than  anybody 
else,  it  is  clear  from  his  own  journal  that  he  was  now 
visiting  them  for  the  first  time.  They  did  not  please 
him.  "I  was  told,"  he  says,  "that  the  way  would 
grow  harder  and  more  dangerous  as  we  advanced, 
and  I  found,  in  fact,  that  one  must  risk  life  and 
property  every  moment."  Finding  himself  and  his 
men  likely  to  starve,  he  sent  some  of  them,  under 
an  ensign  named  Niverville,  to  the  Saskatchewan. 
They  could  not  reach  it,  and  nearly  perished  on  the 
way.  "I  myself  was  no  more  fortunate,"  says  Saint- 
Pierre.  "  Food  was  so  scarce  that  I  sent  some  of  my 
people  into  the  woods  among  the  Indians,  —  which 
did  not  save  me  from  a  fast  so  rigorous  that  it 
deranged  my  health  and  put  it  out  of  my  power  to 
do  anything  towards  accomplishing  my  mission. 
Even  if  I  had  had  strength  enough,  the  war  that 
broke  out  among  the  Indians  would  have  made  it 
impossible  to  proceed." 

Niverville,  after  a  winter  of  miser}',  tried  to  fulfil 

*  Legardeur  de  Saint-Pierre,  in  spite  of  his  treatment  of  the  La 
'Ve'rendrye  brothers,  had  merit  as  an  officer.  It  was  he  who  received 
Wasliington  at  Fort  Le  Boeuf  in  1754.  He  was  killed  in  1755,  at 
the  battle  of  Lake  George.    See  "  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,"  i.  315. 


40  SEARCH   FOR  THE  PACIFIC.  [1751. 

an  order  which  he  had  received  from  his  commander. 
When  the  Indians  guided  the  two  brothers  La 
V^rendrye  to  the  Rocky  Mountains,  tlie  course  they 
took  tended  so  far  southward  that  the  Chevalier 
greatly  feared  it  might  lead  to  Spanish  settlements ; 
and  he  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  next  attempt  to 
find  the  Pacific  should  be  made  farther  towards  the 
north.  Saint-Pierre  had  agreed  with  him,  and  had 
directed  Niverville  to  build  a  fort  on  the  Saskatchewan, 
three  hundred  leagues  above  its  mouth.  Therefore, 
at  the  end  of  May,  1751,  Niverville  sent  ten  men  in 
two  canoes  on  this  errand,  and  they  ascended  the 
Saskatchewan  to  what  Saint-Pierre  calls  the  "  Rocl? 
Mountain."  Here  they  built  a  small  stockade  fort 
and  called  it  Fort  La  Jonquiere.  Niverville  was  to 
have  followed  them ;  but  he  fell  ill,  and  lay  helpless 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river  in  such  a  condition  that  he 
could  not  even  write  to  his  commander. 

Saint-Pierre  set  out  in  person  from  Fort  La  Reine 
for  Fort  La  Jonquiere,  over  ice  and  snow,  for  it  was 
late  in  November.  Two  Frenchmen  from  Niverville 
met  him  on  the  way,  and  reported  that  the  Assiniboins 
had  slaughtered  an  entire  band  of  friendly  Indians 
on  whom  Saint-Pierre  had  relied  to  guide  him.  On 
hearing  this  he  gave  up  the  enterprise,  and  returned 
to  Fort  La  Reine.  Here  the  Indians  told  him  idle 
stories  about  white  men  and  a  fort  in  some  remote 
place  towards  the  west;  but,  he  observes,  "nobody 
could  reach  it  without  encountering  an  infinity  of 
tribes  more  savage  than  it  is  possible  to  imagine." 


1752,  1753.]  SAINT-PIERRE'S  JOURNEY.  41 

He  spent  most  of  the  winter  at  Fort  La  Reine. 
Here,  towards  the  end  of  February,  1752,  he  had 
with  him  only  five  men,  having  sent  out  the  rest  in 
search  of  food.  Suddenly,  as  he  sat  in  his  chamber, 
he  saw  the  fort  full  of  armed  Assiniboins,  extremely 
noisy  and  insolent.  He  tried  in  vain  to  quiet  them, 
and  they  presently  broke  into  the  guard-house  and 
seized  the  arms.  A  massacre  would  have  followed, 
had  not  Saint-Pierre,  who  was  far  from  wanting 
courage,  resorted  to  an  expedient  which  has  more 
than  once  proved  effective  on  such  occasions.  He 
knocked  out  the  heads  of  two  barrels  of  gunpowder, 
snatched  a  firebrand,  and  told  the  yelping  crowd  that 
he  would  blow  up  them  and  himself  together.  At 
this  they  all  rushed  in  fright  out  of  the  gate,  while 
Saint-Pierre  ran  after  them,  and  bolted  it  fast. 
There  was  great  anxiety  for  the  hunters,  but  they  all 
came  back  in  the  evening,  without  having  met  the 
enemy.  The  men,  however,  were  so  terrified  by  the 
adventure  that  Saint-Pierre  was  compelled  to  abandon 
the  fort,  after  recommending  it  to  the  care  of  another 
band  of  Assiniboins,  who  had  professed  great  friend- 
ship. Four  days  after  he  was  gone  they  burned  it  to 
the  ground. 

He  soon  came  to  the  conclusion  that  farther  dis- 
covery was  impossible,  because  the  English  of  Hudson 
Bay  had  stirred  up  the  western  tribes  to  oppose  it. 
Therefore  he  set  out  for  the  settlements,  and,  reach- 
ing Quebec  in  the  autumn  of  1753,  placed  the  journal 


42  SEARCH   FOR   THE   PACIFIC.  [1761. 

of  his  futile  enterprise  in  the  hands  of  Duquesne,  the 
new  governor.  1 

Canada  was  approaching  her  last  agony.  In  the 
death-struggle  of  the  Seven  Years'  AVar  there  was  no 
time  for  schemes  of  western  discovery.  The  brothers 
La  Vdrendrye  sank  into  poverty  and  neglect.  A 
little  before  the  war  broke  out,  we  find  the  eldest  at 
the  obscure  Acadian  post  of  Beausdjour,  where  he 
wrote  to  the  colonial  minister  a  statement  of  his  ser- 
vices, which  appears  to  have  received  no  attention. 
After  the  fall  of  Canada,  the  Chevalier  de  la  Vdren- 
drye,  he  Avhose  eyes  first  beheld  the  snowy  peaks  of 
the  Rocky  Mountains,  perished  in  the  wreck  of  the 
ship  "Auguste,"  on  the  coast  of  Cape  Breton,  in 
November,  1761.  ^ 

*  Journal  sommaire  dit  Voya(]e  de  Jacques  Legardeur  de  Saint- 
Pierre,  charge'  de  la  De'couverte  de  la  Mer  de  I'Onest  (British  Museutn). 

'  The  above  narrative  rests  mainly  on  contemporary  documents, 
official  in  character,  of  which  the  originals  are  preserved  in  the 
archives  of  the  French  Government.  These  papers  have  recently 
been  printed  by  M.  Pierre  Margry,  late  custodian  of  the  Archives 
of  the  Marine  and  Colonies  at  Paris,  in  the  sixth  volume  of  his 
De'couvertes  et  Il/tahlissements  des  Fraii^ais  dans  I'Aine'rique  Septen- 
trionale,  —  a  documentary  collection  of  great  value,  published  ai 
the  expense  of  the  American  Government.  It  was  M.  Margry  who 
first  drew  attention  to  the  achievements  of  the  family  of  La  Ve'ren- 
drye,  by  an  article  in  the  ^foniteur  in  1852.  I  owe  to  his  kindness 
the  opportunity  of  using  the  above-mentioned  documents  in  ad- 
vance of  publication.  I  obtained  copies  from  duplicate  originals 
of  some  of  the  principal  among  them  from  the  De'pot  des  Cartes 
de  la  Marine,  in  1872.  These  answer  closely,  with  rare  and  trivial 
variations,  to  the  same  documents  as  printed  from  other  sources  by 
M.  Margry.  Some  additional  papers  preserved  in  the  Archives  of 
the  Marine  and  Colonies  have  also  been  used. 

My  friends,  Hon.  William  C.  Endicott,  then  Secretary  of  War, 


1761.]  COLLECTION  OF  MAPS.  43 

and  Captain  John  G.  Bourke,  Third  Cavalry,  U.  S.  A.,  kindly  placed 
in  my  hands  a  valuable  collection  of  Government  maps  and  sur- 
reys of  the  country  between  the  Missouri  and  the  Rocky  Mountains 
visited  by  the  brothers  La  V^rendrye ;  and  I  have  received  from 
Captain  Bourke,  and  also  from  Mr.  E.  A.  Snow,  formerly  of  the 
Third  Cavalry,  much  information  concerning  the  same  region 
repeatedly  traversed  by  them  in  peace  and  war. 


CHAPTER   XVII. 

1700-1750. 

"    THE  CHAIN  OF  POSTS. 

Opposing  Claims.  —  Attitude  of  the  Rival  Nations.  —  Amer. 
iCA  A  French  Continent.  —  England  a  Usurper.  —  French 
Demands. —  Magnanimous  Proposals.  —  Warlike  Prepara- 
tion. —  Niagara. —  Oswego.  —  Crown  Point.  —  The  Passes 
of  the  West  Secured. 

We  have  seen  that  the  contest  between  France  and 
England  in  America  divided  itself,  after  the  Peace 
of  Utrecht,  into  three  parts,  —  the  Acadian  contest ; 
the  contest  for  northern  New  England;  and  last, 
though  greatest,  the  contest  for  the  West.  Nothing 
is  more  striking  than  the  difference,  or  rather  con- 
trast, in  the  conduct  and  methods  of  the  rival  claim- 
ants to  this  wild  but  magnificent  domain.  Each  was 
strong  in  its  own  qualities,  and  utterly  wanting  in 
the  qualities  that  marked  its  opponent. 

On  maps  of  British  America  in  the  earlier  part  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  one  sees  the  eastern  shore, 
from  Maine  to  Georgia,  garnished  with  ten  or  twelve 
colored  patches,  very  different  in  shape  and  size,  and 
defined,  more  or  less  distinctly,  by  dividing-lines 
which,    in  some  cases,  are  prolonged  westward  till 


1700-1750.]  BRITISH  PROVINCES.  46 

they  touch  the  Mississippi,  or  even  cross  it  and 
stretch  indefinitely  towards  the  Pacific.  These 
patches  are  the  British  provinces,  and  the  westward 
prolongation  of  their  boundary  lines  represents  their 
several  claims  to  vast  interior  tracts,  founded  on 
ancient  grants,  but  not  made  good  by  occupation,  or 
vindicated  by  any  exertion  of  power. 

These  English  communities  took  little  thought  of 
the  region  beyond  the  Alleghanies.  Each  lived  a 
life  of  its  own,  shut  within  its  own  limits,  not  dream- 
ing of  a  future  collective  greatness  to  which  the  pos- 
session of  the  West  would  be  a  necessary  condition. 
No  conscious  community  of  aims  and  interests  held 
them  together,  nor  was  there  any  authority  capable 
of  uniting  their  forces  and  turning  them  to  a  common 
object.  Some  of  the  servants  of  the  Crown  had 
urged  the  necessity  of  joining  them  all  under  a  strong 
central  government,  as  the  only  means  of  making 
them  loyal  subjects  and  arresting  the  encroachments 
of  France ;  but  the  scheme  was  plainly  impracticable. 
Each  province  remained  in  jealous  isolation,  busied 
with  its  own  work,  growing  in  strength,  in  the  capa- 
city of  self-rule  and  the  spirit  of  independence,  and 
stubbornly  resisting  all  exercise  of  authority  from 
without.  If  the  English-speaking  populations  flowed 
westward,  it  was  in  obedience  to  natural  laws,  for 
the  King  did  not  aid  the  movement,  the  royal  gov- 
ernors had  no  authority  to  do  so,  and  the  colonial 
assemblies  were  too  much  engrossed  with  immediate 
local   interests.     The   power   of   these    colonies  was 


46  THE  CHAIN  OF  POSTS.  [1720. 

that  of  a  rising  flood  slowly  invading  and  conquering, 
by  the  unconscious  force  of  its  own  growing  volume, 
unless  means  be  found  to  hold  it  back  by  dams  and 
embankments  within  appointed  limits. 

In  the  French  colonies  all  was  different.  Here 
the  representatives  of  the  Crown  were  men  bred 
in  an  atmosphere  of  broad  ambition  and  master- 
ful and  far-reaching  enterprise.  Achievement  was 
demanded  of  them.  They  recognized  the  greatness 
of  the  prize,  studied  the  strong  and  weak  points 
of  their  rivals,  and  with  a  cautious  forecast  and 
a  daring  energy  set  themselves  to  the  task  of  defeat- 
ing them. 

If  the  English  colonies  were  comparatively  strong 
in  numbers,  their  numbers  could  not  be  brought  into 
action;  while  if  the  French  forces  were  small,  they 
were  vigorously  commanded,  and  always  ready  at  a 
word.  It  was  union  confronting  division,  energy 
confronting  apathy,  military  centralization  opposed 
to  industrial  democracy;  and,  for  a  time,  the  advan- 
tage was  all  on  one  side. 

The  demands  of  the  French  were  sufficiently  com- 
prehensive. They  repented  of  their  enforced  conces- 
sions at  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  and  in  spite  of  that 
compact,  maintained  that,  with  a  few  local  and  trivial 
exceptions,  the  whole  North  American  continent, 
except  Mexico,  was  theirs  of  right;  while  their  oppo- 
nents seemed  neither  to  understand  the  situation, 
nor  see  the  greatness  of  the  stakes  at  issue. 

In  1720  Father  Bob^,  priest  of  the  Congregation  of 


1720.J  FRENCH  DEMANDS.  47 

Missions,  drew  up  a  paper  in  which  he  sets  forth  the 
claims  of  France  with  much  distinctness,  beginning 
with  the  declaration  that  "England  has  usurped 
from  France  nearly  everything  that  she  possesses  in 
America,"  and  adding  that  the  plenipotentiaries  at 
Utrecht  did  not  know  what  they  were  about  when 
they  made  such  concessions  to  the  enemy;  that, 
among  other  blunders,  they  gave  Port  Royal  to  Eng- 
land when  it  belonged  to  France,  who  should  "  insist 
vigorously  "  on  its  being  given  back  to  her. 

He  maintains  that  the  voyages  of  Verrazzano  and 
Ribaut  made  France  owner  of  the  whole  continent, 
from  Florida  northward ;  that  England  was  an  inter- 
loper in  planting  colonies  along  the  Atlantic  coast, 
and  will  admit  as  much  if  she  is  honest,  since  all  that 
countiy  is  certainly  a  part  of  New  France.  In  this 
modest  assumption  of  the  point  at  issue,  he  ignores 
John  Cabot  and  his  son  Sebastian,  who  discovered 
North  America  more  than  twenty-five  years  before 
the  voyage  of  Verrazzano,  and  more  than  sixty  years 
before  that  of  Ribaut. 

When  the  English,  proceeds  Father  Bobd,  have 
restored  Port  Royal  to  us,  which  they  are  bound  to 
do,  though  we  ceded  it  by  the  treaty,  a  French  gov- 
ernor should  be  at  once  set  over  it,  with  a  commission 
to  command  as  far  as  Cape  Cod,  which  would  include 
Boston.  "We  should  also  fortify  ourselves,  "  in  a  way 
to  stop  the  English,  who  have  long  tried  to  seize  on 
French  America,  of  which  they  know  the  importance, 
and  of  which,"  he  observes  with  much  candor,  "theji 


48  THE  CHAIN   OF  POSTS.  [1720. 

would  make  a  better  use  than  the  French  do.^  .  . 
The  Atlantic  coast,  as  far  as  Florida,  was  usurped 
from  the  French,  to  whom  it  belonged  then,  and  to 
whom  it  belongs  now."  England,  as  he  thinks,  is 
bound  in  honor  to  give  back  these  countries  to  their 
true  owner ;  and  it  is  also  the  part  of  wisdom  to  do 
so,  since  by  grasping  at  too  much,  one  often  loses 
all.  But  France,  out  of  her  love  of  peace,  will  cede 
to  England  the  countries  along  the  Atlantic,  from 
the  Kennebec  in  New  France  to  the  Jordan  2  in 
Carolina,  on  condition  that  England  will  restore  to 
her  all  that  she  gave  up  by  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht. 
When  this  is  done,  Fmnce,  always  generous,  will 
consent  to  accept  as  boundary  a  line  drawn  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Kennebec,  passing  thence  midway 
between  Schenectady  and  Lake  Champlain  and  along 
the  ridge  of  the  Alleghanies  to  the  river  Jordan,  the 
country  between  this  line  and  the  sea  to  belong  to 
England,  and  the  rest  of  the  continent  to  France. 
If  England  does  not  accept  this  generous  offer, 
she  is  to  be  told  that  the  King  will  give  to  the 
Compagnie  des  Indes  (Law's  ]\Iississippi  Company) 
full  authority  to  occupy  "all  the  countries  which  the 
English  have  usurped  from  France ;  "  and,  pursues 

^  "  De  maniere  qu'on  puisse  arreter  les  Anglois,  qui  depuis 
longtems  tachent  de  s'emparer  de  rAme'rique  franyoise,  dont  ils 
conoissent  I'importance  et  dont  ils  feroient  un  meillieur  usage  que 
celuy  qui  les  franyois  en  font." 

2  On  the  river  Jordan,  so  named  by  Vasquez  de  Ayllon,  see 
"Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,"  11,  39,  note.  It  was 
probably  the  broad  river  of  South  Carolina. 


1720-1723.]  FRENCH   DEMANDS.  49 

Father  Bob^,  "  it  is  certain  that  the  fear  of  having  to 
do  with  so  powerful  a  company  will  bring  the  English 
to  our  terms."  The  company  that  was  thus  to  strike 
the  British  heart  with  terror  was  the  same  which  all 
the  tonics  and  stimulants  of  the  government  could 
not  save  from  predestined  ruin.  But,  concludes  this 
ingenious  writer,  whether  England  accepts  our  offers 
or  not,  France  ought  not  only  to  take  a  high  tone 
(jparler  avec  hauteur^,  but  also  to  fortify  diligently, 
and  make  good  her  right  by  force  of  arms.^ 

Three  years  later  we  have  another  document,  this 
time  of  an  official  character,  and  still  more  radical  in 
its  demands.  It  admits  that  Port  Royal  and  a  part 
of  the  Nova  Scotian  peninsula,  under  the  name  of 
Acadia,  were  ceded  to  England  by  the  treaty,  and 
consents  that  she  shall  keep  them,  but  requires  her 
to  restore  the  part  of  New  France  that  she  has  wrong- 
fully seized,  —  namely,  the  whole  Atlantic  coast  from 
the  Kennebec  to  Florida;  since  France  never  gave 
England  this  countr}',  which  is  hers  by  the  discovery 
of  Verrazzano  in  1524.  Here,  again,  the  voyages 
of  the  Cabots,  in  1497  and  1498,  are  completely 
ignored. 

"It  will  be  seen,"  pursues  this  curious  document, 
"that  our  kings  have  always  preserved  sovereignty 
over  the  countries  between  the  thirtieth  and  the  fifti- 
eth degrees  of  north  latitude.    A  time  will  come  when 

1  Second  M^moire  concernant  les  Limites  des  Colonies  pr^senM  en 
1720  par  Bob^,  pretre  de  la  Congregation  de  la  Mission  (Archives 
Nationales). 

VOL.   II.  —  4 


50  THE   CHAIN   OF   POSTS.  [1728. 

they  will  be  in  a  position  to  assert  their  rights,  and 
then  it  will  be  seen  that  the  iloniiiiions  of  a  king  of 
France  cannot  be  usurped  witli  impunity.  What  we 
demand  now  is  that  the  English  make  immediate 
restitution."  No  doubt,  the  paper  goes  on  to  say, 
they  will  pretend  to  have  prescriptive  rights,  l)ecause 
they  have  settled  the  country  and  built  towns  and 
cities  in  it;  but  this  plea  is  of  no  avail,  because  all 
that  country  is  a  part  of  New  France,  and  because 
England  rightfully  owns  nothing  in  America  except 
what  we,  the  French,  gave  her  by  tlie  Treaty  of 
Utrecht,  which  is  merely  Port  Royal  and  Acadia. 
She  is  bound  in  honor  to  give  back  all  the  vast 
countries  she  has  usurj)e(l;  but,  continues  the  paper, 
"the  King  loves  the  English  nation  too  much,  and 
wishes  too  much  to  do  her  kindness,  and  is  too 
generous  to  exact  such  a  restitution.  Therefore, 
provided  that  England  will  give  us  back  Port  Royal, 
Acadia,  and  everything  else  that  France  gave  her  by 
the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  the  King  will  forego  his  rights, 
and  grant  to  England  the  whole  Atlantic  coast  from 
the  thirty-second  degree  of  latitude  to  the  Kennebec, 
to  the  extent  inland  of  twenty  French  leagues  [about 
fifty  miles],  on  condition  that  she  will  solennily  Ijind 
herself  never  to  overstep  these  limits  or  encroach  in 
the  least  on  French  ground." 

Thus,  through  the  beneficence  of  France,  England, 
provided  that  she  renounced  all  pretension  to  the 
rest  of  the  continent,  would  become  the  rightful 
owner  of  an  attenuated  strip  of  land  reaching  south- 


1717-1720.]         MAGNANIMOUS  PROPOSALS.  51 

ward  from  the  Kennebec  along  the  Atlantic  seaboard. 
The  document  containing  this  magnanimous  proposal 
was  preserved  in  the  Chateau  St.  Louis  at  Quebec 
till  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  when,  the 
boundary  dispute  having  reached  a  crisis,  and  com- 
missioners of  the  two  powers  having  been  appointed 
to  settle  it,  a  certified  copy  of  the  paper  was  sent  to 
France  for  their  instruction. ^ 

Father  Bobd  had  advised  that  France  should  not 
trust  solely  to  the  justice  of  her  claims,  but  should 
back  right  with  might,  and  build  forts  on  the  Niagara, 
the  Ohio,  the  Tennessee,  and  the  Alabama,  as  well 
as  at  other  commanding  points,  to  shut  out  the  Eng- 
lish from  the  West.  Of  these  positions,  Niagara 
was  the  most  important,  for  the  possession  of  it 
would  close  the  access  to  the  Upper  Lakes,  and  stop 
the  western  tribes  on  their  way  to  trade  at  Albany. 
The  Five  Nations  and  the  governor  of  New  York 
were  jealous  of  the  French  designs,  which,  however, 
were  likely  enough  to  succeed,  through  the  prevail- 
ing apathy  and  divisions  in  the  British  colonies.  "  If 
those  not  immediately  concerned,"  writes  a  member 
of  the  New  York  council,  "only  stand  gazing  on 
while  the  wolff  is  murthering  other  parts  of  the  flock, 
it  will  come  to  every  one's  turn  at  last."  The  warn- 
ing was  well  founded,  but  it  was  not  heeded.  Again : 
"  It  is  the  policy  of  the  French  to  attack  one  colony  at 
a  time,  and  the  others  are  so  besotted  as  to  sit  still. "  ^ 

1  Demandes  de  la  France,  1723  (Archives  des  Affaires  Etrang^res). 

2  Colonel  Heathcote  to  Governor  Hunter,  8  July,  1715.  Ibid,  to 
Tovmthend,  12  July,  1715. 


62  THE  CHAIX   OK   POSTS.  [1717-1720. 

For  giiining  the  consent  of  the  Five  Nations  to 
the  building  of  ii  Frt-ni  h  fort  at  Niugani,  Vaudreuil 
trusted  chiefly  to  liis  agent  among  the  Senecas,  the 
bold,  skilful,  and  indefatigable  Joncaire,  who  was 
naturalized  among  that  triin*,  the  strongest  of  the 
confederacy.  Governor  Hunter  of  New  York  sent 
Peter  Schuyler  and  Philip  Livingston  to  counteract 
his  influence.  The  Five  Nations,  who,  conscious  of 
declining  power,  seemed  reaily  at  this  time  to  l>e  all 
things  to  all  men,  declared  that  they  would  prevent 
the  French  from  building  at  Niagara,  which,  as  they 
said,  would  "shut  them  up  as  in  a  prison."'  Not 
long  before,  however,  they  had  sent  a  deputation  to 
Montreal  to  say  that  the  Fnglish  made  objection  to 
Joncaire's  presence  among  them,  but  that  they  were 
masters  of  their  land,  and  hoped  that  the  French 
agent  would  come  as  often  as  he  pleased ;  and  they 
begged  that  the  new  King  of  France  would  take  them 
under  his  protection.^  Accordingly,  Vaudreuil  sent 
them  a  present,  with  a  message  to  the  effect  that 
they  might  plunder  such  English  traders  as  should 
come  among  them.^ 

Yet  so  jealous  were  the  Iroquois  of  a  French  fort 
at  Niagara  that  they  sent  three  Seneca  chiefs  to  see 
what  was  going  on  there.  The  chiefs  found  a  few 
Frenchmen  in  a  small  blockhouse,  or  loopholed  store- 
house,   which    they   had   just   built  near   Lewis  ton 

^  Journal  of  Schuyler  and  Livingston,  1720. 

*  Vaudreuil  au  Conseil  de  Marine,  24  Octobre,  1717. 

•  Vaudreuil  et  Be'gon  au  Conseil  de  Marine,  26  Octobre,  1719. 


1717-1720.]  OSWEGO.  53 

Heights.  The  three  Senecas  requested  them  to 
demolish  it  and  go  away,  which  the  Frenchmen 
refused  to  do;  on  which  the  Senecas  asked  the  Eng- 
lish envoys,  Schuyler  and  Livingston,  to  induce  the 
governor  of  New  York  to  destroy  the  obnoxious 
building.  In  short,  the  Five  Nations  wavered  inces- 
santly between  their  two  European  neighbors,  and 
changed  their  minds  every  day.  The  skill  and  perse- 
verance of  the  French  emissaries  so  far  prevailed  at 
last  that  the  Senecas  consented  to  the  building  of  a 
fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  Niagara,  where  Denonville 
had  built  one  in  1687;  and  tluis  that  important  pass 
was  made  tolerably  secure. 

Meauwliile  the  English  of  New  York,  or  rather 
Burnet,  their  governor,  were  not  idle.  Burnet  was 
on  ill  terms  with  his  assembly,  which  grudged  him 
all  help  in  serving  the  province  whose  interests  it 
was  supposed  to  represent.  Burnet's  plan  was  to 
build  a  fortified  trading-house  at  Oswego,  on  Lake 
Ontario,  in  the  belief  that  the  western  Indians,  who 
greatly  preferred  English  goods  and  English  prices, 
would  pass  Niagara  and  bring  their  furs  to  the  new 
post.  He  got  leave  from  the  Five  Nations  to  execute 
his  plan,  bought  canoes,  hired  men,  and  built  a  loop- 
holed  house  of  stone  on  the  site  of  the  present  city  of 
Oswego.  As  the  Assembly  would  give  no  money, 
Burnet  furnished  it  himself;  and  though  the  object 
was  one  of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  province, 
he  was  never  fully  repaid.^     A  small  garrison  for  the 

1  "I  am  ashamed  to  confess  that  lie  built  the  fort  at  his  private 
expense,  and  that   a  balance  of  above  £56  remains   due  to  hii 


64  THE   CHAIN   OF   POSTS.  [1727-1736. 

new  post  was  drawn  from  the  four  independent  com- 
panies maintained  in  the  province  at  the  charge  of 
the  Crown. 

The  establishment  of  Oswego  greatly  alarmed  and 
incensed  the  French,  and  a  council  of  war  at  Quel)ec 
resolved  to  send  two  thousand  men  against  it;  but 
Vaudreuil's  successor,  the  Marquis  dc  Heauharnois, 
learning  that  the  court  was  not  prepared  to  provoke 
a  war,  contented  himself  with  sending  a  summons  to 
the  commanding  officer  to  abandon  and  demolish  the 
place  within  a  fortnight.'  To  tiiis  no  attenticm  was 
given ;  and  as  Hurnet  had  foreseen,  Oswego  l)ecame 
the  great  centre  of  Indian  trade,  while  Niagara,  in 
spite  of  its  more  favorable  position,  was  comparatively 
slighted  by  the  western  tribes.  The  chief  danger 
rose  from  the  oKstinate  prejudice  of  the  Assembly, 
which,  in  itvS  disputes  with  the  Royal  Governor,  would 
give  him  neither  men  nor  money  to  defend  the  new 
post. 

The  Canadian  authorities,  who  saw  in  Oswego  an 
intrusion  on  their  domain  and  a  constant  injury  and 
menace,  could  not  attack  it  without  bringing  on  a 
war,  and  therefore  tried  to  persuade  the  Five  Nations 
to  destroy  it,  —  an  attempt  which  completely  failed.* 

estate  to  this  very  day."  —  Smith,  Ilistory  of  New  York,  267  (ed. 
1814). 

1  M€moire  de  Dupuy,  1728.  Dupuy  was  intendant  of  Canada. 
The  King  approved  the  conduct  of  Beauharnois  in  not  using  force. 
D^peche  du  Ro,/,  14  3Aai',  1728. 

2  Wlien  urged  by  the  younger  Longueuil  to  drive  off  the  Enp 
lish  from  Oswego,  the  Indians  replied,  "  Drive  them  off  thyself  " 
("  Chassez-les  toi-meme  ").   Longueuil  jiU  au  Minittre,  19  Octobre,  1728- 


Marquis  Charles  de  Beauharnois. 

From  the  painting  by  Tourniferes,  in  the  Mus6e  de  Grenoble. 

A  Half  Century  of  Conflict,  II.,  54- 


Copyriahx  iSqy  bt^  Luii^^.  B 


1726-1731.]  CROWN  POINT.  55 

They  then  established  a  trading-post  at  Toronto,  in 
the  vain  hope  of  stopping  the  northern  tribes  on  their 
way  to  the  more  profitable  English  market,  and  they 
built  two  armed  vessels  at  Fort  Frontenac  to  control 
the  navigation  of  Lake  Ontario. 

Meanwhile,  in  another  quarter  the  French  made  an 
advance  far  more  threatening  to  the  English  colonies 
than  Oswego  was  to  their  own.  They  had  already 
built  a  stone  fort  at  Chambly,  which  covered  Montreal 
from  any  English  attack  by  way  of  Lake  Champlain. 
As  that  lake  was  the  great  highway  between  the  rival 
colonies,  the  importance  of  gaining  full  mastery  of  it 
was  evident.  It  was  rumored  in  Canada  that  the 
English  meant  to  seize  and  fortify  the  place  called 
Scalp  Point  (Pointe  a  la  Chcvelurc)  by  the  French, 
and  Crown  Point  by  the  English,  where  the  lake  sud- 
denly contracts  to  the  proportions  of  a  river,  so  that 
a  few  cannon  would  stop  the  passage. 

As  early  as  1726  the  French  made  an  attempt  to 
establish  themselves  on  the  east  side  of  the  lake  oppo- 
site Crown  Point,  but  were  deterred  by  the  opposition 
of  Massachusetts.  This  eastern  shore  was,  however, 
claimed  not  only  by  Massachusetts,  but  by  her  neigh- 
bor, New  Hampshire,  with  whom  she  presently  fell 
into  a  dispute  about  the  ownership,  and,  as  a  writer 
of  the  time  observes,  "while  they  were  quarrelling 
for  the  bone,  the  French  ran  away  with  it."^ 

At  length,  in  1731,  the  French  took  post  on  the 
western  side  of  the  lake,  and  began  to  intrench  them* 

1  Mitchell,  Contest  in  America,  22. 


36  THE   CHAIN   OF   POSTS.  [1730,  1731. 

selves  at  Crown  Point,  wluch  was  within  the  l)Ounds 
claimed  by  New  York ;  but  that  province,  being  then 
engrossed,  not  only  by  her  chronic  dispute  with  her 
governor,  but  by  a  quarrel  w  ith  hci-  nrxt  neighbor, 
New  Jersey,  slighted  the  danger  fjom  the  common 
enemy,  and  left  the  Frencli  to  work  their  will.  It 
was  Saint-Luc  de  la  Corne,  Lieutenant  <lu  Roy  at 
Montreal,  who  pointed  out  the  necessity  of  fortifying 
this  place,  ^  in  order  to  anticipate  the  English,  who, 
as  he  imagined,  were  about  to  do  so,  —  a  danger  which 
was  probably  not  inuninent,  since  the  Englisli  colonics, 
as  a  whole,  could  not  and  would  not  unite  for  such  a 
purpose,  while  the  individijal  provinces  were  too 
much  alxsorbed  in  their  own  internal  affaii-s  and  their 
own  jealousies  and  disputes  to  make  the  attempt.  La 
Corne's  suggestion  found  favor  at  court,  and  the  gov- 
ernor of  Canada  was  ordered  to  occujjy  Crown  Point. 
The  Sieur  de  la  Fresniere  was  sent  thither  with  troops 
and  workmen,  and  a  fort  was  built,  and  named  Fort 
Freddric.  It  contained  a  massive  stone  tower,  mounted 
with  cannon  to  command  the  lake,  which  is  here  but 
a  musket-shot  wide.  Thus  was  established  an  ad- 
vanced post  of  France,  —  a  constant  menace  to  New 
York  and  New  England,  both  of  which  denounced 
it  as  an  outrageous  encroachment  on  British  territory-, 
but  could  not  unite  to  rid  themselves  of  it.^ 


1  La  Corne  au  Ministre,  15  Octobre,  1730. 

'  On  the  establishment  of  Crown  Point,  Beauharnois  et  Hocquart 
au  Roy,  10  Octobre,  1731 ;  Beauharnois  et  Hocquart  au  Ministre,  14 
Novembre,  1731. 


1731-1750.]    FRANCE    FORTIFIES   THE  WEST.  57 

While  making  this  bold  push  against  their  neigh- 
bors of  the  South,  the  French  did  not  forget  the 
West;  and  towards  the  middle  of  the  century  they 
had  occupied  points  controlling  all  the  chief  water- 
ways between  Canada  and  Louisiana.  Niagara  held 
the  passage  from  Lake  Ontario  to  Lake  Erie.  Detroit 
closed  the  entrance  to  Lake  Huron,  and  iVIichili- 
mackinac  guarded  the  point  where  Lake  Huron  is 
joined  by  Lakes  Michigan  and  Superior;  while  the 
fort  called  La  Baye,  at  the  head  of  Green  Bay, 
stopped  the  way  to  the  Mississippi  by  INIarquette's  old 
route  of  Fox  River  and  the  Wisconsin.  Another 
route  to  the  Mississippi  was  controlled  by  a  post  on 
the  Maumee  to  watch  the  carrying-place  between  that 
river  and  the  Wabash,  and  by  another  on  the  Wabash 
where  Vincennes  now  stands.  La  Salle's  route,  by 
way  of  the  Kankakee  and  the  Illinois,  was  barred  by 
a  fort  on  the  St.  Joseph;  and  even  if,  in  spite  of 
these  obstructions,  an  enemy  should  reach  the  Missis- 
sippi by  any  of  its  northern  affluents,  the  cannon  of 
Fort  Chartres  would  prevent  him  from  descending  it. 

These  various  western  forts,  except  Fort  Chartres 
and  Fort  Niagara,  which  were  afterwards  rebuilt,  the 
one  in  stone  and  the  other  in  earth,  were  stockades 
of  no  strength  against  cannon.  Slight  as  they  were, 
their  establishment  was  costly ;  and  as  the  King,  to 
whom  Canada  was  a  yearly  loss,  grudged  every  franc 
spent-  upon  it,  means  were  contrived  to  make  them 
self-supporting.  Each  of  them  was  a  station  of  the 
fur-trade,  and  the  position  of  most  of  them  had  been 


68  THE   CHAIN'   OF    POSTS.  [17.n-l7:.0. 

determined  more  or  less  with  a  view  to  that  traffic. 
Hence  tliey  luid  no  slij^jht  commercial  value.  In  some 
of  them  the  Crown  itself  carried  on  trade  through 
agents  who  usually  secured  a  lion's  share  of  the 
profits.  Others  were  farmed  out  to  merchants  at  a 
fixed  sum.  In  othei's,  again,  the  commanding  officer 
was  permitted  to  trade  on  condition  of  maintaining 
the  post,  paying  the  sohliers,  and  supporting  a  mis- 
sionary; while  in  one  case,  at  least,  he  was  suhjected 
to  similar  ohligations,  though  not  jK'rmitted  to  trade 
himself,  hut  onlv  to  sell  trading  licenses  to  merchants. 
These  methods  of  keei)ing  up  forts  and  garrisuns  were 
of  coui'se  open  to  prodigious  ahuses,  and  roused  end- 
less jealousies  and  rivalries. 

France  had  now  occupied  the  valley  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, and  joined  with  loose  and  uncertain  links  her 
two  colonies  of  Cana<la  and  Louisiana.  Hut  the 
strength  of  her  hold  on  these  regions  of  unkempt 
savagery  hore  no  proportion  to  the  vastness  of  her 
claims  or  the  growing  power  of  the  rivals  who  were 
soon  to  contest  them.^ 

»  On  the  claim  of  France  that  all  North  America,  except  the 
Spanish  colonies  of  Mexico  and  Florida,  belonged  to  her,  8e« 
Appendix  A. 


CHAPTER   XVIII. 

1744,  1745. 

A   MAD   SCHEME. 

War  of  the  Austrian   Succession.  —  The   French   seize  Can- 

8EAU     AND     ATTACK    AnNAPOI.IS.  —  Pl.AN    OK     REPRISAL.  WiL- 

LiAM  Vaughan.  —  Governor  Shirley:  he  advises  an  At- 
tack ON  LorisHOiRf',.  —  The  Assemhi.y  refi'ses,  hit  at  last 
CONSENTS.  —  Prep.. RATION. —  William  Pepperrell.  —  Georoe 
Whitefieli).  —  Parson  Moody  — The  Soldiers. —  The  Pro- 
vincial Navy.  —  Co.mmodore  Warren.  —  Shirley  as  an 
Amateur  Soldier. — The  Fleet  sails. 

The  Peace  of  Utrecht  left  unsettled  the  perilous 
questions  of  boundary  between  the  rival  powers  in 
North  America,  and  they  grew  more  perilous  every 
day.  Yet  the  quarrel  was  not  yet  quite  ripe;  and 
though  the  French  governor,  Vaudreuil,  and  perhaps 
also  his  successor,  Beauharnois,  seemed  willing  to 
precipitate  it,  the  courts  of  London  and  Versailles 
still  hesitated  to  appeal  to  the  sword.  Now,  as 
before,  it  was  a  European,  and  not  an  American, 
quarrel  that  was  to  set  the  world  on  fire.  The  War 
of  the  Austrian  Succession  broke  out  in  1744.  When 
Frederic  of  Prussia  seized  Silesia  and  began  that 
bloody  conflict,  it  meant  that  packs  of  howling 
savages  would  again  spread  fire  and  carnage  along 
the  New  England  border. 


m  A  MAD  SCHEMS.  [HM 

Kras  of  dw  tjirkfifiii  ol  wmr  reached  Loakbovg 
•oae  vv^s  bdare  it  iMdwd  Bosom,  awl  the  Freseb 
■nliuzy  gorenor,  DaqaBMri.  ^Mi^t  ke  nw  •• 
o|n»uii— ity  to  ithke  aa  vnexpected  hknr  for  tko 
ptofit  of  Fnace  and  kb  cmm  greot  honor. 

Ow  of  the  FreKh  iaholiliBti  of  Loubou;;  hM 
left  washoH  sketeh  of  Duqwawl,  who«  he  c»Ik 
'^capnaom^  of  •■  tn'*'*^**  leoiper,  inrKiwi  to 
dimk.  aad  ohea  a  his  c«|»  neithfr  mooaoUe  or 
OTiL''*  He  Milk  thot  the  goTeraor  had  offended 
■call J  e^efT  ofteer  ia  th 
hiM  'm  the'  *^  chief  eave  of 
rraqaiiM]  heaid  of  the  decbiatkm  of  wai;  hk  fiist 
thoifht  aai  to  stnke  eoaw  blov  before  the  Engliah 

a  aear  aad  aa  lawmfeaieai 
at  the  auatheiu  cad  of  the  Strait  of  Caneeaii, 
•epBiatea  the  Aeadiaa  |w  immbIi  from  the 
of  Cape  BreCoa.  or  Ue  Borale,  of  which 
the  place  of  stxeagth.  Xochiag  wa^ 
to  teise  OuMcaa,  ahich  had  ao  defenco 
redoabt  baflt  by  the  tthamtn,  and 
by  aboat  eightr  Eaglahaww  thjaking  no 
Eaiij  in  Mar,  Daqaiaati  sent  Captain 
Dwririer  n^eiit  it,  with  «ix  handled,  or,  as  the 
Ei^fiih  aar,  nine  handled  auhliria  and  aailotB, 
hf  two  iBall  aimed  rutih.  The  Engliak 
of  beine  aent  to  Boaton, 


nU,}  ASrSATOLBL  CI 


and  <]ie  witnMe  haaaiet,  with  iis  voodm  eita^ 

W    Um  IH'H    to  UK  gMHIBiL 

Tkoi  fur  sueeeaiifad,  Hw  gufguuM  adiliffMMd  Itiai- 
•df  to  ttlie  eaptme  of  Aimyoik,  — vUd  waeaaA^t 
eaptxue  of  all  Afadia.  DmiTier  v^ai  agpum  j^panied 
to  the  cowind  His  beait  vac  hi  Ae  w^  £ar  ke 
was  a  deseendaat  of  La  Tone,  ieodal  fltiti«f  of 
Aradia  in  the  pwrcding  cenimj.  Foor  ofieen  and 
nmetjr  regular  tzoopa  veve  giim  Um,'  and  firant 
diree  tofoor  hundred  Viirir  and  liaHritff  t.>js~ 
joined  him  on  the  var.  The  M'm  in  ii,  under  eom- 
nnnd,  it  is  said,  of  dwir  ■iwiiunij,  Le  I^onlie,  had 
aheadj'  tried  to  auifaiie  the  Kngfidi  fort,  hut  had 
onfysneeeeded  in  kiHii^  two  wnaiifd  stngg^ras  'm. 
the  ad  jaeent  gaiden.' 

Annapolii;,  from  the  uegpect  and  indifference  of 
the  BntUi  Hinistrr,  vas  stUl  in  inch  a  state  of 
4iU|ii«l«#ii»»  tiiat  its  saadr  raanMrta  wm  ciuBhfing 
into  the  ditches,  and  theeovsof  the  gamson  walked 
om  diem  at  thdr  pleasure.  It  »  held  h^  ahout  a 
hundred  effipctite  aren  under  Ifa jar  Ifawsifne,  a 
French  Protestant  whoae  £unljhad  heen  driifen  into 
exile  liy  the  pexsecutions  that  foDowd  the  icmcalikm 
of  the  Edict  of  Nantes.  Shid^,  gmesnm  of  Haasa- 
dmartts,  sent  him  a  small  Afinfiairamnt  of  anfitia; 
hut  as  most  of 


«  Jfocw  te  Ae  Boilers.  3 /liZy.  1741. 
flUheir    •  iir"  I  "ff^nyrlM 

1741. 


62  A    MAD   SCIIKME.  [1744. 

Mascarene  had  few  or  none  to  give  them,  tliey  proved 
of  doubtful  value. 

Duvivier  and  his  foUowi'i-s,  wliite  and  rod,  appeared 
1)0 fore  the  fort  in  Aut,Mist,  made  their  camp  iH'hind 
tlu'  ridj^e  of  a  hill  that  (»vrrlnnkt'<l  it,  and  marched 
towards  the  rampart;  but  Wing  met  by  a  disciiarge 
of  cannon-shot,  they  gave  up  all  thoughts  of  an  imme- 
diate assault,  In'gan  a  fusillade  under  cover  of  dark- 
ness, and  kept  the  garrison  on  the  alert  all  night. 

Duvivier  had  looked  for  help  from  the  Acadians  of 
the  neighboring  village,  who  were  French  in  blood, 
faith,  and  inclination.  They  would  not  join  him 
openly,  fearing  tlie  consequences  if  his  attack  should 
fail;  l)Ut  they  did  what  tliey  could  without  commit- 
ting tiiemselves,  and  made  a  hundred  and  fifty  scaling- 
ladders  for  the  l)esicgei-s.  Duvivier  now  returned  to 
his  firet  plan  of  an  a8.sault,  which,  if  made  with 
vigor,  could  hardly  liave  failed.  Before  attempting 
it,  he  sent  Masoarene  a  flag  of  truce  to  tell  him  that 
he  hourly  expected  two  powerful  armed  ships  from 
Louisbourg,  iK'sides  a  reinforcement  of  two  hundred 
antl  fifty  regulars,  with  cannon,  mortars,  and  other 
enginery  of  war.  At  the  same  time  he  proposed 
favorable  terms  of  capitulation,  not  to  take  effect 
till  the  French  war-ships  should  have  appeared. 
Mascarene  refused  all  terms,  saying  that  when  he 
saw  the  French  ships,  he  would  consider  what  to  do, 
and  meanwhile  would  defend  himself  as  he  could. 

The  expected  ships  were  the  "Ardent"  and  the 
"Caribou,"  then  at  Louisbourg.     A  French  writer 


1744.]         DUVIVIER'S  EXPEDITION   FAILS.  HS 

says  that  when  Duquesnel'^irected  their  captains  to 
sail  for  Annapolis  and  aid  in  its  capture,  they  refused, 
saying  that  they  had  no  orders  from  the  court.  ^ 
Duvivier  protracted  the  parley  with  Mascarene,  and 
waited  in  vain  for  the  promised  succor.  At  length 
the  truce  was  broken  off,  and  the  garrison,  who  had 
profited  by  it  to  get  rest  and  sleep,  greeted  the 
renewal  of  hostilities  with  three  cheers. 

Now  followed  three  weeks  of  desultory  attacks; 
but  there  was  no  assault,  though  Duvivier  had 
boasted  that  he  had  the  means  of  making  a  successful 
one.  He  waited  for  the  ships  which  did  not  come, 
and  kept  the  Acadians  at  work  in  making  ladders  and 
fire-arrows.  At  length,  instead  of  aid  from  Louis- 
bourg,  two  small  vessels  appeared  from  Boston, 
bringing  Mascarene  a  reinforcement  of  fifty  Indian 
rangers.  This  discouraged  the  besiegere,  and  towards 
the  end  of  September  they  suddenly  decamped  and 
vanished.  "The  expedition  was  a  failure,"  writes 
the  Hahitant  de  Louisboury^  "though  one  might  have 
bet  everything  on  its  success,  so  small  was  the  force 
that  the  enemy  had  to  resist  us." 

This  writer  thinks  that  the  seizure  of  Canseau  and 
the  attack  of  Annapolis  were  sources  of  dire  calamity 
to  the  French.  "Perhaps,"  he  says,  "the  English 
would  have  let  us  alone  if  we  had  not  first  insulted 
them.  It  was  the  interest  of  the  people  of  New 
England  to  live  at  peace  with  us,  and  they  would  no 
doubt  have  done  so,  if  we  had  not  taken  it  into  our 

1  Lettre  d'un  Habitant  de  Loulsbourg, 


64  A    MAD   SCHEME.  [1744. 

Iieads  to  wiikon  them  from  tlieir  security.  They 
expected  that  lx)th  pirties  woiihl  merely  stand  on  the 
defensive,  -without  taking  part  in  tliis  cruel  war  that 
has  set  Europe  in  a  l)la7.e," 

Wluitever  might  otherwise  liave  been  the  disposi- 
tion of  tl>e  "  Bastonnais, "  or  New  England  i^'ople, 
the  attacks  on  Canseau  and  Annapolis  alarmed  and 
exasperated  them,  and  engendereil  in  some  heated 
l)rdins  a  project  of  wild  audacity.  This  was  no  less 
than  the  capture  of  Louislx)urg,  reputed  the  strongest 
fortress,  Fi-ench  or  British,  in  North  America,  with 
the  possible  exception  of  Quebec,  which  owed  its 
rhief  strength  to  nature,  and  not  to  art. 

Louisbourg  was  a  standing  menace  to  all  the  north- 
ern British  colonies.  It  was  the  only  French  naval 
9t;ition  on  the  continent,  and  was  such  a  haunt  of 
privateei-s  that  it  was  called  the  American  Dunkirk. 
It  commanded  the  chief  entrance  of  Canada,  and 
threatened  to  ruin  tlie  fisheries,  which  were  nearly  as 
vitiil  to  New  England  as  was  the  fur-trade  to  New 
France.  The  French  government  had  spent  twenty- 
five  yeai-s  in  fortifying  it,  and  the  cost  of  its  powerful 
defences  —  constructed  after  the  system  of  Vauban  — 
was  reckoned  at  thirty  million  livres. 

This  was  the  fortress  which  William  Vaughan  of 
Damariscotta  advised  Governor  Shirley^to  attack 
with   fifteen    hundred   raw   New    England    militia.^ 

1  Smollett  says  that  the  proposal  came  from  Robert  Auchmuty, 
judge  of  admiralty  in  Massachusetts.  Hutchinson,  Douglas,  Bel- 
knap, and  other  well-informed  writers  ascribe  the  scheme  to  Vaughan, 
while  Pepperrell  says  that  it  originated  with  Colonel  John  Brad- 


1744.]  WILLIAM  VAUGHAN.  65 

Vaiighan  was  born  at  Portsmouth  in  1703,  and  grad- 
uated at  Harvard  College  nineteen  years  later.  His 
father,  also  a  graduate  of  Harvard,  was  for  a  time 
lieutenant-governor  of  New  Hampshire.  Soon  after 
leaving  college,  the  younger  Vaughan  —  a  youth  of 
restless  and  impetuous  activity  —  established  a  fishing- 
station  on  the  island  of  ^Latinicus,  off  the  coast  of 
Maine,  and  afterwards  became  the  owner  of  most  of 
the  land  on  both  sides  of  the  little  river  Damariscotta, 
where  he  built  a  garrison-house,  or  wooden  fort, 
established  a  considerable  settlement,  and  carried  on 
an  extensive  trade  in  fish  and  timber.  He  passed  for 
a  man  of  ability  and  force,  but  was  accused  of  a 
headstrong  rashness,  a  self-confidence  that  hesitated 
at  nothing,  and  a  harebrained  contempt  of  every 
obstacle  in  his  way.  Once,  having  fitted  out  a 
number  of  small  vessels  at  Portsmouth  for  his  fishing 
at  Matinicus,  he  named  a  time  for  sailing.  It  was  a 
gusty  and  boisterous  March  day,  the  sea  was  rough, 
and  old  sailors  told  him  that  such  craft  could  not 
carry  sail.  Vaughan  would  not  listen,  but  went  on 
board  and  ordered  his  men  to  follow.  One  vessel 
was  wrecked  at  the  mouth  of  the  river;  the  rest, 
after  severe  buffeting,  came  safe,  with  their  owner, 
to   Matinicus. 

Being    interested   in   the   fisheries,  Vaughan   was 

street.  In  the  Public  Record  Office  there  is  a  letter  from  Bratlstreet, 
written  in  1753,  but  without  address,  in  which  he  declares  that  he 
not  only  planned  the  siege,  but  "  was  the  Principal  Person  in  con- 
ducting it,"  — assertions  wliich  may  pass  for  what  they  are  worth, 
Bradstreet  being  much  given  to  self-assertion. 
VOL.  n. —  5 


OG  A    MAD   SCIIKMK.  [1744.  174^. 

(l(>ul)ly  hostile  to  LonislMdui^,  — their  worst  enemy. 
He  foimd  u  willing  listener  in  the  governor,  William 
Shirley.  Shirley  wius  an  English  Ijarriater  who  liad 
come  to  Massachusetts  in  IT^'l  to  practise  his  pro- 
fession and  seek  his  fortune.  After  filling  various 
othces  with  credit,  he  was  made  governor  of  the 
province  in  1741,  and  had  diseharged  his  duties  with 
hoth  tact  and  talent.  lie  was  ahle,  sanguine,  and  a 
sincere  well-wisher  to  the  province,  though  gnawed 
])y  an  insatiahle  hunger  for  distinction.  lie  thought 
hiinself  a  iMtrn  strategist,  antl  w;us  possessed  hy  a 
pro[)ensity  for  contriving  military  operations,  which 
finally  cost  him  dear.  Vaughan,  who  knew  sorae- 
thing  of  Louislxturg,  told  him  that  in  winter  the 
snow-ilrifts  were  often  Umked  so  high  against  the 
rampart  that  it  could  l)e  mounted  readily,  if  the  assail- 
ants could  hut  time  their  arrival  at  the  right  moment. 
This  was  not  easy,  as  tluit  roeky  and  temj»estuous 
coast  was  often  made  inaccessilile  hy  fogs  and  surf; 
Shirley  therefore  preferred  a  plan  of  his  own  con- 
triving. But  nothing  could  Im-  done  without  first 
pei-suading  his  Assemhly  to  consent. 

On  the  ninth  of  January  the  General  Court  of 
Massachusetts  — a  convention  of  grave  city  merchants 
and  solemn  rustics  from  the  countrj'  villages  —  was 
astonished  by  a  message  from  the  governor  to  the 
elfcct  that  he  had  a  communication  to  make,  so 
critical  that  he  wished  the  whole  body  to  swear 
secrecy.  The  request  was  novel,  but  being  then  on 
good    terms    with    Shirley,    the  representatives  con- 


1745.]  SHIRLEY'S   ADVICE.  67 

sented,  and  took  the  oath.  Then,  to  their  amaze- 
ment, the  governor  invited  them  to  undertake 
forthwitli  the  reduction  of  Louisbourg.  The  idea  of 
an  attack  on  that  redoubtable  fortress  was  not  new. 
Since  the  autumn,  proposals  had  been  heard  to  peti- 
tion the  British  ministry  to  make  the  attempt,  undei 
a  promise  that  the  colonies  would  give  their  best  aid. 
But  that  Massachusetts  should  venture  it  alone,  or 
with  such  doubtful  help  as  her  neighbors  might  give, 
at  her  own  charge  and  risk,  though  already  insolvent, 
without  the  approval  or  consent  of  the  ministry,  and 
without  experienced  officers  or  trained  soldiers,  was 
a  startling  suggestion  to  the  sober-minded  legislators 
of  the  General  Court.  They  listened,  however,  with 
respect  to  the  governor's  reasons,  and  appointed  a 
committee  of  the  two  houses  to  consider  them.  The 
committee  deliberated  for  several  days,  and  tlien 
made  a  report  advei-se  to  the  plan,  as  was  also  the 
vote  of  the  Court. 

Meanwhile,  in  spite  of  the  oath,  the  secret  had 
escaped.  It  is  said  that  a  country  member,  more 
pious  than  discreet,  prayed  so  loud  and  fervently,  at 
his  lodgings,  for  light  to  guide  him  on  the  moment- 
ous question,  that  liis  words  were  overheard,  and  the 
mystery  of  the  closed  doors  was  revealed.  The  news 
flew  through  the  town,  and  soon  spread  through  all 
the  province. 

After  his  defeat  in  the  Assembly,  Shirley  returned, 
vexed  and  disappointed,  to  his  house  in  Roxbury.  A 
few  days  later,  James  Gibson,  a  Boston  merchant, 


68  A   MAD   SC'IIKMK.  [1745. 

says  that  he  saw  liim  "walking  slowly  down  King 
Street,  with  his  ht'iid  lx)wecl  down,  as  if  in  a  dt'ep 
study."  "He  entered  my  eounting-room,"  pui-sues 
the  merchant,  "and  abruptly  said,  '  Gib8on,  do  you 
feel  like  giving  up  the  expedition  to  Louisbourg?'  " 
(iilwon  replied  that  he  wished  the  House  would 
reconsidiT  their  vote.  "  Vou  are  the  very  man  I 
want  I"  exclaimed  the  governor.'  They  then  drew 
up  a  petition  for  reconsideriition,  whieh  (i iljson  signed, 
promising  to  get  also  the  signatures  of  merchants, 
not  oidy  of  Baston,  hut  of  Salem,  Marhlehead,  and 
other  towns  along  the  {'o;ist.  In  this  he  Wiis  com- 
pletely successful,  as  all  New  England  merchants 
looked  on   Lo\uslM)urg  as  an  arch-enemy. 

The  petition  was  presented,  and  the  (piestion  came 
again  Ix'fore  the  A.ssendjly.  There  had  Ix'en  much 
intercourse  between  Boston  and  Louislxmrg,  which 
had  largely  depended  on  New  England  for  pro- 
visions.^ The  captured  militiamen  of  Canseau,  who, 
after  some  delay,  had  l)een  sent  to  Boston,  according 
to  the  terms  of  surrender,  had  used  their  opportu- 
nities to  the  utmost,  and  could  give  Shirley  much 
information  concerning  the  fortress.  It  was  reported 
that  the  garrison  was  mutinous,  and  that  provisions 
were  fallen  short,  so  that  the  place  eould  not  hold 
out  without  supplies  from  France.  These,  however, 
could  be  cut  off  only  by  blockading  the  harbor  with  a 
stronger  naval  force   than  all   the  colonies   together 

*  Gibson,  Journal  dJ' the  ."Siege  uf  Louiibourg. 

*  Littre  d'un  Habitant  de  Louitbourg. 


1745.]  THE   PLAN   CARRIED.  69 

could  supply.  The  Assembly  had  before  reached  the 
reasonable  conclusion  that  the  capture  of  Louisbourg 
was  beyond  the  strength  of  Massachusetts,  and  that 
the  only  course  was  to  ask  tlie  help  of  the  mother- 
country.  ^ 

The  reports  of  mutiny,  it  was  urged,  could  not  be 
depended  on;  raw  militia  in  the  open  field  were  no 
match  for  disciplined  troops  behind  ramparts;  the 
expense  would  be  enormous,  and  the  credit  of  the 
province,  already  sunk  low,  would  collapse  under  it; 
we  should  fail,  and  instead  of  sympathy,  get  nothing 
but  ridicule.  Such  were  the  arguments  of  the  oppo- 
sition, to  which  there  was  little  to  answer,  except 
that  if  Massachusetts  waited  for  help  from  England, 
Louisbourg  would  be  reinforced  and  the  golden 
opportunity  lost.  The  impetuous  and  irrepressible 
Vaughan  put  forth  all  his  energy;  the  plan  was 
carried  by  a  single  vote.  And  even  this  result  was 
said  to  be  due  to  the  accident  of  a  member  in  opposi- 
tion falling  and  breaking  a  leg  as  he  was  hastening  to 
the  House. 

The  die  was  cast,  and  now  doubt  and  hesitation 
vanished.  All  alike  set  themselves  to  push  on  the 
work.  Shirley  wrote  to  all  the  colonies,  as  far  south 
as  Pennsylvania,  to  ask  for  co-operation.  All  excused 
themselves  except  Connecticut,  New  Hampshire,  and 
Rhode  Island,  and  the  whole  burden  fell  on  the  four 
New  England  colonies.  These,  and  Massachusetts 
above  all,  blazed  with  pious  zeal;  for  as  the  enter- 

1  Report  of  Council,  12  January,  1746. 


70  A   MAI)   SrilKME.  [1745. 

prise  was  directed  against  Roman  Catholics,  it  was 
supposed  in  a  peculiar  manner  to  commend  itself  to 
Iloavcn.  There  were  prayers  without  ceasing  in 
cluirrhes  and  fainilies,  and  all  was  ard(»r,  energy,  aiul 
confidence;  while  the  other  colonies  looked  on  with 
distrust,  dashed  with  derision.  When  Henjaniin 
Franklin,  in  IMiiladfliiliia,  heard  what  was  aft»ot,  ho 
wrote  to  his  hrother  in  Hoston,  "  Fortified  towns  are 
hard  nut«  to  crack,  and  your  teeth  are  not  accustomed 
to  it;  but  some  seem  to  think  that  forts  are  as  easy 
taken  as  snuff." '  It  has  l)een  said  of  FVanklin  that 
while  he  represented  some  of  the  New  England  (piaii- 
ties,  Imj  had  no  part  in  that  enthusiasm  of  which  our 
own  time  saw  a  crowning  example  when  the  cannon 
opened  at  P'ort  Sumter,  and  which  pushes  to  its  end 
without  reckoning  chances,  counting  costs,  or  heed- 
ing tlie  scoffs  of  ill-wishers. 

The  prevailing  hope  and  faith  were,  it  is  true, 
born  largely  of  ignorance,  aided  by  the  contagious 
zeal  of  those  who  first  broached  the  projeet;  for  as 
usual  in  such  cases,  a  few  individuals  supplied  the 
initiate  force  of  the  enterprise.  Vaughan  the  inde- 
fatigable rode  express  to  Portsmoutli  ^\ith  a  letter 
from  .Shirley  to  Benniiig  Wcntworth,  governor  of 
New  Hampshire.  That  pompous  and  self-important 
personage  admired  the  Massachusetts  governor,  who 
far  surpassed  him  in  talents  and  acquirements,  and 
who  at  the  same  time  knew  how  to  soothe  his  vanity. 
Wentworth  was  ready  to  do  his  part,  but  his  province 

^  Sparks,  Works  of  Franklin,  vii.  16, 


1745.]  PREPARATION.  71 

had  no  money,  and  the  King  had  ordered  him  to 
permit  the  issue  of  no  more  paper  currency.  The 
same  prohibition  had  been  laid  upon  Shirley ;  but  he, 
with  sagacious  forecast,  had  persuaded  his  masters  to 
relent  so  far  as  to  permit  the  issue  of  £50,000  in 
what  were  called  bills  of  credit  to  meet  any  pressing 
exigency  of  war.  He  told  this  to  Wentworth,  and 
succeeded  in  convincing  him  that  liis  province  might 
stretch  her  credit  like  Massachusetts,  in  case  of 
similar  militar}'  need.  New  Hampshire  was  thus 
enabled  to  raise  a  regiment  of  five  hundred  men  out 
of  her  scanty  population,  with  the  condition  that  a 
hundred  and  fifty  of  them  should  be  paid  and  fed 
by  Massachusetts.^ 

Shirley  was  less  fortunate  in  Rhode  Island.  The 
governor  of  that  little  colony  called  Massachusetts 
"our  avowed  enemy,  always  trying  to  defame  us."^ 
There  was  a  grudge  between  the  neighbors,  due 
partly  to  notorious  ill-treatment  by  the  Massachusetts 
Puritans  of  Roger  Williams,  founder  of  Rhode  Island, 
and  partly  to  one  of  those  boundaiy  disputes  which 
often  produced  ill-blood  among  the  colonies.  The 
representatives  of  Rhode  Island,  forgetting  past 
differences,  voted  to  raise  a  hundred  and  fifty  men 
for  the  expedition,  till,  learning  that  the  project 
was    neither    ordered   nor   approved   by   the    Home 

1  Correspondence  of  Shirley  and  Wentworth,  in  Belknap  Papers. 
Provincial  Papers  of  New  Hampshire,  v. 

*  Governor  Wanton  to  the  Agent  of  Rhod^  Island,  20  December, 
1745,  in  Colony  Records  of  Rhode  Island,  v. 


T2  A   MAD   SCHEME.  [1745. 

Government,  they  prudently  reconsidered  their 
action.  They  voted,  liowever,  that  the  colony 
sloop  "Tiirtar,"  carrying  fourteen  cannon  and  twelve 
swivels,  should  be  e(iuipped  and  manned  for  the  ser- 
vice, and  that  the  governor  should  \ye  instructed  to 
find  and  commission  a  captain  and  a  lieutenant  to 
command  hor. ' 

Connecticut  [)r(»iHis('d  live  liundrcd  and  sixteen 
men  and  officers,  on  condition  that  Roger  Wolcott, 
their  commander,  should  have  the  second  rank  in  the 
expedition.  Shirley  accordinj^ly  connnissioned  him 
as  major-general.  As  Massachusettij  was  to  supply 
above  three  thousand  men,  or  more  than  three  quarters 
of  the  whole  force,  she  had  a  natural  right  to  name  a 
conmiander-in-chief. 

It  was  not  easy  to  choose  one.  The  colony  had 
been  at  peace  for  twenty  years,  and  except  some 
grizzled  Indian  fighters  of  the  last  war,  and  some 
survivors  of  the  Carthagcna  expedition,  nolx)dy  had 
seen  service.  Few  knew  well  what  a  fortress  was, 
and  nobody  knew  how  to  attack  one.  Courage, 
energy,  good  sense,  and  popularity  were  the  best 
qualities  to  be  hoped  for  in  the  leader.  Popularity 
was  indispensable,  for  the  soldiers  were  all  to  be 
volunteers,  and  they  would  not  enlist  under  a  com- 
mander whom  they  did  not  like.  Shirley's  choice 
was  William  Pepperrell,  a  merchant  of  Kittery. 
Knowing  that  Benning  Wentworth  thought  himself 
the  man  for  the  place,  he  made  an  effort  to  placate 

1  Colony  Records  of  Rhode  Island,  v.  {February,  1746). 


1745.]  WILLIAM   PEPPERRELL.  73 

him,  and  wrote  that  he  would  gladly  have  given  him 
the  chief  command,  but  for  his  gouty  legs.  AVent- 
worth  took  fire  at  the  suggestion,  forgot  his  gout, 
and  declared  himself  ready  to  serve  his  country  and 
assume  the  burden  of  command.  The  position  was 
awkward,  and  Shirley  was  forced  to  reply,  "  On  com- 
municating your  offer  to  two  or  three  gentlemen  in 
whose  judgment  I  most  confide,  I  found  them  clearly 
of  opinion  that  any  alteration  of  the  present  command 
would  be  attended  with  great  risk,  both  with  respect 
to  our  Assembly  and  the  soldiers  being  entirely 
disgusted."  ^ 

The  painter  Smibert  has  left  us  a  portrait  of 
Pepperrell, —  a  good  bourgeois  face,  not  without 
dignity,  though  with  no  suggestion  of  the  soldier. 
His  spacious  house  at  Kittery  Point  still  stands, 
sound  and  firm,  though  curtailed  in  some  of  its  pro- 
portions. Not  far  distant  is  another  noted  relic  of 
colonial  times,  the  not  less  spacious  mansion  built 
by  the  disappointed  Wentworth  at  Little  Harbor.  I 
write  these  lines  at  a  window  of  this  curious  old 
house,  and  before  me  spreads  the  scene  familiar  to 
Pepperrell  from  childhood.  Here  the  river  Piscataqua 
widens  to  join  the  sea,  holding  in  its  gaping  mouth 
the  large  island  of  Newcastle,  with  attendant  groups 
of  islets  and  island  rocks,  battered  with  the  rack  of 
ages,  studded  with  dwarf  savins,  or  half  clad  with 
patches  of  whortleberry  bushes,  sumach,  and  the  shin- 
ing wax-myrtle,  green  in  summer,  red  with  the  touch 

^  Shirley  to  Wentworth,  16  February,  1746. 


74  A  MAD  SCHEME.  [1745. 

of  October.  The  flood  tide  pours  strong  and  full 
around  them,  only  to  ehb  away  and  lay  bare  a  deso- 
lation of  lock.s  and  stones  buried  in  a  shock  of  brown 
drenched  seaweed,  ])road  tracts  of  glistening  mud, 
sand-Kinks  blaok  witli  inussel-lieds,  and  half-sub- 
merged meadows  of  eel-grass,  with  myriads  of  minute 
shell-tish  clinging  to  its  long  lank  tresses,  licyoiid 
all  these  lies  the  main,  or  northern  channel,  more 
than  deep  enough,  even  when  the  tide  is  oiit,  to  float 
a  line-of-lmttle-ship.  On  its  farther  Iwnk  stiinds  the 
old  house  of  the  Pepperrells,  wearing  even  now  an 
air  of  dingy  respectability.  Looking  through  its 
small,  quaint  window-panes,  one  could  see  across  the 
water  the  nule  dwellings  of  fishennen  along  the  shore 
of  Newcastle,  and  the  neglected  earthwork  called 
Fort  William  and  Mary,  that  feebly  guarded  the 
river's  mouth.  In  front,  the  Piscataqua,  curving 
southward,  widened  to  meet  the  Atlantic  between 
rocky  headlands  and  foaming  reefs,  and  in  dim  dis- 
tance the  Isles  of  Shoals  seemed  floating  on  the  pale 
gray  sea. 

Behind  the  Pepperrell  house  was  a  garden,  prob- 
ably more  useful  than  ornamental,  and  at  the  foot  of 
it  were  the  owner's  wharves,  with  storehouses  foi 
salt-fish,  naval  stores,  and  imported  goods  for  the 
country  trade. 

Pepperrell   was    the   son    of    a   Welshman  ^   who 

1  "A  native  of  Ravistock  Parish,  in  Wales."  Parsons,  TJfe  of 
Pepperrell.  Mrs.  Adelaide  Cilley  Waldron,  a  descendant  of  Pepper- 
rell, assures  me,  however,  that  his  father,  the  emigrant,  came,  not 
from  Wales,  but  from  Devonshire. 


1745.]  WILLIAM  PEPPERRELL.  75 

migrated  in  early  life  to  the  Isles  of  Shoals,  and 
thence  to  Kittery,  where,  by  trade,  ship-building,  and 
the  fisheries,  he  made  a  fortune,  most  of  which  he 
left  to  his  son  William.  The  young  Pepperrell 
learned  what  little  was  taught  at  the  village  school, 
supplemented  by  a  private  tutor,  whose  instructions, 
however,  did  not  perfect  him  in  English  grammar. 
In  the  eyes  of  his  self-made  father,  education  was 
valuable  only  so  far  as  it  could  make  a  successful 
trader;  and  on  this  point  he  had  reason  to  be  satisfied, 
as  his  son  passed  for  many  years  as  the  chief  mer- 
chant in  New  England.  He  dealt  in  ships,  timber, 
naval  stores,  fish,  and  miscellaneous  goods  brouglit 
from  England ;  and  he  also  greatly  prospered  by  suc- 
cessful land  purchases,  becoming  owner  of  the  greater 
part  of  the  growing  towns  of  Saco  and  Scarborough. 
When  scarcely  twenty-one,  he  was  made  justice  of 
the  peace,  on  which  he  ordered  from  London  what 
his  biographer  calls  a  law  library,  consisting  of  a  law 
dictionary,  Danvers'  "Abridgment  of  the  Common 
Law,"  the  "Complete  Solicitor,"  and  several  other 
books.  In  law  as  in  war,  his  best  qualities  were 
good  sense  and  good-will.  About  the  time  when  he 
was  made  a  justice,  he  was  commissioned  captain  of 
militia,  then  major,  then  lieutenant-colonel,  and  at 
last  colonel,  commanding  all  the  militia  of  Maine. 
The  town  of  Kittery  chose  him  to  represent  her  in 
the  General  Court,  !Maine  being  then  a  part  of 
Massachusetts.  Finally,  he  was  made  a  member  of 
the  Governor's  Council,  —  a  post  which  he  held  for 


7n  A   MAI)   SCHKME.  [1745 

thirty-two  yctirs,    during  eighteen   of  which  lie  waa 
president  of  the  ImhiiiI. 

These  civil  digiiilies  served  him  ixs  educators  letter 
than  tutor  or  village  school;  for  they  l)n)Ught  him 
into  close  cont^ict  with  the  chief  men  of  the  province; 
and  in  tlie  Massachusetts  of  that  time,  so  different 
from  our  own,  tlie  U'st  education  and  breeding  were 
found  in  the  official  class.  At  once  a  provincial 
magnate  and  the  great  man  of  a  small  rustic  village, 
his  mannei-s  are  said  to  have  answered  to  lx>th  p(Ksi- 
tions,  —  certainly  they  were  such  as  to  make  him 
popular.  Hut  whatever  he  Iwcame  as  a  man,  he 
learned  nothing  to  fit  him  to  command  an  army  and 
lay  siege  to  Louisl)oiirg.  IVrhaim  he  felt  this,  and 
thought,  with  the  governor  of  Khode  Island,  that 
"the  attempt  to  reduce  that  pro<ligi()Usly  strong 
town  was  too  much  for  New  Kngland,  which  had  not 
one  otlicer  of  exi)erience,  nor  even  an  engineer."* 
Moreover,  he  was  unwilling  to  leave  his  wife,  chil- 
dren, and  business.  He  was  of  a  religious  turn  of 
mind,  and  partial  to  the  clerg}',  wlio,  on  their  iMii-t, 
held  him  in  high  favor.  One  of  them,  the  famous 
])rcacher,  (ieorge  Whitefield,  was  a  guest  at  his 
house  when  he  heard  that  Shirley  had  appointed  him 
to  command  the  exi)edition  against  Louislwurg. 
Whitefield  had  l)een  the  leading  spirit  in  the  recent 
religious  fermentation  called  the  Great  Awakening, 
which,    though   it   produced  bitter    quarrels    among 

^   Governor   Wanton   to  the   Agent  of  Rhode   Ixland  in   London,  20 
December,  1746. 


1745.]  GEORGE  WHITEFIELD.  77 

the  ministers,  besides  other  undesirable  results,  was 
imagined  by  many  to  make  for  righteousness.  So 
thought  the  Rev.  Thomas  Prince,  who  mourned 
over  the  subsiding  delirium  of  his  flock  as  a  sign  of 
backsliding.  "The  heavenly  shower  was  over,"  he 
sadly  exclaims ;  "  from  fighting  the  devil  they  must 
turn  to  fighting  the  French."  Pepperrell,  always 
inclined  to  the  clergy,  and  now  in  great  perplexity 
and  doubt,  iisked  his  guest  Whitefield  whether  or  not 
he  had  better  accept  the  command.  Whitefield  gave 
him  cold  comfort,  told  him  that  the  enterprise  was 
not  very  promising,  and  that  if  he  undertook  it,  he 
must  do  so  "with  a  single  eye,"  prepared  for  obloquy 
if  he  failed,  and  envy  if  he  succeeded.^ 

Henry  Sherburn,  commissary  of  the  New  Hamp- 
shire regiment,  Ijegged  Whitefield  to  furnish  a  motto 
for  the  flag.  The  preacher,  who,  zealot  as  he  was, 
seemed  unwilling  to  mix  himself  with  so  madcap  a 
business,  hesitated  at  first,  but  at  length  consented, 
and  suggested  the  words.  Nil  desperandum  Christo 
duce,  which,  being  adopted,  gave  the  enterprise  the 
air  of  a  crusade.  It  had,  in  fact,  something  of  the 
character  of  one.  The  cause  was  imagined  to  l)e 
the  cause  of  Heaven,  crowned  with  celestial  l)enedic- 
tion.  It  had  the  fervent  support  of  the  ministers, 
not  only  by  prayers  and  sermons,  but,  in  one  case, 
by  counsels  wholly  temporal.  A  certain  pastor, 
much  esteemed  for  benevolence,  proposed  to  Pepper- 
rell, who  had  at  last  accepted  the  command,  a  plan, 
*  f  arsons,  Li/e  of  Pepperrell,  61. 


78  A  MAO  srniMF.  Li^*^ 

unknown  to  VaiiUm,  f«>r  cimfouniling  tlie  devicM  of 
the  enemy.  II«'  lulviseil  tluit  two  trustworthy  {M>rHons 
Hhouhl  cautiously  walk  tojjether  along  tlie  front  of 
tlie  French  rain|MirtM  under  cover  of  night,  one  of 
them  cariying  a  mallet,  with  which  he  waa  to  hammer 
the  ground  at  short  intervals.  The  French  sentinels, 
it  seems  to  have  U-en  su{>{KMed,  on  hearing  this 
mysterious  thumping,  would  lie  ho  Ijewildered  oa  to 
give  no  alann.  While  one  of  the  two  {Mirtners  wa« 
thus  employed,  the  other  was  to  lay  his  ear  t«)  the 
ground,  which,  as  the  adviser  thought,  would  return 
a  hollow  sound  if  the  artful  foe  had  dug  a  mine  under 
it;  and  whenever  such  secret  danger  was  detected,  a 
mark  Wiis  to  be  set  on  the  s{>ot,  to  wani  off  the 
soldiers.' 

F<iually  zealous,  after  another  fiishion,  was  the 
Rev.  Samuel  Mootly,  popularly  known  as  Father 
Motnly,  or  Parson  Mcxnly,  minister  of  York  and 
seni«)r  chaplain  of  the  ex|H,'dition.  Though  aliout 
seventy  years  old,  he  wius  amazingly  tough  and 
sturdy.  lie  still  lives  in  the  tniditicms  of  York  as 
the  spiritual  despot  of  the  settlement  and  the  uncom- 
promising guardian  of  its  manners  and  doctrine,  pre- 
dominating over  it  like  a  rougli  little  village  i)ope. 
The  comparison  would  have  kindled  his  burning 
wratli,  for  he  abhorred  the  Holy  Father  as  an 
embodied  Antichrist.  Many  are  the  stories  told  of 
him  by  the  descendants  of  those  who  lived  under  his 
rod,  and  sometimes  felt  its  weight  j  for  he  was  known 
1  Belknap,  Hi$t.  New  Uampthire,  il.  208. 


1745.1  PARSON   MOODY.  79 

to  liave  corrected  offending  parishioners  with  liis 
cane.^  When  some  one  of  his  flock,  nettled  by  his 
strictures  from  the  pulpit,  walked  in  dudgeon  towards 
the  church  door,  Moody  would  shout  after  him, 
"Come  back,  you  graceless  sinner,  come  back!  "  or  if 
any  ventured  to  the  alehouse  of  a  Saturday  night, 
the  strenuous  pastor  would  go  in  after  them,  collar 
them,  drag  them  out,  and  send  them  home  with  rous- 
ing admonition.'^  Few  dared  gainsay  him,  by  reason 
both  of  his  ii  ritable  temper  and  of  the  thick-skinned 
insensibility  that  encased  him  like  armor  of  proof. 
And  while  his  pachydermatous  nature  made  him 
invulnerable  as  a  rhinoceros,  he  had  at  the  same  time 
a  rough  and  ready  humor  that  supplied  keen  weapons 
for  the  warfare  of  words  and  made  him  a  formidal)le 
antagonist.  This  commended  him  to  the  rude  bor- 
derei-s,  who  also  relished  the  sulphurous  theology  of 
their  s})iritual  dictator,  just  lus  they  liked  the  raw 
and  fieiy  liquors  that  would  have  scorched  more  sus- 
ceptible stomachs.  What  they  did  not  like  was  the 
pitiless  length  of  his  pniyei-s,  which  sometimes  kept 
them  afoot  above  two  houi-s  shivering  in  the  polar 
cold  of  the  unheated  meeting-house,  and  which  were 
followed  by  sermons  of  equal  endurance ;  for  the  okl 
man's  lungs  were  of  brass,  and  his  nerves  of  ham- 
mered iron.  Some  of  the  sufferers  ventured  to  remon- 
strate;   but    this    only    exasperated    him,    till    one 

»  Tradition  toUl  me  at  York  by  Mr.  N.  Marshall. 
'  Lecture  of  Ralph   Waldo  Eiiierdon,  quoted  by  Cabot,  Memoir 
©/  Emerson,  i.  10. 


80  A    M\l»    >(  IIKMK.  [1745. 

|»iiri«hii»ner,  nion*  woiMly  wise  tli.iii  the  rrst,  utcoiii- 
latiitMl  liirt  iniKlcst  iM'titi«in  for  iiun-y  with  llie  j^ift  of 
;i  Uirrt'l  of  cider,  after  which  the  ixintoirH  luiaiMtru- 
tioiw  were  |)ercoptihly  le»w  exhuiwtiiig  than  lieftire. 
He  had  an  irreprt^sMiliK^  coiuioienee  and  a  lii^hly 
apj»i*t'«sive  .m-nse  of  <hity,  wliiih  nmdr  him  an  inl»»ler- 
uMe  nicddh'r  in  the  iitTiiirs  of  othiT  {leojde,  and 
which,  joined  to  an  underlying  kindness  of  heart, 
made  hitn  mo  indiHen>et  in  hin  eharitieH  tliat  hin  wife 
and  cljiKlnMi  wen*  often  driven  to  vain  j>rot«'st  ai^niiuMt 
the  cxcesjteH  of  hiri  ahus^ivin^.  Ihe  oM  i'uritun 
fanaticinni  wiut  mni|)ant  in  him;  and  when  he  tuiiled 
for  Loui.HlMiur)^,  he  t4M>k  with  him  an  axe,  intended, 
as  he  fUiid,  to  hew  thiwn  the  altani  of  Antirhritit 
and  (hMnoli.sh  hiM  idols.' 

Shirh'v's  choice  of  a  comnianchT  was  iK>rha{M  the 
ln'sl  that  could  have  U'en  made;  for  IVpjHjrrell 
joined  to  an  unusual  ]>opularity  as  little  militAry 
incom|K'lcncy  as  anylnuly  els«'  who  couKl  U»  luul. 
l*opularity,  we  have  seen,  was  indis^HMisalde,  and 
even  comiwiny  othcer?*  were  ap|>ointed  with  an  eye  to 
it.  Many  of  these  were  well-known  men  in  rustic 
ni'ii,'lilM>rlioods,  who  ha<l  raised  comjKinies  in  the  1u>jm' 
of  being  connnissioned  to  connnand  them.  Others 
were  militia  othcers  recruiting  unilcr  orders  of  the 
governor.     Tims,   John  Storer,  major  in  the   Maine 

*  Mootly  found  sympathizeM  in  hii  ironooUstic  zoal.  Dvacon 
Jolin  Gray  of  niiKK-forii  wroti'  to  I'eppcrrell:  " '>h  that  I  coulil  l»e 
with  you  and  dear  I'arson  Moody  in  that  church  (at  Louiibourg]  to 
destroy  tlu>  ima>;ea  tluTe  »vt  up,  and  hear  the  true  Goipel  of  our 
Lord  an^l  Saviour  tht-re  preaolied !  " 


1745.]  THE  NEW   ENGLAND   ARMY.  81 

militia,  raised  in  a  single  day,  it  is  said,  a  company 
of  sixty-one,  the  eldest  being  sixty  years  old,  and  the 
youngest  sixteen.'  They  formed  about  u  quarter  of 
the  fencible  population  of  the  town  of  Wells,  one  of 
the  most  exposed  places  on  the  border.  Volunteera 
offered  themselves  readily  everjwhere;  though  the 
pay  was  meagre,  especially  in  Maine  and  Massachu- 
setts, where  in  the  new  provincial  currency  it  was 
twenty-five  shillings  a  month,  —  then  equal  to  four- 
teen shillings  sterling,  or  less  than  sixpence  a  day,'-* 
the  soldier  furnishing  his  own  clothing  and  bringing 
his  own  gun.  A  full  third  of  the  Massachusetts 
contingent,  or  more  than  a  thousand  men,  are  reported 
to  have  come  from  the  hardy  population  of  Maine, 
whose  entire  fighting  force,  as  shown  by  the  muster- 
rolls,  was  then  but  2,800.3  perhaps  there  was  not 
one  officer  among  them  whose  experience  of  war 
extended  beyond  a  drill  on  muster  day  and  the  sham 
tight  that  closed  the  performance,  when  it  generally 
hai)})ened  that  the  rustic  warriors  were  treated  with 
rum  at  the  charge  of  their  captain,  to  put  them  in 
good  humor,  and  so  induce  them  to  obey  the  word  of 
command. 

As  the  three  provinces  contributing  soldiers  recog- 
nized no  common  authority  nearer  than  the  King, 
I'epperrell  received    three    several     commissions    as 

»  BouriU',  lliil.  of  WdU  and  Kt:nnebunk,'31l. 

2  Ciib8i)ii,  Journal;  Iltcords  of  Rhode  Liland,  v.  Covernor  Wan- 
ton of  timt  province  says,  with  complacency,  that  the  pay  of  Rhode 
Isianil  was  twice  tliat  of  Massachusetts. 

«  Tarsons,  Life  uf  Pepperrell,  54. 
VOL.    II.  —  6 


8-2  A    MAD   M  1II;MK.  [I74i. 

lieuteimnt-geneml,  —  one  frt)m  the  goveraor  of  Mas- 
saehuMfttM,  and  tlu'  others  froni  the  ^ovemore  of 
Connecticut  anil  New  llanijmhire;  while  Wolcolt, 
coniinan(h>r  of  the  Connecticut  forces,  wan  commi«- 
sioned  iw  nuijor-genend  by  Iwtli  the  governor  of  \uh 
own  province  antl  that  of  MaHHaclmsi-ttM.  When  the 
levieH  wert»  conipU'te,  it  was  found  that  .MiutHachunetts 
had  contrihute»l  aUmt  3,300  men,  Ct»nneet»cut  516, 
and  New  IIain|iHhire  304  in  her  own  |>ay,  l)enideii  l'>0 
paid  by  lier  wealtliier  neigldiorJ  Hhiwle  iMhmd  had 
U)t*l  faith  and  diMUuHh'd  her  l.*>0  men;  but  afterwanU 
raided  tliem  again,  tiiough  t^Mi  hit«?  to  Uike  [uirt  in  tlte 
siege. 

Each  of  the  four  New  Kngland  coU)niefl  had  a  little 
navy  of  its  «)wn,  consiMting  of  from  «»ne  to  three  or 
four  small  anned  vessels;  and  as  privateering  — 
which  was  sonietimes  a  euphemism  for  piracy  where 
Frenchmen  and  S|»anianls  were  concerned  —  waa  a 
favorite  occupati«>n,  it  was  jMissible  to  extem|M»rize 
an  a<lditional  fon-e  in  case  of  nee<l.  For  a  naval 
commanth'r,  Shirley  chose  Captiiin  Ivlward  Tyng, 
wh(»  hiid  signalized  himself  in  the  jmst  summer  by 
capturing  a  French  privat«'er  of  gn»ater  stnMigth  than 
his  own.  Shirley  authorizeil  him  to  buy  for  the 
province  the  Ixxst  ship  lie  could  find,  equip  her  for 
fighting,  and  take  command  of  her.  Tyng  soon 
found  a  brig  to  his  mind,  on  the  stocks  nearly  ready 

»  <  tf  tlie  Ma»«achu»otti  contingent,  tliref  humln-il  men  were 
rtiied  and  maintained  at  tlie  charge  of  the  nien.liaut  Jamea 
OibaoD. 


1745.]  THE  NEW  E^JGLAXD  XAVY.  83 

for  launching.  She  was  rapidly  fitted  for  her  new 
destination,  converted  into  a  frigate,  mounted  with 
24  guns,  and  named  the  "Massachusetts."  The  rest 
of  the  naval  force  consisted  of  the  ship  "Ctesar,"  of 
20  guns;  a  vessel  called  the  "Shirley,"  commanded 
by  Captain  Rous,  and  also  carrying  20  guns ;  another, 
of  the  kind  called  a  "snow,"  carrying  IG  guns;  one 
sloop  of  12  guns,  and  two  of  8  guns  each;  the 
"Boston  Packet,"  of  IG  guns;  two  sloops  from  Con- 
necticut of  16  guns  each;  a  privateer  hired  in  Rhode 
Island,  of  20  guns;  the  government  sloop  "Tart^ir," 
of  the  same  colony,  cairying  14  carriage  guns  and  12 
swivels;  and,  finally,  the  sloop  of  14  guns  which 
formed  the  navy  of  New  Hampshire.^ 

It  was  said,  with  ai)parent  rea^son,  that  one  or  two 
heavy  French  ships-of-war  —  and  a  number  of  such 
was  exjjected  in  the  spring  —  would  outmatch  the 
whole  colonial  squadron,  and,  after  mastering  it, 
would  hold  all  the  transports  at  mercy ;  so  that  the 
troojjs  on  shore,  having  no  means  of  return  and  no 
hope  of  succor,  would  1)6  forced  to  surrender  or 
starve.  The  danger  was  real  and  serious,  and  Shirley 
felt  the  necessity  of  help  from  a  few  British  ships-of- 
war.  Commodore  Peter  Warren  was  then  with  a 
small  squadron  at  Antigua.  Shirley  sent  an  express 
boat  to  him  with  a  letter  stating  the  situation  and 
asking  his  aid.  Warren,  who  had  married  an 
American  woman  and  who  owned  large  tracts  of 
land  on  the  Mohawk,  was  known  to  be  a  warm  friend 
^  The  list  is  given  by  Williamson,  ii.  227. 


84  A    MAI)   sen  KM  E.  [1745. 

to  tlu*  provinces.  It  is  clear  that  he  would  j^ladly 
have  coiiiplifd  with  Shirley's  reijueHt;  but  when  he 
laid  the  question  liefort;  a  council  of  oflicers,  they 
were  of  one  mind  that  without  onlers  from  the 
Admiralty  he  woulil  nut  Ite  justified  in  supportinj^  an 
attempt  made  without  the  approval  of  the  King.' 
He  therefore  saw  no  choice  hut  to  «h'cline.  Shirley, 
fearing  that  his  r»'fusal  wouhl  U'  too  di.scou raging, 
kept  it  secret  from  all  hut  repj)errell  and  (Jenerul 
Wolcott,  or,  as  othei-s  say,  IJrigatlier  Wahlo.  He 
liad  written  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  in  the  pivced- 
ing  autumn  that  Acadia  and  the  tLsheries  were  in 
great  danger,  and  that  shij>s-of-war  were  neetled  for 
their  protection.  On  thi.s,  the  duke  had  written  to 
Warren,  ordering  him  to  sail  for  HoHton  and  concert 
measures  with  Sjiirley  "for  the  annoyance  of  the 
enemy,  and  his  Majesty's  service  in  North  America."' 
Newcastle's  letter  readied  Warren  only  two  or  three 
days  after  he  had  sent  hack  his  refusal  of  Shirley's 
request.  Thinking  liimself  now  sutlficiently  author- 
ized to  give  the  desired  aid,  he  made  all  sail  for 
Boston  with  his  three  ships,  the  "Superbe,"  "Mer- 
maid," and  "  Launceston."  On  the  way  he  met  a 
schooner  from  Hoston,  and  learned  from  its  oflicers 
that  the  expedition  had  already  sailed;  on  which, 
detaining  the  master  as  a  pilot,  he  changed  his  course 
uod  made  directly  for  Canseau,  —  the  place  of  ren- 
dezvous of  the  exj)edition,  —  and  at  the  same  time 

*  Meinoin  of  the  Principal  Transactions  of  the  Last   H'ar,  44. 
«  Ibid.,  40.     Letters  of  Shirley  (Public  Record  Office). 


1745.]  RAPID  PREPARATION.  85 

sent  orders  by  the  schooner  that  any  king's  ships 
that  might  arrive  at  Boston  should  immediately  join 
him. 

Within  seven  weeks  after  Shirley  issued  his  procla- 
mation for  volunteers,  the  preparations  were  all 
made,  and  the  unique  armament  was  afloat.  Trans- 
ports, such  as  they  were,  could  be  had  in  abundance ; 
for  the  harbors  of  Salem  and  Marblehead  were  full  of 
fishing-vessels  thrown  out  of  employment  by  the  war. 
These  were  hired  and  insured  by  the  province  for  the 
security  of  the  o\vner8.  There  was  a  great  dearth  of 
cannon.  The  few  that  could  be  had  were  too  light, 
the  heaviest  being  of  twenty-two-pound  calibre. 
New  York  lent  ten  eighteen-pounders  to  the  expedi- 
tion. But  the  adventurers  looked  to  the  French  for 
their  chief  supply.  A  detached  work  near  Louis- 
bourg,  called  the  Grand,  or  Royal,  liattery,  was 
known  to  be  armed  with  thirty  heavy  pieces;  and 
these  it  was  proposed  to  capture  and  turn  against  the 
town, — which,  as  Hutchinson  remarks,  was  "like 
selling  the  skin  of  the  bear  before  catching  him." 

It  was  clear  that  the  expedition  must  run  for  luck 
against  risks  of  all  kinds.  Those  whose  hopes  were 
highest,  based  them  on  a  belief  in  the  special  and 
direct  interposition  of  Providence ;  others  were  san- 
guine through  ignorance  and  provincial  self-conceit. 
As  soon  as  the  troops  were  embarked,  Shirley  wrote 
to  the  ministers  of  what  was  going  on,  telling  them 
that,  accidents  apart,  four  thousand  New  England 
men  would  land  on  Cajje  Breton  in  April,  and  that, 


86  A  MAD  SCHEME.  [1745. 

even  should  tliey  fiiil  to  capture  Louisbourg,  he 
would  answer  for  it  that  they  would  lay  the  town  in 
ruins,  retuke  Canseau,  do  other  good  service  to  his 
Miijesty,  and  then  come  safe  home.*  On  receiving 
this  conununication,  the  govennnent  resolved  to  ai<l 
the  enter[)rise  if  there  should  yet  lie  i\nu\  and 
accordingly  ordered  several  ships-of-war  to  sail  fnr 
Louisliourg. 

TIh;  sarcastic  Dr.  Douglas,  then  living  at  Raston, 
w  rites  that  the  expedition  had  a  lawyer  for  contriver, 
a  nicrchiint  for  gcnoi-al,  and  farmers,  fishenucn,  and 
mechanics  for  soldiers.  In  fact,  it  had  something  of 
the  character  of  broad  farce,  to  which  Shirley  him- 
self, with  all  his  ability  and  general  good  sense,  was 
a  chief  contributor.  He  wrote  to  the  Duke  of  New- 
castle that  though  the  olhcei-s  had  no  experience  and 
the  men  no  diseii)line,  he  would  take  care  to  provide 
against  these  defects,  —  meaning  that  he  would  give 
exact  directions  lu)W  to  take  Louisbourg.  Accord- 
ingly, he  drew  up  copious  instructions  to  that  effect. 
These  seem  to  have  undergone  a  process  of  evolution, 
for  several   distinct   drafts  of   them  are  preserved.* 

1  Shirlei/  to  Nfwrastle,  24  Mnrrh,  174.5.  The  ministry  was  not 
wholly  unprepared  for  this  announcement,  as  Shirley  had  before 
reported  to  it  the  vote  of  his  Assembly  consenting  to  the  expedi- 
tion.    Shirley  to  Xerrrnstle,  1  Fehritari/,  1745. 

'  The  first  draft  of  Shirley's  instructions  for  taking  Louisbourg 
is  in  the  larpe  manuscript  volume  entitled  Siefjf  nf  Louisbourrj,  in 
the  library  of  the  Massacliusctts  Historical  Society.  The  document 
is  called  Memo  for  the  attacking  of  Louisbourtj  this  Sprin;j  bi/  Surprise. 
After  giving  minute  instructions  for  every  movement,  it  goes  on  to 
say  that,  as  the  surprise  may  possibly  fail,  it  will  be  necessary  to 


1745.]  SHIRLEY  AS  A   SOLDIER.  87 

The  complete  and  final  one  is  among  the  Pepperrell 
Papers,  copied  entire  in  the  neat,  commercial  hand 
of  the  general  himself.^  It  seems  to  assume  that 
Providence  would  work  a  continued  miracle,  and  on 
every  occasion  supply  the  expedition  with  weatlier 
precisely  suited  to  its  wants.  "It  is  thought,"  says 
this  singular  document,  "that  Louisbourg  may  be 
surprised  if  they  [the  French]  have  no  advice  of  your 
coming.  To  effect  it  you  must  time  your  arrival 
about  nine  of  the  clock  in  the  evening,  taking  care 
that  the  fleet  be  far  enough  in  the  offing  to  prevent 
their  being  seen  from  the  town  in  the  daytime."  He 
then  goes  on  to  prescribe  how  the  troops  are  to  land, 
after  dark,  at  a  place  called  Flat  Point  Cove,  in  four 
divisions,  three  of  which  are  to  ruiirch  to  the  back  of 
certain  hills  a  mile  and  a  half  west  of  the  town, 
where  two  of  the  three  "are  to  halt  and  keep  a  pro- 
found silence ;  "  the  third  continuing  its  march  "  under 
cover  of  the  said  hills,"  till  it  comes  opposite  the 
Grand  Battery-,  which  it  will  attack  at  a  concerted 
signal;  while  one  of  the  two  divisions  behind  the 
hills  assaults  the  west  gate,  and  the  other  moves  uj) 
to  support  the  attack. 

send  two  small  mortars  and  twelve  cannon  carrying  nine-pound 
balls,  "  so  as  to  bombard  them  and  endeavour  to  make  Breaches  in 
their  walls  and  then  to  Storm  them."  Shirley  was  soon  to  discover 
the  absurdity  of  trying  to  breach  the  walls  of  Louisbourg  with 
nine-pounders. 

^  It  is  printed  in  the  first  volume  of  the  Collections  of  the  }fassa- 
chusetts  Ilistorical  Society.  Shirley  was  so  well  pleased  with  it  that 
he  sent  it  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  enclosed  in  his  letter  of  1  Feb- 
ruary, 1745  (Public  Record  Ofiice). 


88  A   MAI)   SCHKME.  [1745. 

While  this  is  going  on,  the  soldiers  of  the  fourth 
division  are  to  nuinh  with  all  sjK'ed  along  the  shore 
till  they  come  to  a  certain  juirt  of  the  town  wall, 
which  they  are  to  scale;  then  j>rocced  "as  fiist  as  ran 
be  "  to  the  citadel  and  "secure  the  win<lows  of  tlir 
governor's  apartments."  After  this  follow  page 
after  page  of  complicati'cl  <htaiLs  which  nnist  have 
stricken  the  genend  with  Htu|Hfaction.  The  n»cks, 
surf,  fogs,  and  gales  of  that  tenijwstuous  coast  aiv  all 
left  out  of  the  account;  and  so,  Uh\  is  the  natnit*  of 
the  countrv,  which  consists  of  deep  marshes,  rcx-ky 
hills,  and  hollows  chok«'<l  with  evei-gri'en  thickets. 
Yet  a  series  of  complex  and  mutually  dei)endent 
opemtions,  involving  long  marches  through  this 
rugged  and  pathless  region,  was  to  Ir'  accomplished, 
in  the  darkness  of  one  April  night,  hy  raw  soldici-s 
who  knew  nothing  of  the  country.  This  rare  speci- 
men of  amateur  soldiering  is  redeemed  in  some 
measure  hy  a  postscript  in  which  the  governor  sets 
free  the  hands  of  the  geneml,  thus:  "Notwithstand- 
ing the  instnictions  you  have  received  from  me,  I 
must  leave  you  to  act,  upon  unforeseen  emergencies, 
according  to  your  best  discretion." 

On  the  twenty-fourth  of  March,  the  fleet,  consist- 
ing of  about  ninety  transports,  escorted  by  the 
provincial  cruisers,  sailed  from  Nantasket  Roads, 
followed  by  prayers  and  benedictions,  and  also  by 
toasts  drunk  with  cheers,  in  bumpers  of  rum  punch.* 

'  The  following  letter  from  John  Payne  of  Boston  to  Colonel 
Robert  Hale,  of  the  Essex  regiment,  while  it  gives  no  sign  of  the 


1745.]  THE  EXPEDITION  SAILS.  89 

prevailing  religious  feeling,  illustrates  the  ardor  of  the  New  Eng- 
land people  towards  their  rash  adventure  :  — 

Boston,  Apr.  24,  1745. 
Sir,  — I  hope  this  will  find  yon  at  I>ouisbourg  witli  a  Bowl  of  Puncli  a 
Pipe  and  a  I'  —  k  of  C  —  ds  in  your  hand  and  whatever  else  you  desire  (I 
had  forgot  to  mention  a  I'retty  French  Madaniiuosclle).  We  are  very  Im- 
patiently expecting  to  hear  from  you,  your  I'ricnd  Luke  has  lost  several 
lieavcr  Halts  already  concerning  iha  Kxpcdition,  lie  is  so  very  zealous  about 
it  that  he  has  turned  Poor  Houtier  out  id  his  Flouse  for  saying  he   holicvcd 

you  would  not  Take  the  Place. iMmn  his  Hlood  says  Luke,  let  him  be 

an  Knglishman  or  a  Frenchman  and  not  pretend  to  be  an  Fngli.shman  when 
he  is  a  Frenchman  in  his  Heart.  If  drinking  to  your  success  would  Take 
Cape  Briton,  you  must  be  in  Possession  of  it  now,  for  it's  a  standing 
Toast.  I  think  the  least  thing  j-ou  Military  Gent"  can  do  is  to  send  us 
some  arrack  when  you  take  ye  Place  to  celebrate  your  Victory  and  not  to 
force  us  to  do  it  in  Kuni  Punch  or  Luke's  bad  wine  or  sour  cyder. 

To  CoUoncll  Robert  Male 
at  (or  near)  Louisbourg. 

I  am  indebted  ff)r  a  copy  of  this  curious  letter  to  Robert  Hale 
Bancroft,  Esq.,  a  descendant  of  Colonel  Hale. 


CHAITKR    XIX. 

1745. 

LOriSBOlRO     BESIEGED. 

Sr.TH  roMr.KoT.  —  TiiK  VoTAOB.  —  Cakhbad.  —  CiTBxrBCTRn  Src- 
foK«.  —  Dki.at*.  —  I<4>i'iitnorR(i.  — Tiik  Laxdixu.  —  Tiik  Graxd 
Battkht  takk?*. —  Fk»;'<«ii  ('ax?«om  tirxko  ox  tiik  Towjt. — 
Wkaknkh*    «»»•    I)i  riiAJinox.  —  SrrrKRixiiit     or    tiik    Hkaieo- 

KRA:      TIIKIK     IIaHI>IH<H)Ii  ;     TIIKIR     IrRKHI  I.AR     rRlHEKDIMiA. — 

JoAKni  SiiKHiii  Rx.  —  Amatkir  (Jixxkrt. — Camt   Froi.iir. — 
Skctakian  Zkai..  —  rr.Rpi-KXiTit:*  or  I'Krrr.RRri  i.. 

On  Ihiiinl  oiu'  t)f  tlio  tmn.siKirtH  was  Seth  I'oiucroy, 
gunsmith  at  Xorthainpton,  ami  now  major  of  Wil- 
lard's  Massachusetts  regiment.  Wv  h,u\  a  turn  fur 
soldiering,  and  fouglit,  ten  years  hiter,  in  the  Uittlc 
of  Lake  (Jeorge.  Again,  twenty  years  later  still, 
when  Northampton  was  astir  with  nimoi-s  of  war 
from  Haston,  he  Ixirrowed  a  neighlK)r's  horse,  ro«le  a 
hundred  miles,  reached  ('amliri<lge  on  the  morning  of 
the  Ixittle  o{  liunker  Hill,  left  his  Imrrowed  horse  out 
of  the  way  of  hanu,  walked  over  Charlestown  Xeck, 
then  swept  by  the  fire  of  the  ships-of-war,  and  reached 
the  scene  of  action  as  tlie  British  were  fonning  for 
the  attack.  When  Israel  Putnam,  liis  comrade  in  the 
last  war,  saw  from  the  relxd  breastwork  the  old 
man  striding,  gun  in  hand,  up  the  hill,  he  shouted, 


1745.]  SETH   POMEROY.  91 

"By  God,  Pomeroy,  you  here!  A  cannon-shot 
would  waken  you  out  of  your  grave!" 

But  Pomeroy,  with  other  landsmen,  crowded  in 
the  small  and  malodorous  fishing-vessels  that  were 
made  to  serve  as  transports,  was  now  in  the  gripe  of 
the  most  unheroic  of  maladies.  "A  terrible  northeast 
storm"  had  fallen  upon  them,  and,  he  says,  "we  lay 
rolling  in  the  seas,  with  our  sails  furled,  among  pro- 
digious waves."  "Sick,  day  and  night,"  writes  tlie 
miserable  gunsmith,  "so  bad  that  I  have  not  words 
to  set  it  forth."  *  The  gale  increased  and  the  fleet 
was  scattered,  there  l^eing,  as  a  Massachusetts  private 
soldier  writes  in  liis  diary,  "a  very  fierse  Storm  of 
Snow,  som  Rain  and  veiy  Dangerous  weather  to  l)e 
so  nigh  ye  Shore  as  we  was;  but  we  escaped  the 
Rocks,   and  that  was  all."^ 

On  Friday,  April  5,  Pomeroy \s  vessel  entered  the 
liarbor  of  Canseau,  alx)ut  fifty  miles  from  Louisbourg. 
Here  was  the  English  fishing-hamlet,  the  seizure  of 
which  by  the  French  had  first  provoked  the  exi)cdi- 
tion.  The  place  now  quietly  changed  hands  again. 
Sixty-eight  of  the  transports  lay  here  at  anchor,  and 
the  rest  came  drop[)ing  in  from  day  to  day,  sorely 
buffeted,  but  all  safe.  On  Sunday  there  was  a  great 
concourse  to  hear  Parson  Moody  preach  an  open-air 
sermon  from  the  text,  "  Thy  people  shall  be  willing 

1  Diary  of  Major  Scth  Pomeroy.  I  owe  the  copy  before  me  to 
the  kindness  of  his  descendant,  Theodore  Pomeroy,  Esq. 

'  Diary  of  a  Massachusetts  soldier  in  Captain  Richardson's  com- 
pany (Papers  of  Dr.  Belknap). 


92  LOUISBOURG  BESIEGED.  [1745. 

in  the  day  of  thy  power,"  concerning  which  occa- 
sion the  soldier  diarist  observes,  —  "  Several  sorts  of 
Busnesses  was  Going  on,  Som  a  Exercising,  Som 
a  Hearing  Preaching."  The  attention  of  Parson 
Moody's  listeners  was,  in  fact,  distracted  l)y  shouts 
of  command  and  the  awkward  drill  of  squads  of 
homespun  soldiers  on  the  adjacent  pasture. 

Captain  Ammi  Cutter,  with  two  companies,  was 
ordered  to  remain  at  Canscau  and  defend  it  from 
farther  vicissitudes ;  to  which  end  a  blockliouse  w;is 
also  built,  and  mounted  with  eight  small  cannon. 
Some  of  the  armed  vessels  had  been  set  to  cruise  ofl 
Louisbourg,  which  they  did  to  good  purpose,  and 
presently  brought  in  six  French  prizes,  with  supplies 
for  the  fortress.  On  the  other  hand,  they  brought 
the  ominous  news  that  Louisbourg  and  the  adjoining 
bay  were  so  blocked  with  ice  that  landing  was 
impossible.  This  was  a  serious  misfortune,  involving 
long  delay,  and  perhaps  ruin  to  the  expedition,  as 
the  expected  ships-of-war  might  arrive  meanwhile 
from  France.  Indeed,  they  had  already  begun  to 
appear.  On  Thursday,  the  eighteenth,  heavy  can- 
nonading was  heard  far  out  at  sea,  and  again  on 
Friday  "the  cannon,"  says  Pomeroy,  "fired  at  a 
great  rate  till  about  2  of  the  clock."  It  was  the 
provincial  cruisers  attacking  a  French  frigate,  the 
"Renommde,"  of  thirt}^-six  guns.  As  their  united 
force  was  too  much  for  her,  she  kept  up  a  running 
fight,  outsailed  them,  and  escaped  after  a  chase  of 
more  than  thirty  hours,  being,  as  Pomeroy  quaintly 


1745.]  DETENTION   AT  CANSEAU.  93 

observes,  "a  smart  ship."  She  carried  despatches  to 
the  governor  of  Louisbourg,  and  being  unable  to 
deliver  them,  sailed  back  for  France  to  report  what 
she  had  seen. 

On  Monday,  the  twenty-second,  a  clear,  cold, 
windy  day,  a  large  ship,  under  British  colors,  sailed 
into  the  harbor,  and  proved  to  be  the  frigate 
"Eltham,"  escort  to  the  annual  mast  fleet  from  New 
England.  On  orders  from  Commander  AVarren  she 
had  left  her  charge  in  waiting,  and  sailed  for 
Canseau  to  join  the  expedition,  bringing  the  unex- 
pected and  welcome  news  that  Warren  himself  would 
soon  follow.  On  the  next  day,  to  the  delight  of  all, 
he  appeared  in  the  ship  "Superbe,"  of  sixty  guns, 
accompanied  by  the  "Launceston"  and  the  "Mer- 
maid," of  forty  guns  each.  Here  was  force  enough 
to  oppose  any  ships  likely  to  come  to  the  aid  of 
Louisbourg ;  and  Warren,  after  communicating  with 
Pepperrell,  sailed  to  blockade  the  port,  along  with 
the  provincial  cruisei-s,  which,  by  order  of  S4iirley, 
were  placed  under  his  command. 

The  transports  lay  at  Canseau  nearly  three  weeks, 
waiting  for  the  ice  to  break  up.  The  time  was 
passed  in  drilling  the  raw  soldiers  and  forming  them 
into  divisions  of  four  and  six  hundred  each,  according 
to  the  directions  of  Shirley.  At  length,  on  Friday, 
the  twenty-seventh,  they  heard  that  Gabarus  Bay 
was  free  from  ice,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty- 
ninth,  with  the  first  fair  wind,  they  sailed  out  of 
Canseau   harbor,    expecting  to  reach  Louisbourg  at 


94  LOUISBOURG   BESIEGED.  [1745 

nine  in  the  evening,  as  prescribed  in  the  governor's 
receipt  for  taking  Louisbourg  "while  the  enemy 
were  asleep."^  But  a  lull  in  the  wind  defeated  this 
plan;  and  after  sailing  all  day,  they  found  themselves 
becalmed  towards  night.  It  was  not  till  the  next 
morning  that  they  could  see  the  town,  —  no  very  im- 
posing spectacle,  for  the  buildings,  with  a  few  excep- 
tions, were  small,  and  the  massive  ramparts  that 
belted  them  round  rose  to  no  conspicuous  height. 

Louisbourg  stood  on  a  tongue  of  land  wliich  lay 
between  its  harbor  and  the  sea,  and  the  end  of  which 
was  prolonged  eastward  by  reefs  and  shoals  that 
partly  barred  the  entrance  to  the  port,  leaving  a 
navigable  passage  not  half  a  mile  wide.  This  passage 
was  commanded  by  a  powerful  battery  called  the 
"Island  Battery,"  being  upon  a  small  rocky  island 
at  the  west  side  of  the  channel,  and  was  also  secured 
by  another  detached  work  called  the  "Grand,"  or 
"Royal  Battery,"  which  stood  on  the  shore  of  the 
harbor,  opposite  the  entrance,  and  more  than  a  mile 
from  the  town.  Thus  a  hostile  squadron  tiying  to 
force  its  way  in  would  receive  a  flank  fire  from  the 
one  battery,  and  a  front  fire  from  the  other.  The 
strongest  line  of  defence  of  the  fortress  was  drawn 
across  ttie  base  of  the  tongue  of  land  from  the  harbor 
on  one  side  to  the  sea  on  the  other,  —  a  distance  of 
about  twelve  hundred  yards.  The  ditch  was  eighty 
feet  wide  and  from  thirty  to  thirty-six  feet  deep ;  and 
the  rampart,  of  earth  faced  with  masonry,  was  about 
^  The  words  quoted  are  used  by  General  Wolcott  in  his  journal. 


>   «^  5  5-  S   2  ^ 

55    g  -^  ^  '-i  "!?  ,;         VI. 

^■gC.^-.g'^  ^  .J  •-$  ^ 

C    ^  S-5  f  S  s  i  t  5  J 

r    s  ■vj  >  ■-:  ^  "J;  ^i::;'  c^:,  K 


!Q 


>  -=.  '3  c„  S    .      I 


■^  vi  ^  '^  f^  i< 


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0' 


1745.]  DEFENCES  OF  LOUISBOURG.  95 

sixty  feet  thick.  The  glacis  sloped  down  to  a  vast 
marsh,  which  formed  one  of  the  best  defences  of  the 
place.  The  fortress,  without  counting  its  outworks, 
had  embrasures  for  one  hundred  and  forty-eight 
cannon;  but  the  number  in  position  was  much  less, 
and  is  variously  stated.  Pomeroy  says  that  at  the 
end  of  the  siege  a  little  above  ninety  were  found, 
with  "  a  great  number  of  swivels ;  "  others  say  seventy^ 
six.^  In  the  Grand  and  Island  batteries  there  were 
sixty  heavy  pieces  more.  Against  this  formidable 
armament  the  assailants  had  brought  thirty-four 
cannon  and  mortars,  of  much  inferior  weight,  to  be 
used  in  bombarding  the  fortress,  should  they  chance 
to  fail  of  carrying  it  by  surprise,  "  while  the  enemy 
were  asleep."  ^  Apparently  they  distrusted  the 
efficacy  of  their  siege-train,  though  it  was  far  stronger 
than  Shirley  had  at  first  thought  sufficient;  for  they 
brought  with  them  good  store  of  balls  of  forty-two 
pounds,  to  be  used  in  French  cannon  of  that  calibre 
which  they  expected  to  capture,  their  own  largest 
pieces  being  but  twenty-two-pounders. 

According  to  the  Hahitant  de  Louisbourg^  the  gar- 
rison consisted  of  five  hundred  and  sixty  regular 
troops,  of  whom  several  companies  were  Swiss, 
besides  some  thirteen  or  fourteen  hundred  militia, 
inhabitants  partly  of  the  town,  and  partly  of  neigh- 

1  Brown,  Cape  Breton,  183.  Parsons,  Life  of  Pepperrell,  103.  An 
anonymous  letter,  dated  Louisbourg,  4  July,  1745,  says  that  eighty 
fire  cannon  and  six  mortars  have  been  found  in  the  town. 

*  Memoin  of  the  Principal  Transaction*  of  the  Last  War,  40. 


%'  LOUISBOURG   BESIEGED.  (1745. 

boring  settlements.'  The  regulare  were  in  bad  con- 
dition. About  the  preceding  Christmas  they  had 
broken  into  mutiny,  ])cing  discontented  with  their 
rations  and  exasi)erated  witii  getting  no  extra  pay  for 
work  on  the  fortifications.  The  affair  was  so  serious 
that  though  order  was  restored,  some  of  the  olheei-s 
lost  all  eonfidenee  in  the  soldiei-s;  and  this  distrust 
proved  most  unfortunate  during  the  siege.  The  gov- 
ernor, Chevalier  Duchambon,  successor  of  Duquesnel, 
who  had  died  in  the  autumn,  was  not  a  man  to 
grapple  with  a  crisis,  Iniing  deticient  in  decision  of 
character,   if  not  in  capacity. 

He  expected  an  attack.  "We  were  informed  of 
the  preparations  from  the  first,"  says  the  Hahitant  de 
Louishourg.  Some  Indians,  who  had  been  to  Boston, 
carried  to  Canada  the  news  of  what  was  going  on 
there;  but  it  was  not  l)elieved,  and  excited  no  alarm. ^ 
It  was  not  so  at  Louisliourg,  where,  says  tlie  French 
writer  just  quoted,  "we  lost  precious  moments  in 
useless  delil^erations  and  resolutions  no  sooner  made 
than  broken.  Nothing  to  tlie  purpose  was  done,  so 
that  we  were  as  much  taken  by  surprise  as  if  the 
enemy  had  pounced  upon  us  unawares." 

^  "  On  fit  venir  cinq  ou  six  cens  Miliciens  aux  Habitans  des 
environs ;  ce  que,  avec  ceux  de  la  Ville,  pouvoit  former  treize  "a 
quatorze  cons  liouimes."  —  Lettre  d'un  Habitant  de  Louisbourg.  This 
writer  says  that  tliree  or  four  hundred  nnore  might  have  been  had 
from  Niganiclie  and  its  neigliborhood,  if  they  had  been  summoned 
in  time.  The  number  of  militia  just  after  the  siege  is  set  by  Eng- 
lish reports  at  1,310.     Parsons,  103. 

-  Sfiirlei/  to  Xewcastle,  17  June,  1745,  citing  letters  captured  oo 
board  a  ship  from  Quebec. 


1745.]  THE  LANDING.  9T 

It  was  about  the  twenty-fifth  of  March  ^  when  the 
garrison  first  saw  the  provincial  cruisei-s  hovering  off 
the  mouth  of  the  harbor.  They  continued  to  do  so 
at  intervals  till  daybreak  of  the  thirtieth  of  April, 
when  the  whole  fleet  of  transports  appeared  standing 
towards  Flat  Point,  which  projects  into  Gabarus  Bay, 
three  miles  west  of  the  town.^  On  this,  Duchambon 
sent  Morpain,  captain  of  a  privateer,  or  "coreair,"  to 
oppose  the  landing.  He  had  with  him  eighty  men, 
and  was  to  be  joined  by  forty  more,  already  on  the 
watch  near  the  supposed  point  of  disembarkation. ^ 
At  the  same  time  cannon  were  fired  and  alarm  bells 
rung  in  Louisbourg,  to  call  in  the  militia  of  the 
neighborhood. 

Pepperrell  managed  the  critical  work  of  landing 
with  creditable  skill.  The  rocks  and  the  surf  were 
more  dangerous  than  the  enemy.  Several  boats,  filled 
with  men,  rowed  towards  Flat  Point;  but  on  a  signal 
from  the  flagship  "Shirley,"  rowed  back  again, 
Morpain  flattering  himself  that  his  appearance  had 
frightened  them  off.  Being  joined  by  several  other 
boats,  the  united  party,  a  hundred  men  in  all,  pulled 
for  another  landing-place  called  Fresh-water  Cove, 
or  Anse  de  la  Cormurandiere,  two  miles  farther  up 
Gabarus  Bay.  ^Morpain  and  his  party  ran  to  meet 
them;  but  the  boats  were  first  in  the  race,  and  as 

1  14  March,  old  style. 

a  Gabarus  Bay,  sometimes  called  "  Chapeau  Rouge  "  Bay,  is  • 
gpacious  outer  harbor,  immediately  adjoining  Louisbourg. 
5  Bigot  au  Minlstre,  1  Aout,  1745. 
VOL.   II.  —  7 


98  LOUISBOniC    MKSIKfJED.  [174.',. 

Koon  as  tilt'  Xt'W  Kni,'laii(l  uwn  i^ot  :islu»ro,  thoy 
nislied  ii[»(»n  the  French,  killed  six  nf  tlii'in,  rajitiiiiMl 
as  many  iiiorr,  iiu-ludintj  an  olVici-r  naincd  lioulardcrie, 
and  put  the  rest  to  llight,  with  the  loss,  on  their  own 
side,  of  two  men  slightly  wounded.'  Further  resist- 
ance to  the  landing  was  impassible,  for  a  swarm  of 
boats  puslied  against  the  rough  and  stony  Ix'ach,  the 
men  dashing  through  the  surf,  till  l)efore  night  alxmt 
two  thousand  were  on  shore. ^  The  rest,  or  alnmt 
two  thousand  more,  landed  at  their  leisure  on  the 
next  day. 

On  the  second  of  May  Vaughan  led  four  hundred 
men  to  the  hills  near  the  town,  and  saluted  it  with 
three  cheei's,  — somewhat  to  the  discompasure  of  the 
French,  though  they  descril)ed  the  unwelcome  visitors 
as  a  disorderly  crowd.  Vaughan's  next  proceeding 
pleased  them  still  less.  He  marched  behind  the  bills, 
in  rear  of  the  Grand  Battery,  to  the  northea.st  arm  (»f 
tlie  harbor,  where  there  were  extensive  magazines  of 
naval  stores.  These  his  men  set  on  fire,  and  the 
pitch,  tur,  and  other  combustibles  made  a  prodigious 
smoke.  lie  was  returning,  in  the  morning,  with  a 
small  party  of  followers  l)ehin(I  the  liills,  when  com- 
ing opposite  the  Grand  Battery,  and  observing  it 
from  the  ridge,  he  saw  neither  flag  on  the  flagstaff, 

1  Pepperrell  to  Shirlei/,  12  ^'/a//,  1745.  Shirleij  to  Xewrnstle,  28 
October,  1745.  Journal  of  the  Siei/e,  attested  by  Pepperrell  and  four 
other  chief  officers  (London,  1740). 

"^  Bigot  says  six  tliousand,  or  two  thousand  more  than  the  whole 
New  England  force,  which  was  constantly  overestimated  by  the 
French. 


1745.]    THE  GRAND  BATTERY  ABANDONED.  99 

nor  smoke  from  the  barrack  chimneys.  One  of  his 
party  was  a  Cape  Cod  Indian.  Vauglian  bribed  him 
with  a  flask  of  brandy  which  he  had  in  his  pocket, 
—  though,  as  the  clerical  historian  takes  pains  to 
assure  us,  he  never  used  it  himself, —  and  the  Indian, 
pretending  to  be  drunk,  or,  as  some  say,  mad,  stag' 
gered  towards  the  battery  to  reconnoitre.^  All  was 
quiet.  He  clambered  in  at  an  embrasure,  and  found 
the  place  empty.  The  rest  of  the  party  followed, 
and  one  of  them,  William  Tufts,  of  Medford,  a  boy 
of  eighteen,  climbed  the  flagstaff,  holding  in  his  teeth 
his  red  coat,  which  he  made  fast  at  the  top,  as  a  sub- 
stitute for  the  British  flag,  —  a  proceeding  that  drew 
upon  him  a  volley  of  unsuccessful  cannon-shot  from 
the  town  batteries. ^ 

Vaughan  then  sent  this  hasty  note  to  Pepperrell: 
"  May  it  please  your  Honour  to  be  informed  that  by 
the  grace  of  God  and  the  courage  of  13  men,  I  entered 
the  Royal  Battery  about  9  o'clock,  and  am  waiting 
for  a  reinforcement  and  a  flag."  Soon  after,  four 
boats,  filled  with  men,  approached  from  the  town  to 
reoccupy  the  battery,  —  no  doubt  in  order  to  save 
the  munitions  and  stores,  and  complete  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  cannon.  Vaughan  and  his  thirteen  men, 
standing  on  the  open  beach,  under  the  fire  of  the 
town   and  the  Island  Battery,  plied  the  boats  with 

^  Belknap,  ii. 

2  John  Langdon  Sibley,  in  X.  E.  Hist,  and  Gen.  Register,  xxv 
377.  The  Boston  Gazette  of  3  June,  1771,  has  a  notice  of  Tufts' 
recent  death,  witli  an  exaggerated  account  of  his  exploit,  and  an 
appeal  for  aid  to  his  destitute  family. 


100  LOUISBOURG   BESIEGED.  [1745. 

musketry,  and  kept  them  from  landing,  till  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Bnidstreet  appeared  with  a  rein- 
forcement, on  which  the  French  pulled  back  to 
Louisbourg.^ 

The    English    supposed    th;it   the    French    in    tlii^ 
batter}-,  when  the  clouds  of  smoke  drifted  over  tla-ni 
from    the   burning    storehouses,    thought   that   they 
were    to  \ye  attacked   in   force,   and  alKindoned  their 
post  in  a  panic.     This  w;us  not  the  ciuse.      "A  deUich- 
ment  of  the  enemy,"  writes  the  Habitant  de  Louis- 
hoxirg^  "advanced  to  tlu'  n('ighlM)rho()d  of  the  Uoyal 
Battery."     This    was    Vaughan's    four   hundred   on 
their  way  to   bum    the  ston'houses.     "At   once  we 
were   all   seized    with    fright,"   pursues   this  candid 
writer,    "and    on    the    instiint    it   was    proposed   to 
abandon  this  magnificent  iKitteiy,  whicli  would  have 
been  our  l)est  defence,  if  one  had  known  how  to  use 
it.     Various   councils    were   held,    in  a    tumultuous 
way.     It  would  be  hard  to  tell  the  reasons  for  such  a 
strange  proceeding.     Not  one  shot  had  yet  l)een  fired 
at   the   battery,    which   the   enemy  could    not  take, 
except  by  making  regular  approaches,  as  if  against 
the  town  itself,  and  by  besieging  it,  so  to  speak,  in 
form.     Some  persons  remonstrated,  but  in  vain;  and 
so  a  battery  of  thirty  cannon,    which  had  cost  the 
King  immense  sums,   was  abandoned  before  it  was 
attacked." 

Duchambon  says  that  soon  after  the  English  landed, 

*  Vaughan's  party  seems  to  have  consisted  in  all  of  sixteen  men, 
three  of  whom  took  no  part  in  tiiis  affair. 


1745.]  FRENCH  CANNON.  I'^l 

he  got  a  letter  from  Thierry,  the  captain  in  command 
of  the  Royal  Batterj^  advising  that  the  cannon  should 
be   spiked  and  the  works  blown  up.     It  was  then, 
according  to  the  governor,  that  the  council  was  called, 
and  a  unanimous   vote   passed    to  follow  Thierry's 
advice,  on  the  ground  that  the  defences  of  the  battery 
were  in  bad  condition,  and  that   the  four   liundred 
men  posted  there  could  not  stand  against  three  or 
four  thousand.!     The  engineer,  Verrier,  opposed  the 
blowing  up  of  the  works,  and  they  were  therefore  left 
untouched.     Thierry  and   his  garrison   came  off  in 
boats,  after  spiking  the  cannon  in  a  hasty  way,  with- 
out stopping  to  knock  off  the  trunnions  or  burn  the 
carriages.     They  threw  their  loose  gunpowder  into 
the  well,  but  left  behind  a  good  number  of  cannon 
cartridges,  two  hundred  and  eighty  large  bombshells, 
and  other  ordinance   stores,  invaluable  both  to  the 
enemy   and   to    themselves.     Brigadier    Waldo   was 
sent  to  occupy  the  battery  with  his  regiment,  and 
Major   Seth   Pomeroy,    the   gunsmith,    with  twenty 
soldier-mechanics,  was  set  at  drilling  out  the  spiked 
touch-holes    of    the    cannon.     There   were   twenty- 
eight  forty-two-pounders,  and  twoeighteen-pounders.2 

1  Duchamhon  au  Ministre,  2  Septembre,  1745.  This  is  the  gover. 
nor'8  official  report.  "  Four  hundred  men,"  is  perhaps  a  copyist  a 
error,  the   actual  number  in  the  battery  being  not    above   two 

hundred.  ,    ,      t.        i_ 

2  Waldo  to  Shirley,  12  J/a.y,  1745.  Some  of  the  French  writers 
say  twenty-eight  thirty-six  pounders,  while  all  the  English  call 
them  forty-twos, -which  they  must  have  been,  as  the  forty-two- 
pound  shot  brought  from  Boston  fitted  them. 

Mr.  Theodore  Roosevelt  draws  my  attention  to  the  fact  that  can- 


LIBRAH  I 

BTATE  TEACHERS  COLUeC* 
SANTA  BARBAKA.  CAuirORNiA 


102  LonsBouiu;  besikoed.  [1745. 

Several  were  ready  for  use  tlio  next  morning,  and 
immediately  opened  on  the  town,  —  which,  writes  a 
soldier  in  his  diary,  "damaged  the  houses  and  made 
the  women  cry."  "The  encniy,"  says  the  Hahitnnt 
de  Lmitshourg^  "saluted  us  with  our  own  cannon,  and 
made  a  terrific  fuc,  smashing  everything  witliin  range." 
The  English  occupation  of  the  Grand  liattery  may 
be  called  the  decisive  event  of  the  siege.  There 
seems  no  douht  that  the  French  could  have  averted 
the  disaster  long  enough  to  make  it  of  little  help  to 
the  invaders.  The  water-front  of  the  hattery  was 
impreguahle.  The  rear  defences  consisted  of  a  loop- 
holed  wall  of  masonry,  with  a  ditch  ten  feet  deep  and 
twelve  feet  wide,  and  also  a  covered  way  and  glacis, 
which  General  Wolcott  descril)es  as  unfinished.  In 
this  he  mistook.  They  were  not  unfinished,  Imt  had 
l^een  partly  demolislied,  with  a  view  to  reconstruc- 
tion. The  rear  wall  was  flanked  by  two  towers, 
which,  says  Duchamlx»n,  were  demolished ;  but  Gen- 
eral Wolcott  declares  that  swivels  were  still  mounted 
on  them,'  and  he  adds  that  "two  hundred  men  might 
hold  the  battery  against  five  thousand  without  can- 
non." The  English  landed  their  cannon  near  Flat 
Point;  and  Vjcfore  they  could  be  turned  against  the 
Grand  Battery,  they  must  be  dragged  four  miles  over 
hills  and.  rocks,  through  spongy  marshes  and  jungles 

non  were  differently  rated  in  the  French  and  English  navies  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  and  that  a  French  thirty-six  carried  a  ball  as 
large  as  an  English  forty-two,  or  even  a  little  larger. 
1  Journal  of  Major-General  Wolcott, 


1745.]  THE   NEW  ENGLAND   CAMP.  103 

of  matted  evergreens.  This  would  have  required  a 
week  or  more.  The  alternative  was  an  escalade,  in 
which  the  undisciplined  assailants  would  no  doubt 
have  met  a  bloody  rebuff.  Thus  this  Grand  Battery, 
which,  says  Wolcott,  "is  in  fact  a  fort,"  might  at 
least  have  been  held  long  enough  to  save  the  muni- 
tions and  stores,  and  effectually  disable  the  cannon, 
which  supplied  the  English  with  the  only  artiller}^ 
they  had,  competent  to  the  work  before  them.  The 
hasty  abandonment  of  this  important  post  was  not 
Duchambon's  only  blunder,  but  it  was  the  worst  of 
them  all. 

On  the  night  after  their  landing,  the  New  England 
men  slept  in  the  woods,  wet  or  dry,  with  or  without 
blankets,  as  the  case  might  be,  and  in  the  morning 
set  themselves  to  encamping  with  as  much  order  as 
they  were  capable  of.  A  brook  ran  down  from  the 
hills  and  entered  the  sea  two  miles  or  more  from  the 
town.  The  ground  on  each  side,  though  rough,  was 
high  and  dry,  and  here  most  of  the  regiments  made 
their  quarters,  —  Willard's,  Moulton's,  and  Moore's 
on  the  east  side,  and  Burr's  and  Pepperrell's  on  the 
west.  Those  on  the  east,  in  some  cases,  saw  fit  to  ex- 
tend themselves  towards  Louisbourg  as  far  as  the  edge 
of  the  intervening  marsh,  but  were  soon  forced  back 
to  a  safer  position  by  the  cannon-balls  of  the  fortress, 
■which  came  bowling  amongst  them.  This  marsh 
was  that  green,  flat  sponge  of  mud  and  moss  that 
stretched  from  this  point  to  the  glacis  of  Louisbourg. 

There  was  j^reat  want  of  tents,  for  material  to  make 


104  LoriSROrRO    BKSIEr.ED.  [174:.. 

them  was  scarce  in  New  England.  Old  sails  were 
often  used  instead,  Inking  stretched  over  poles,  — per- 
haps after  the  fashion  of  a  Sionx  teejx'c.  When  these 
could  not  be  had,  the  men  built  huts  of  sods,  with 
roofs  of  spruce-lxiughs  overlapping  like  a  thatch;  fi»r 
at  that  early  season,  liark  wotdd  not  i>oq\  from  the 
trees.  The  landing  of  guns,  munitions,  and  stores 
was  a  formidable  task,  consuming  many  days  and 
destroying  many  boats,  as  hap|H'ned  again  wlini 
Amherst  landed  his  cannon  at  this  same  place.  Large 
flat  Iwiats,  brought  from  Boston,  were  used  for  the 
purj)ose,  and  the  loads  were  carried  ashore  on  the 
heads  of  the  men,  wading  through  ice-cold  surf  to 
the  waist,  after  which,  having  no  change  of  clothing, 
they  slept  on  the  ground  through  tlu'  chill  and  foggy 
nights,  reckless  of  future  rheumatisms.' 

A  worse  tiisk  was  lx?fore  them.  The  cannon  were 
to  l)e  dragged  over  the  marsh  to  Green  Hill,  a  spur 
of  the  line  of  rough  heights  that  half  encircled  tln^ 
town  and  harlmr.  Here  the  first  Ixattery  was  to  1h3 
planted;  and  from  this  point  other  guns  were  to  be 
dracrcred  onward  to  more  advanced  stations,  — a  dis- 
tance  in  all  of  more  than  two  miles,  thought  by  the 
French  to  be  impassable.     So,  in  fact,  it  seemed ;  for 

1  The  author  of  The  Importance  and  Advantage  of  Cape  Breton 
says  :  "  When  tlie  hardships  they  were  exposed  to  come  to  be  con- 
sidered, the  behaviour  of  these  men  will  hardly  gain  credit.  They 
went  ashore  wet,  hail  no  [dry]  clothes  to  cover  them,  were  exposed 
in  this  condition  to  cold,  foggy  nights,  and  yet  cheerfully  under- 
went these  diflSculties  for  the  sake  of  executing  a  project  they  had 
Toluntarily  undertaken." 


1745.]        HARDIHOOD  OF   THE   BESIEGERS.  105 

at  the  first  attempt,  the  wheels  of  the  cannon  sank  to 
the  hubs  in  mud  and  moss,  then  the  carriage,   and 
finally  the  piece  itself  slowly  disappeared.    Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Meserve,  of  the  New  Hampshire  regiment,  a 
ship-builder  by  trade,  presently  overcame  the  diffi- 
culty.    By  his  direction  sledges  of  timber  were  made, 
sixteen  feet  long  and  five  feet  wide;  a  cannon  was 
placed   on  each  of  these,    and  it  was  then  dragged 
over  the  marsh  by  a  team  of  two  hundred  men,  har- 
nessed with  rope-traces  and  breast-straps,  and  wading 
to  the  knees.     Horses  or  oxen  would  have  foundered 
in  the  mire.     The  way  had  often  to  be  changed,  as 
the  mossy  surface  was  soon  churned  into  a  hopeless 
slough  along  the  line  of  march.     The  work  could  be 
done  only  at  night  or  in  thick  fog,  the  men  being 
completely   exposed    to   the    cannon    of    the    town. 
Thirteen  years  after,  when  General  Amherst  besieged 
Louisbourg  again,  he  dragged  his  cannon  to  the  same 
hill   over  the  same   marsh;  but  having  at  his  com- 
mand,  instead  of  four  thousand  militiamen,  eleven 
tliousand    British    regulars,   with  all   appliances  and 
means  to  boot,  he  made  a  road,  with  prodigious  labor, 
through  the  mire,  and  protected  it  from  the  French 
shot  by  an  epaulement,   or  lateral  earthwork.^ 

Pepperrell  writes  in  ardent  words  of  the  cheerful- 
ness of  his  men  "  under  almost  incredible  hardships. " 
Shoes  and  clothing  failed,  till  many  were  in  tatters 
and  many  barefooted ;  ^  yet  they  toiled  on  with  uncon- 

^  See  "  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,"  chap.  xLx. 
*  Pepperrell  to  Newcastle,  28  June,  1745. 


106  LOUISBOURG   BESIEGED.  [1745. 

querable  spirit,  and  witliin  four  days  had  planted  a 
battery  of  six  guns  on  Green  Hill,  which  was  about 
a  mile  from  the  King's  Bastion  of  Louisbourg.  In 
another  week  they  had  dragged  four  twenty-two- 
pound  cannon  Jind  ten  coehorns  —  gravely  called 
"cowhorns"  by  the  bucolic  Pomeroy  —  six  or  seven 
hundred  yards  farther,  and  planted  them  within  easy 
range  of  the  citudel.  Two  of  the  cannon  burst,  and 
were  replarccl  by  foui-  more  and  a  large  mortar,  which 
bui-st  in  its  turn,  aiul  Sliiih'y  was  begged  to  send 
another.  Meanwhile  a  Kittery,  chiefly  of  coehorns, 
had  been  planted  on  a  hillock  four  hundred  and  forty 
yards  from  the  West  Gate,  where  it  greatly  annoyed 
the  French;  and  on  the  next  night  an  advanced 
battery  was  placed  just  opposite  the  same  gate,  and 
scarcely  two  hundred  and  fifty  3'ards  from  it.  This 
West  Gate,  the  principal  gate  of  Louisbourg,  opened 
upon  the  tract  of  high,  firm  ground  that  lay  on  the 
left  of  the  besiegei-s,  Injtween  the  marsh  and  the 
harbor,  an  arm  of  which  here  extended  westward 
beyond  the  town,  into  what  was  called  the  Barachois, 
a  salt  pond  formed  by  a  projecting  spit  of  sand.  On 
the  side  of  the  Barachois  farthest  from  the  town  was 
a  hillock  on  which  stood  the  house  of  an  habitant 
named  jMartissan.  Here,  on  the  tAventieth  of  May, 
a  fifth  battery  was  planted,  consisting  of  two  of 
ihe  French  forty-two-pounders  taken  in  the  Grand 
Battery,  to  which  three  others  were  afterwards  added. 
Each  of  these  heavy  pieces  was  dragged  to  its  desti- 
nation by  a  team  of  three  hundred  men  over  rough 


1745.]  IRREGULAR  OPERATIONS.  107 

and  rocky  ground  swept  by  the  French  artillery. 
This  fifth  battery,  called  the  Northwest,  or  Titcomb's, 
proved  most  destructive  to  the  fortress.^ 

All  these  operations  were  accomplished  with  the 
utmost  ardor  and  energy,  but  with  a  scorn  of  rule 
and  precedent  that  astonished  and  bewildered  the 
French.  The  raw  New  England  men  went  their 
ovm  way,  laughed  at  trenches  and  zigzags,  and  per- 
sisted in  trusting  their  lives  to  the  night  and  the  fog. 
Several  writers  say  that  the  English  engineer  Bastide 
tried  to  teach  them  discretion ;  but  this  could  hardly 
be,  for  Bastide,  whose  station  was  Annapolis,  did 
not  reach  Louisbourg  till  the  fifth  of  June,  when 
the  batteries  were  finished,  and  the  siege  was  nearly 
ended.  A  recent  French  writer  makes  the  curious 
assertion  that  it  was  one  of  the  ministers,  or  army 
chaplains,  who  took  upon  him  the  vain  task  of 
instruction  in  the  art  of  war  on  this  occasion.^ 

This  ignorant  and  self-satisfied  recklessness  might 
have  cost  the  besiegers  dear  if  the  French,  instead  of 
being  perplexed  and  startled  at  the  novelty  of 
their  proceedings,  had  taken  advantage  of  it;  but 
Duchambon  and  some  of  his  officers,  remembering 
the  mutiny  of  the  past  winter,  feared  to  make  sorties, 
lest  the  soldiers  might  desert  or  take  part  with  the 

1  Journal  of  the  Siege,  appended  to  Shirley's  report  to  Newcastle; 
Duchambon  au  Ministre,  2  Septembre,  1745;  Lettre  d'un  Habitant; 
Pomeroy,  etc. 

2  Ferland,  Cours  d'Histoire  du  Canada,  ii.  477.  "  L'ennemi  ne 
nous  attaquoit  point  dans  les  formes,  et  ne  pratiquoit  point  aucun 
retranchement  pour  se  couvrir."  —  Habitant  de  Louisbourg. 


108  LOUISBOURG   BESIEGED.  [1745. 

enemy.  The  danger  of  this  appears  to  have  been 
small.  Warren  sjK'aks  with  wonder  in  his  letters  of 
the  rarity  of  desertions,  of  whieh  tiiere  api)ear  to 
have  lx?en  hut  three  during  the  siege,  — one  Inking 
that  of  a  half-idiot,  fnnii  wliotn  no  information  could 
l)e  got.  A  l)older  (M)nimander  wouhl  not  have  stood 
idle  while  his  own  cannon  were  planted  hy  the  enemy 
to  iKitter  (h)wn  his  walls;  and  whatever  the  risks  of 
a  sortie,  the  risks  of  not  making  one  were  greater. 
"Both  troops  and  militia  eagerly  demanded  it,  and 
I  lielieve  it  would  have  succeeded,"  writes  the  intend- 
ant,  Bigot.'  The  attempt  was  actually  made  more 
than  once  in  a  half-hearted  way,  —  noUihly  on  the 
eighth  of  May,  when  the  French  att«icked  the  most 
advanced  Imttery,  and  were  repulsed,  with  little  lo.ss 
on  either  side. 

The  Ifitbitant  de  Louisho%irg  says:  "The  enemy  did 
not  attack  us  with  any  regularity,  and  made  no 
intrenchments  to  cover  themselves."  This  last  is 
not  exact.  Not  l)eing  wholly  demented,  they  made 
intrenchments,  such  as  they  were,  —  at  least,  at  the 
advanced  battery;-  as  they  would  otherwise  have 
been  swept  out  of  existence,  l)eing  under  the  concen- 
tred fire  of  several  French  batteries,  two  of  which 
were  within  the  range  of  a  musket-shot. 

The  scarcity  of  good  gunners  was  one  of  the  chief 
difficulties  of  the  l)esiegers.  As  privateering,  and 
piracy  also,  against  Frenchmen  and  Spaniards  was  a 

1  Bigot  au  }tinistre,  1  Aout,  1745. 

•  Diary  of  Joseph  Sherburn,  Captain  at  the  Advanced  Battery. 


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1745.]  AMATEUR  GUNNERY.  109 

favorite  pursuit  in  New  England,  there  were  men  in 
Pepperrell's  army  who  knew  how  to  handle  cannon ; 
but  their  number  was  insufficient,  and  the  general 
sent  a  note  to  Warren,  begging  that  he  would  lend 
him  a  few  experienced  gunners  to  teach  their  trade 
to  the  raw  hands  at  the  batteries.  Three  or  four 
were  sent,  and  they  found  apt  pupils. 

Pepperrell  placed  the  advanced  battery  in  charge 
of  Captain  Joseph  ^  Sherburn,  telling  him  to  enlist 
as  many  gunnere  as  he  could.  On  the  next  day 
Sherburn  reported  that  he  had  found  six,  one  of 
whom  seems  to  have  been  sent  by  Warren.  With 
these  and  a  number  of  raw  men  he  repaired  to  his 
perilous  station,  where  "I  found,"  he  says,  "a  very 
poor  intrenchment.  Our  best  shelter  from  the  French 
fire,  which  was  very  hot,  was  hogsheads  filled  with 
earth."  He  and  his  men  made  the  West  Gate  their 
chief  mark;  but  before  they  could  get  a  fair  sight 
of  it,  they  were  forced  to  shoot  down  the  fish-flakes, 
or  stages  for  drying  cod,  that  obstructed  the  view. 
Some  of  their  party  were  soon  killed,  —  Captain 
Pierce  by  a  cannon-ball,  Thomas  Ash  by  a  "bumb," 
and  others  by  musketry.  In  the  night  they  improved 
their  defences,  and  mounted  on  them  three  more 
guns,  one  of  eighteen-pound  calibre,  and  the  others 
of  forty-two,  —  French  pieces  dragged  from  the 
Grand  Battery,  a  mile  and  three  quarters  round  the 
Barachois, 

1  He  signs  his  name  Jos.  Slierburn  ;  but  in  a  list  of  the  officers 
of  the  New  Hampshire  Regiment  it  appears  in  full  as  Joseph. 


110  LOUISBOURG  BESIEGED.  [1745. 

The  cannon  could  be  loaded  only  under  a  constant 
fire  of  musketry,  which  the  enemy  briskly  returned. 
The  French  practice  was  excellent.  A  soldier  who 
in  bravado  mounted  the  rampart  and  stood  there  for 
a  moment  was  shot  dead  with  five  bullets.  The  men 
on  both  sides  called  to  each  other  in  scraps  of  bad 
French  or  broken  English ;  while  the  French  drank 
ironical  healths  to  the  New  England  men,  and  gave 
them  bantering  invitations  to  breakfast. 

Sherburn  continues  his  diary.  "  Sunday  morning. 
Began  our  fire  with  as  much  fury  as  possible,  and  the 
French  returned  it  as  warmly  from  the  Citidale  [cita- 
del],^ West  Gate,  and  North  East  Battery  with 
Cannon,  INIortare,  and  continual  showers  of  musket 
balls;  but  by  11  o'clock  we  had  beat  them  all  from 
their  guns."  He  goes  on  to  say  that  at  noon  his  men 
were  forced  to  stop  firing  from  want  of  powder,  that 
he  went  with  his  gunners  to  get  some,  and  that  while 
they  were  gone,  somebody,  said  to  be  Mr.  Vaughan, 
brought  a  supply,  on  which  the  men  loaded  the  forty- 
two  pounders  in  a  bungling  way,  and  fired  them. 
One  was  dismounted,  and  the  other  burst;  a  barrel 
and  a  half-barrel  of  powder  blew  up,  killed  two  men, 
and  injured  two  more.  Again :  "  Wednesday.  Hot 
fire  on  both  sides,  till  the  French  were  beat  from  all 
their  guns.  May  29th  went  to  2  Gun  [Titcomb's] 
Battery  to  give  the  gunners  some  directions;  then 
returned  to  my  own  station,  where  I  spent  the  rest  of 
the  day  with  pleasure,  seeing  our  Shott  Tumble 
down  their  walls  and  Flagg  Staff." 


1745.]  RESULT  OF   THE   FIRE.  Ill 

The  following  is  the  intendant  Bigot's  account  of 
the  effect  of  the  New  England  fire:  "The  enemy 
established  their  batteries  to  such  effect  that  they 
soon  destroyed  the  greater  part  of  the  town,  broke 
the  right  flank  of  the  King's  Bastion,  ruined  the 
Dauphin  Battery  with  its  spur,  and  made  a  breach  at 
the  Porte  Dauphine  [West  Gate],  the  neighboring 
wall,  and  the  sort  of  redan  adjacent."^  Duchambon 
says  in  addition  that  the  cannon  of  the  right  flank 
of  the  King's  Bastion  could  not  be  served,  by  reason 
of  the  continual  fire  of  the  enemy,  which  broke  the 
embrasures  to  pieces ;  that  when  he  had  them  repaired, 
they  were  broken  to  pieces  (demantihuUs)  again,  — 
and  nobody  could  keep  his  ground  behind  the  wall  of 
the  quay,  which  was  shot  through  and  through  and 
completely  riddled. ^  The  town  was  ploughed  with 
cannon-balls,  the  streets  were  raked  from  end  to  end, 
nearly  all  the  houses  damaged,  and  the  people  driven 
for  refuge  into  the  stifling  casemates.  The  results 
were  creditable  to  novices  in  gunnery. 

The  repeated  accidents  from  the  bursting  of  cannon 
were  no  doubt  largely  due  to  unskilful  loading  and 
the  practice  of  double-shotting,  to  which  the  over- 
zealous  artillerists  are  said  to  have  often  resorted.^ 

1  Bigot  au  Ministre,  1  Aout,  1745. 

2  Duchambon  au  Ministre,  2  Septembre,  1745. 

8  "  Another  forty-two  pound  gun  burst  at  the  Grand  Battery. 
All  the  guns  are  in  danger  of  going  the  same  way,  by  double-shot- 
ting them,  unless  under  better  regulation  than  at  present."  —  Waldo 
toPepperrell,20  May,  1745. 

Waldo  had  written  four  days  before  :  "  Captain  Hale,  of  my  reg- 
iment, is  dangerously  hurt  by  the  bursting  of  another  gun.     He  was 


112  LOUISBOURG   BESIEGED.  [1745. 

It  is  said,  in  proof  of  the  orderly  conduct  of  the 
men,  that  not  one  of  them  was  punished  during  all 
the  siege;  but  this  shows  the  mild  and  conciliating 
character  of  the  general  quite  as  much  as  any  peculiar 
merit  of  the  soldiers.  The  state  of  things  in  and 
about  the  camp  was  compared  by  the  caustic  Dr. 
Douglas  to  "a  Cambridge  Commencement,"  which 
academic  festival  was  then  attended  by  much  rough 
frolic  and  boisterous  horsei)lay  among  the  disorderly 
crowds,  white  and  black,  bond  and  free,  who  swarmed 
among  the  booths  on  Cambridge  Common.  The 
careful  and  scrupulous  Belknap,  who  knew  many 
who  took  part  in  the  siege,  says :  "  Those  who  were 
on  the  spot  have  frequently,  in  my  hearing,  laughed 
at  the  recital  of  their  own  irregularities,  and  expressed 
their  admiration  when  they  reflected  on  the  almost 
miraculous  preservation  of  the  army  from  destruc- 
tion." While  the  cannon  bellowed  in  the  front,  frolic 
and  confusion  reigned  at  the  camp,  where  the  men 
raced,  wrestled,  pitched  quoits,  fired  at  marks,  — 
though  there  was  no  ammunition  to  spare,  —  and  ran 
after  the  French  cannon-balls,  which  were  carried  to 
the  batteries,  to  be  returned  to  those  who  sent  them. 
Nor  were  calmer  recreations  wanting.  "  Some  of  our 
men  went  a  fishing,  about  2  miles  off,"  writes  Lieu- 
tenant Benjamin  Cleaves  in  his  diary:  "caught  6 
Troutts."  And,  on  the  same  day,  "Our  men  went 
to   catch   Lobsters:    caught   30."     In    view   of   this 

our  mainstay  for  gunnery  since  Captain  Rhodes's  misfortune  " 
(also  caused  by  the  bursting  of  a  cannon).  Waldo  to  PepperreU,lQ 
May,  1746. 


1745.]  RELIGIOUS  ZEAL.  113 

truant  disposition,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the 
besiegers  now  and  then  lost  their  scalps  at  the  hands 
of  prowling  Indians  who  infested  the  neighborhood. 
Yet  through  all  these  gambols  ran  an  undertow  of 
enthusiasm,  born  in  brains  still  fevered  from  the 
"Great  Awakening."  The  New  England  soldier,  a 
growth  of  sectarian  hotbeds,  fancied  that  he  was 
doing  the  work  of  God.  The  army  was  Israel,  and 
the  French  were  Canaanitish  idolaters.  Red-hot 
Calvinism,  acting  through  generations,  had  modified 
the  transplanted  Englishman ;  and  the  descendant  of 
the  Puritans  was  never  so  well  pleased  as  when 
teaching  their  duty  to  other  people,  whether  by  pen, 
voice,  or  bombshells.  The  ragged  artiller^^men,  bat- 
tering the  walls  of  papistical  Louisbourg,  flattered 
themselves  with  the  notion  that  they  were  champions 
of  gospel  truth. 

Barefoot  and  tattered,  they  toiled  on  with  indomi- 
table pluck  and  cheerfulness,  doing  the  work  which 
oxen  could  not  do,  with  no  comfort  but  their  daily 
dram  of  New  England  rum,  as  they  plodded  through 
the  marsh  and  over  rocks,  dragging  the  ponderous 
guns  through  fog  and  darkness.  Their  spirit  could 
not  save  them  from  the  effects  of  excessive  fatip-ue 
and  exposure.  They  were  ravaged  with  diarrhoea 
and  fever,  till  fifteen  hundred  men  were  at  one  time 
on  the  sick-list,  and  at  another,  Pepperrell  reported 
that  of  the  four  thousand  only  about  twent}^-one 
hundred  were  fit  for  duty.^     Nearly  all  at  last  recov- 

1  Pepperrell  to  Warren,  28  May,  1745. 
TOi.  II.  —  8 


114  LOUISBOURG   BESIEGED.  [1745. 

ered,  for  tlio  weather  was  luiusually  good;  yet  tlio 
number  fit  for  service  was  aKsurdly  small.  Pepperrell 
begged  for  reinforcements,  but  got  none  till  the  siege 
was  ended. 

It  was  not  his  nature  to  rule  with  a  stiff  hand,  — 
and  this,  perhaps,  was  fortunate.  Order  and  djsci- 
pline,  the  sinews  of  an  army,  were  out  of  the  cjut's- 
tion;  and  it  remained  to  do  as  well  as  might  be 
without  them,  keep  men  and  officers  in  good-humor, 
and  avoid  all  tliat  could  dash  their  ardor.  For  this, 
at  least,  the  merchant-general  was  well  fitted.  His 
popularity  had  helped  to  raise  the  army,  and  perhaps 
it  helped  now  to  make  it  efficient.  His  position  was 
no  bed  of  roses.  Worries,  small  and  great,  pui-sued 
him  without  end.  He  made  friends  of  his  officers, 
kept  a  bountiful  table  at  his  tent,  and  labored  to 
soothe  their  disputes  and  jealousies,  and  satisfy  their 
complaints.  So  generous  were  his  contributions  to 
the  common  cause  that  according  to  a  British  officer 
who  speaks  highly  of  his  services,  he  gave  to  it,  in 
one  form  or  another,  £10,000  out  of  his  own  pocket.' 

His  letter-books  reveal  a  swarm  of  petty  annoy- 
ances, which  may  have  tried  his  strength  and  patience 
as  much  as  more  serious  cares.  The  soldiers  com- 
plained that  they  were  left  without  clothing,  shoes, 
or  rum;  and  when  he  implored  the  Committee  of 
War  to  send  them,  Osborne,  the  chairman,  replied 
with  explanations  why  it  could  not  be  done.     Letters 

J  Letter  from  an  Officer  of  Marines  appended  to  A  particular  Ac' 
count  of  the  Taking  of  Cape  Breton  (London,  1745). 


1745.]  THE   BURDENS  OF  COiOIAND.  115 

came  from  wives  and  fathers  entreating  that  husbands 
and  sons  who  had  gone  to  the  war  should  be  sent 
back.  At  the  end  of  the  siege  a  captain  "humble 
begs  leave  for  to  go  home,"  because  he  lives  in  a 
very  dangerous  country,  and  his  wife  and  children 
are  "in  a  declining  way"  without  hira.  Then  two 
entire  companies  raised  on  the  frontier  offered 
the  same  petition  on  similar  grounds.  Sometimes 
Pepperrell  was  beset  with  prayers  for  favors  and 
promotion;  sometimes  with  complaints  from  one 
corps  or  another  that  an  undue  share  of  work  had 
been  imposed  on  it.  One  Morris,  of  Cambridge, 
writes  a  moving  petition  that  his  slave  "Cuffee," 
who  had  joined  the  army,  should  be  restored  to  him, 
his  lawful  master.  One  John  Alford  sends  the 
general  a  number  of  copies  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Prentice's 
late  sermon,  for  distribution,  assuring  him  that  "it 
will  please  your  whole  army  of  volunteers,  as  he  has 
shown  them  the  way  to  gain  by  their  gallantry  the 
hearts  and  affections  of  the  Ladys."  The  end  of  the 
siege  brought  countless  letters  of  congratulation, 
which,  whether  lay  or  clerical,  never  failed  to  remind 
him,  in  set  phrases,  that  he  was  but  an  instrument 
in  the  hands  of  Providence. 

One  of  his  most  persistent  correspondents  was  his 
son-in-law,  Nathaniel  Sparhawk,  a  thrifty  merchant, 
with  a  constant  eye  to  business,  who  generally  began 
his  long-winded  epistles  with  a  bulletin  concerning 
the  health  of  "  Mother  Pepperrell,"  and  rarely  ended 
them   without  charging  his  father-in-law  with  some 


116  LOUisBorm;  besieged.  [1745. 

commission,  sucli  ;is  buying  for  hiin  the  cargo  of  a 
Frencli  prize,  if  he  could  get  it  clieap.  ( )r  thus:  "  If 
you  would  procure  for  me  a  lujgshead  of  the  best 
C'hirett,  and  a  hogshead  of  the  Ix-st  white  wine,  at  a 
reasonable  rate,  it  Wdidil  l»e  very  grateful  to  me." 
After  pestering  him  with  a  few  other  commissions, 
he  tells  him  lh;it  '*  Aiidicw  ;iii(l  lU-ttsy  [children  of 
I*e})p('rn'll]  st-nd  their  [)roper  compliments,"  and 
signs  himself,  with  the  starched  tlourisli  of  provincial 
breeding,  "With  all  possible  ResiH'ct,  Honoured  Sir, 
Your  ()lH'difnt  Son  and  Servant."'  repperrell  was 
nuich  annoyed  by  the  conduct  of  the  mastei"s  of  the 
transports,  of  whom  he  wrote:  "The  unaccountable 
irregular  liehaviour  of  these  fellows  is  the  greatest 
fatigue  I  meet  with;  "  but  it  may  1x3  doubted  whether 
his  son-in-law  diil  n<tt  prove  an  e(pially  efficient 
pei-secutor. 

*  S/><ir/i<iirk:  to  I'eiiperrell, —  June,  1745.     Thia  in  but  one  of  many 
letters  from  Sparhawk. 


CHAPTER   XX. 

1745. 
LOUISBOURG  TAKEN. 

A  Rash  Hesolution.  —  The  Island  Battery.  —  The  Voluw. 
TKERS.  —  The  Attack.  —  The  Reptlse.  —  Captpre  of  the 
"  ViGii-A.NT."  —  A  Sortie. — Skirmishes. —  Despondency  of 
the  French.  —  English  Ca.mp  threatened.  —  Teppekrell 
AND  Warren.  —  Warren's  Plan.  —  Preparation  for  a  Gen- 
eral Attack.  —  Flag  of  Truce.  —  Capitulation.  —  State 
OF  THE  Fortress.  —  Parson  Moody.  —  Soldiers  dissatisfied. 
—  Disorders.  —  Army  and  Navy.  —  Rejoicings.  —  England 
repays  Provincial  Outlays. 

Frequent  councils  of  war  were  held  in  solemn 
form  at  head(iuartci-s.  On  the  seventh  of  May  a 
summons  to  surrender  was  sent  to  Duchambon,  who 
replied  that  he  would  answer  with  his  cannon.  Two 
days  after,  we  find  in  the  record  of  the  council  the 
following  startling  entry:  "Advised  unanimously 
that  the  Town  of  Louisbourg  be  attacked  by  storm 
this  Night."  Vaughan  was  a  member  of  the  board, 
and  perhaps  his  imj^etuous  rashness  had  turned  the 
heads  of  his  colleagues.  To  storm  the  fortress  at 
that  time  would  have  been  a  desperate  attempt  for 
the  best-trained  and  best-led  troops.  There  was  as 
3'et  no  breach  in  the  walls,  nor  the  beginning  of  one ; 
and  the  French  were  so  confident  in  the  strength  of 
their  fortifications  that  they  boasted  that  women  alone 


118  LOUlSROrRG   TAKEN.  [1745. 

could  defend  them.  Nine  in  ten  of  the  men  had  no 
bayonets,^  many  had  no  shoos,  and  it  is  said  that  the 
scaling-ladders  they  had  brought  from  Boston  were 
ten  foot  too  short.'  Perhaps  it  was  unfortunate  for 
the  French  that  the  army  was  more  itrudent  than  its 
leaders;  and  another  council  lieing  called  on  the  same 
day,  it  was  "Advised,  That,  inasmuch  as  there 
api>oai"s  a  great  Dissatisfaction  in  many  of  the  ofTic<'i"s 
and  Sol(lici"s  at  the  designed  attack  of  the  Town  hy 
Storm  this  Night,  Uie  said  Attack  he  deferred  for  the 
present."^ 

Another  plan  wa.s  adopted,  hardly  less  critical, 
though  it  found  favor  with  the  army.  This  was  the 
a.ssanlt  of  the  Island  Battery,  which  closed  tiie 
entrance  of  the  harbor  to  the  British  squadron,  and 
kept  it  open  to  ships  from  Fr.ince.  Nolx)dy  knew 
precisely  how  to  tind  the  two  landing-places  of  this 
formidable  work,  which  were  narrow  gai)S  between 
rocks  lashed  with  almost  constant  surf;  but  Vaughan 
would  see  no  difficulties,  and  wrote  to  Pepperrell 
that  if  he  would  give  him  the  command  and  leave 
him  to  manage  the  attack  in  his  own  way,  he  wouhl 
engage  to  send  the  French  flag  to  headquarters  within 
forty-eight  houi"s.*  On  the  next  day  he  seems  to 
have  thought  the  command  assured  to  him,  and 
writes   from  the   Grand  Battery  that  the  carpenters 

^  Shirley  to  Xewcastle,  7  June,  1745. 

•  Douglas,  Summary,  i.  .347. 

•  Record  of  the  Council  of  War,  9  May,  1745. 

•  Vaughan  to  Pepperrell,  II  May,  1746. 


1745.]  THE  ATTACK.  119 

are  at  work  mending  whale-boats  and  making  paddles, 
asking  at  the  same  time  for  plenty  of  pistols  and  one 
hundred  hand-grenades,  with  men  who  know  how  to 
use  them.^  The  weather  proved  bad,  and  the  attempt 
was  deferred.  This  happened  several  times,  till 
Warren  grew  impatient,  and  offered  to  support  the 
attack  with  two  hundred  sailors. 

At  length,  on  the  twenty-third,  the  volunteers  for 
the  perilous  enterprise  mustered  at  the  Grand  Bat- 
tery, Avhence  the  boats  were  to  set  out.  Brigadier 
Waldo,  who  still  commanded  there,  saw  them  with 
concern  and  anxiety,  as  they  came  dropping  in,  in 
small  squads,  without  officers,  noisy,  disorderly,  and, 
in  some  cases,  more  or  less  drunk.  "I  doubt,"  he 
told  the  general,  "  whether  straggling  fellows,  three, 
four,  or  seven  out  of  a  company,  ought  to  go  on  such 
a  service.  "2  A  bright  moon  and  northern  lights 
again  put  off  the  attack.  The  volunteers  remained 
at  the  Grand  Battery,  waiting  for  better  luck. 
"They  seem  to  be  impatient  for  action,"  writes 
Waldo.  "  If  there  were  a  more  regular  appearance, 
it  would  give  me  greater  sattysfaction."^  On  the 
twenty-sixth  their  wish  for  action  was  fully  gratified. 
The  night  was  still  and  dark,  and  the  boats  put  out 
from  the  battery  towards  twelve  o'clock,  with  about 
three  hundred  men  on  board.*     These  were  to   be 


*  Vaughan  to  Pepperrell,  12  May,  1745. 
«   Waldo  to  Pepperrell,  23  May,  1745. 

«  Ibid.,  26  May,  1745. 

♦  "  There  is  scarce  three  hundred  men  on  this  atact  [attack],  so 


120  LOUISROURG   TAKEX.  [1745. 

joined  ])y  a  hundred  or  .1  liundrod  iind  fifty  more 
from  Gorham's  regiment,  then  stationed  at  Light- 
house Point.  The  cotninanchT  Wius  not  Vaughan, 
but  one  lirooks,  — the  choite  of  the  men  tliemselves, 
as  were  also  his  subordinates.  •  They  moved  sh)\vly, 
the  boats  K'ing  propelled,  not  by  oai-s,  l»ut  by  paddles, 
which,  if  skilfully  used,  would  make  no  noise.  The 
wind  j)resently  rose;  and  when  they  found  a  landing- 
I)laee,  the  surf  was  lashing  tin;  rocks  with  even  more 
than  usual  fury.  Tlicrt?  was  rooiu  for  but  three 
boats  at  once  l)etween  the  breakei-s  on  each  hand. 
They  pushed  in,  and  the  men  scrambled  ashore  with 
what  sjn'cd  they  might. 

The  Island  Battery  was  a  .strong  work,  walled  in 
on  all  sides,  garrisoned  by  a  hundred  and  eighty 
men,  and  armed  with  thirty  cannon,  seven  swivels, 
and  two  mortiii-s.^  It  was  now  a  little  after  mid- 
night. Captain  d'Aillebout,  the  connnandant,  wius 
on  the  watch,  i)acing  the  Uattery  platform;  but  he 
seems  to  have  seen  nothing  unusual  till  about  a  hun- 
dred and  tifty  men  had  got  on  shore,  when  they  had 

there  will  be  a  sufficieut  nuiubcr  of  Wliail  boats." —  Waldo  to  Pep- 
perrell,26  .l/ay, lOJ  p.  m. 

*  The  list  of  a  company  of  fort3--two  "subscribers  to  po  volun- 
tarily upon  an  attack  against  the  Ishind  Battery  "  is  preserved.  It 
inclmles  a  negro  called  "  Ruben."  Tlic  captain,  chosen  by  the  men, 
was  Daniel  Bacon.  The  fact  that  neither  this  name  nor  that  of 
Brooks,  the  chief  commander,  is  to  be  found  in  the  list  of  commis- 
hiuned  officers  of  Pepperrell's  little  army  (see  Parsons,  Life  «/'  /V;/- 
l>errell,  Appendij)  suggests  the  conclusion  that  the  "  subscribers  " 
were  permitted  to  choose  officers  from  their  own  ranks.  This  list, 
however,  is  not  quite  complete. 

3  Journal  of  the  Siege,  appended  to  Shirley's  report. 


1745.]  THE  ATTACK.  121 

the  folly  to  announce  tlieir  presence  by  three  cheers. 
Then,  in  the  words  of  General  Wolcott,  the  batter}' 
"blazed  with  cannon,  swivels,  and  small-arms."     The 
crowd  of  boats,  dimly  visible  through  the  darkness, 
as  they  lay  just  off  the  landing,  waiting  their  turn  to 
go  in,  were  at  once  the  target  for  volleys  of  grape- 
shot,  langrage-shot,  and  musket-balls,   of  which  the 
men  on  shore  had  also  their  share.     These  succeeded, 
however,  in  planting  twelve  scaling-ladders  against 
the  wall.^     It  is  said  that  some  of  them  climbed  into 
the   place,    and   the   improbable   story   is    told    that 
Brooks,    their  commander,    was   hauling   down    the 
French  flag  when  a  Swiss  grenadier  cut  him  down 
with  a  cutlass.2     Many  of  the  boats  were  shattered 
or  sunk,  while  those  in  the  rear,  seeing  the  state  of 
things,  appear  to  have  sheered  off.     The  affair  was 
soon  reduced  to  an  exchange  of  shots  between  the 
garrison   and  the  men  who  had    landed,    and  who, 
standing  on  the  open  ground  without  the  walls,  were 
not  wholly  invisible,  while  the  French,  behind  their 
ramparts,    were    completely   hidden.     "The    fire    of 
the  English,"  says  Bigot,  "was  extremely  obstinate, 
but  without  effect,  as  they  could  not  see  to  take  aim." 
They  kept  it  up  till  daybreak,   or  about  two  hours 
and  a  half ;  and  then,  seeing  themselves  at  the  mercy 

1  Duchambon  au  Ministre,  2  Septembre,  1745.  Digot  au  Ministre, 
1  Aoul,  1745. 

2  The  exploit  of  the  boy  William  Tufts  in  climbing  the  French 
flagstaff  and  hanging  his  red  coat  at  the  top  as  a  substitute  for  the 
British  flag,  has  also  been  said  to  have  taken  place  on  thUoecasioa 
It  was,  as  before  mentioned,  at  the  Grand  Battery. 


122  LOUISBOURG   TAKEX.  [1715. 

of  the  French,  surrendered  to  the  number  of  one 
hundred  and  nineteen,  including  the  wounded,  three 
or  more  of  whom  died  ahnost  immediately.  By  the 
most  trustworthy  accounts  the  English  loss  in  killed, 
drowned,  and  captured  was  one  hundred  and  eighty- 
nine;  or,  in  the  words  of  Peppenell,  "nearly  half 
our  party."  ^  Disorder,  precipitation,  and  Aveak 
leadership  ruined  what  hopes  the  attempt  ever  had. 

As  this  was  the  only  French  success  during  the 
siege,  Duchambon  makes  the  most  of  it.  He  reports 
that  the  battery  was  attacked  by  a  thousand  men, 
supported  by  eight  hundred  more,  who  were  afraid  to 
show  themselves;  and,  farther,  that  there  were 
thirty-five  boats,  all  of  which  were  destroyed  or 
sunk,  2  —  though  he  afterwards  says  that  two  of  them 
got  away  with  thirty  men,  being  all  that  were  left  of 
the  thousand.  Bigot,  more  moderate,  puts  the  num- 
ber of  assailants  at  five  hundred,  of  whom  he  says 
that  all  perished,  except  the  one  hundred  and  nine- 
teen who  were  captured.^ 

At  daybreak  Louisbourg  rang  with  shouts  of 
triumph.  It  was  plain  that  a  disorderly  militia  could 
not  capture  the  Island  Battery.  Yet  captured  or 
silenced  it  must  be;  and  orders  were  given  to  plant  a 

1  Douglas  makes  it  a  little  less.  "  We  lost  in  this  mad  frolic 
sixty  men  killed  and  drowned,  and  one  hundred  and  sixteen  prison- 
ers." - —  Summary,  i.  353. 

2  "  Toutes  les  barques  f urent  brisees  ou  coulees  k  fond ;  le  feu 
fut  continuel  depuis  environ  minuit  jusqu'a  trois  heures  du  matin." 
•^Duchambon  au  Ministre,  2  Septembre,  1745. 

*  Bigot  au  Ministre,  1  Aout,  1745. 


1745.]  THE   "VIGILANT"  CAPTURED.  123 

battery  against  it  at  Lighthouse  Point,  on  the  eastern 
side  of  the  harbor's  mouth,  at  the  distance  of  a  short 
half-mile.  The  neighboring  shore  was  rocky  and 
almost  inaccessible.  Cannon  and  mortars  were  car- 
ried in  boats  to  the  nearest  landing-place,  hauled  up 
a  steep  cliff,  and  dragged  a  mile  and  a  quarter  to  the 
chosen  spot,  where  they  were  planted  under  the 
orders  of  Colonel  Gridley,  who  thirty  years  after 
directed  the  earthworks  on  Bunker  Hill.  The  new 
battery  soon  opened  fire  with  deadly  effect. 

The  French,  much  encouraged  by  their  late  suc- 
cess, were  plunged  again  into  despondency  by  a  dis- 
aster which  had  happened  a  week  before  the  affair  of 
the  Island  Battery,  but  did  not  come  to  their  knowl- 
edge till  some  time  after.  On  the  nineteenth  of  May 
a  fierce  cannonade  was  heard  from  the  harbor,  and  a 
large  French  ship-of-war  was  seen  hotly  engaged 
with  several  vessels  of  the  squadron.  She  was  the 
"Vigilant,"  carrying  64  guns  and  560  men,  and 
commanded  by  the  Marquis  de  la  Maisonfort.  She 
had  come  from  France  Avith  munitions  and  stores, 
when  on  approaching  Louisbourg  she  met  one  of  the 
English  cruisers,  — some  say  the  "Mermaid,"  of  40 
guns,  and  others  the  "Shirle}',"  of  20.  Being  no 
match  for  her,  the  British  or  provincial  frigate  kept 
up  a  running  fight  and  led  her  towards  the  English 
fleet.  The  "  Vigilant "  soon  found  herself  beset  by 
several  other  vessels,  and  after  a  gallant  resistance 
and  the  loss  of  eighty  men,  struck  her  colore.  Noth- 
ing could  be  more  timely  for  the  New  England  army, 


124  LOUISBOURG   TAKEN.  [1745. 

whose  ammunition  and  provisions  had  sunk  perilously 
low.  The  French  prize  now  supplied  their  needs, 
and  drew  from  the  Habitant  de  Louishourg  the  mourn- 
ful comment,  "  We  were  victims  devoted  to  appease 
the  wrath  of  Heaven,  which  turned  our  own  arms 
into  weapons  for  our  enemies." 

Nor  was  this  the  last  time  when  the  defenders  of 
Louishourg  supplied  the  instruments  of  their  own 
destruction ;  for  ten  cannon  were  presently  unearthed 
at  low  tide  from  the  flats  near  the  careening  wharf  in 
the  northeast  arm  of  the  harbor,  where  they  had  been 
hidden  by  the  French  some  time  before.  Most  of 
them  proved  sound;  and  being  mounted  at  Light- 
house Point,  they  were  turned  against  their  late 
owners  at  the  Island  Battery. 

When  Gorham's  regiment  first  took  post  at  Light- 
house Point,  Duchambon  thought  the  movement  so 
threatening  that  he  forgot  his  former  doubts,  and 
ordered  a  sortie  against  it,  under  the  Sieur  de 
Beaubassin.  Beaubassin  landed,  with  a  hundred 
men,  at  a  place  called  Lorembec,  and  advanced  to 
surprise  the  English  detachment ;  but  was  discovered 
by  an  outpost  of  forty  men,  who  attacked  and  routed 
his  party.  ^  Being  then  joined  by  eighty  Indians, 
Beaubassin  had  several  other  skirmishes  with  English 
scouting-parties,  till,  pushed  by  superior  numbers, 
and  their  leader  severely  wounded,  his  men  regained 
Louishourg  by  sea,  escaping  with  difficulty  from  the 

1  Journal  of  the  Siege,  appended  to  Shirley's  report.  Pomeroy, 
Journal. 


1745.]  MAISONFORT'S   LETTER.  125 

guard-boats  of  the  squadron.  The  Sieur  de  la 
Valli^re,  with  a  considerable  party  of  men,  tried  to 
burn  Pepperrell's  storehouses,  near  Flat  Point  Cove; 
but  ten  or  twelve  of  his  followers  were  captured,  and 
nearly  all  the  rest  wounded.  Various  other  petty 
encounters  took  place  between  English  scouting- 
parties  and  roving  bands  of  French  and  Indians, 
always  ending,  according  to  Pepperrell,  in  the  dis- 
comfiture of  the  latter.  To  this,  however,  there  was 
at  least  one  exception.  Twenty  English  were  way- 
laid and  surrounded  near  Petit  Lorenibec  by  forty  or 
fifty  Indians,  accompanied  by  two  or  three  French- 
men. Most  of  the  English  were  shot  down,  several 
escaped,  and  the  rest  surrendered  on  promise  of  life; 
upon  which  the  Indians,  in  cold  blood,  shot  or  speared 
some  of  them,  and  atrociously  tortured  others. 

This  suggested  to  Warren  a  device  which  had  two 
objects,  —  to  prevent  such  outrages  in  future,  and  to 
make  known  to  the  French  that  the  ship  "Vigilant," 
the  mainstay  of  their  hopes,  was  in  English  hands. 
The  treatment  of  the  captives  was  told  to  the  Marquis 
de  la  Maisonfort,  late  captain  of  the  "Vigilant,"  now 
a  prisoner  on  board  the  ship  he  had  commanded,  and 
he  was  requested  to  lay  the  facts  before  Duchambon. 
This  he  did  with  great  readiness,  in  a  letter  contain- 
ing these  words:  "It  is  well  that  you  should  be 
informed  that  the  captains  and  officers  of  this  squad- 
ron treat  us,  not  as  their  prisoners,  but  as  their  good 
friends,  and  take  particular  pains  that  my  officers  and 
crew  should  want  for  nothing ;  therefore  it  seems  to 


126  LOUISBOURG  TAKEN.  [1745. 

me  just  to  treat  them  in  like  manner,  and  to  punish 
those  who  do  otherwise  and  offer  any  insult  to  the 
prisoners  who  may  fall  into  your  hands." 

Captain  M' Donald,  of  the  marines,  carried  this 
letter  to  Ducharabon  under  a  flag-of-truce.  Though 
familiar  with  the  French  language,  he  spoke  to  the 
governor  through  an  interpreter,  so  that  the  French 
officers  present,  who  hitherto  had  only  known  that  a 
large  ship  had  been  taken,  expressed  to  each  other 
without  reserve  their  discouragement  and  dismay 
when  they  learned  that  the  prize  was  no  other  than 
the  "Vigilant."  Duchambon  replied  to  La  Maison- 
fort's  letter  that  the  Indians  alone  were  answerable 
for  the  cruelties  in  question,  and  that  he  would  forbid 
such  conduct  for  the  future.^ 

The  besiegers  were  now  threatened  by  a  new 
danger.  We  have  seen  that  in  the  last  summer  the 
Sieur  Duvivier  had  attacked  Annapolis.  Undaunted 
by  ill-luck,  he  had  gone  to  France  to  beg  for  help  to 
attack  it  again;  two  thousand  men  were  promised 
him,  and  in  anticipation  of  their  arrival  the  governor 
of  Canada  sent  a  body  of  French  and  Indians,  under 
the  noted  partisan  Marin,  to  meet  and  co-operate 
with.  them.  Marin  was  ordered  to  wait  at  Les  Mines 
till  he  heard  of  the  arrival  of  the  troops  from  France ; 
but  he  grew  impatient,  and  resolved  to  attack 
Annapolis  without  them.  Accordingly,  he  laid  siege 
to   it  with   the   six   or  seven   hundred   whites   and 

1  De  la  Maisonfort  a  Duchambon,  18  Juin  (new  style),  1745.  Du- 
chambon a  De  la  Maisonfort,  19  Juin  (new  style),  1745. 


1745.]  WARREN   AND  PEPPERRELL.  127 

Indians  of  his  party,  aided  by  the  so-called  Acadian 
neutrals.  Mascarene,  the  governor,  kept  them  at 
bay  till  the  twenty-fourth  of  May,  when,  to  his  sur- 
prise, they  all  disappeared.  Duchambon  had  sent 
them  an  order  to  make  all  haste  to  the  aid  of  Louis- 
bourg.  As  the  report  of  this  reached  the  besiegers, 
multiplying  Marin's  force  fourfold,  they  expected  to 
be  attacked  by  numbers  more  than  equal  to  those  of 
their  own  effective  men.  This  wrought  a  wholesome 
reform.  Order  was  established  in  the  camp,  which 
was  now  fenced  with  palisades  and  watched  by  sen- 
tinels and  scouting-parties. 

Another  tribulation  fell  upon  the  general.  Shirley 
had  enjoined  it  upon  him  to  keep  in  perfect  harmony 
with  the  naval  commander,  and  the  injunction  was 
in  accord  with  Pepperrell's  conciliating  temper. 
"Warren  was  no  less  earnest  than  he  for  the  success  of 
the  enterprise,  lent  him  ammunition  in  time  of  need, 
and  offered  every  aid  in  his  power,  while  Pepperrell 
in  letters  to  Shirley  and  Newcastle  praised  his  col- 
league without  stint.  But  in  habits  and  character 
the  two  men  differed  widely.  Warren  was  in  the 
prime  of  life,  and  the  ardor  of  youth  still  burned  in 
him.  He  was  impatient  at  the  slow  movement  of  the 
siege.  Prisoners  told  him  of  a  squadron  expected 
from  Brest,  of  which  the  "Vigilant"  was  the  fore- 
runner; and  he  feared  that  even  if  it  could  not  defeat 
him,  it  might  elude  the  blockade,  and  with  the  help 
of  the  continual  fogs,  get  into  Louisbourg  in  spite  of 
him,  thus  making  its  capture  impossible.     Therefore 


128  LOUISBOURG   TAKEN.  [1745. 

he  called  a  council  of  his  captains  on  board  his  flag- 
ship, the  "Superbe,"  and  proposed  a  plan  for  taking 
the  place  without  further  delay.  On  the  same  day 
he  laid  it  before  Pepperrell.  It  was  to  the  effect  tluit 
all  the  King's  ships  and  provincial  cruisers  should 
enter  the  harbor,  after  taking  on  board  sixteen  hun- 
dred of  Pepperrell's  men,  and  attack  the  town  from 
the  water  side,  while  what  was  left  of  the  army 
should  assault  it  by  land.^  To  accept  the  proposal 
would  have  been  to  pass  over  the  comuiand  to  Warren, 
only  about  twenty-one  hundred  of  the  New  England 
men  being  fit  for  service  at  the  time,  while  of  these 
the  general  informs  Warren  that  "six  liundred  are 
gone  in  quest  of  two  bodies  of  French  and  Indians, 
who,  we  are  informed,  are  gathering,  one  to  the  east- 
ward, and  the  other  to  the  westward.  "^ 

To  tliis  Warren  replies,  with  some  appearance  of 
pique,  "  I  am  very  sorry  that  no  one  plan  of  mine, 
though  approved  by  all  my  captains,  has  been  so  for- 
tunate as  to  meet  your  approbation  or  have  any 
weight  with  you."  And  to  show  his  title  to  con- 
sideration, he  gives  an  extract  from  a  letter  written 
to  him  by  Shirley,  in  which  that  inveterate  flatterer 
hints  his  regret  that,  by  reason  of  other  employments, 
Warren  could  not  take  command  of  the  whole  expe- 
dition, —  "which  I  doubt  not,"  says  the  governor, 

*  Report  of  a  Consultation  of  Officers  on  hoard  his  Majesty's  ship 
"  Superbe,"  enclosed  in  a  letter  of  Warren  to  Pepperrell,  24  May^ 
1745. 

*  Pepperrell  to  Warren,  28  May,  1745. 


1715.]         EFFECT   OF   THE   ENGLISH   FIRE.  129 

"would   be   a   most  happy  event  for  his  Majesty's 


service. 


1 


Pepperrell  kept  his  temper  under  this  thrust,  and 
wrote  to  the  commodore  with  invincible  courtes}'': 
"  Am  extremely  sorry  the  fogs  prevent  me  from  the 
pleasure  of  waiting  on  you  on  board  your  ship,"  add- 
ing that  six  hundred  men  should  be  furnished  from 
the  army  and  the  transports  to  man  the  "Vigilant," 
which  was  now  the  most  powerful  ship  in  the  squad- 
ron. In  short,  he  sliowed  every  disposition  to  meet 
Warren  halfway.  But  the  commodore  was  begin- 
ning to  feel  some  doubts  as  to  the  expediency  of  the 
bold  action  he  had  proposed,  and  informed  Pepperrell 
that  his  pilots  thought  it  impossible  to  go  into  the 
harbor  until  the  Island  Battery  was  silenced.  In 
fact,  there  was  danger  that  if  the  ships  got  in  while 
that  battery  was  still  alive  and  active,  they  would 
never  get  out  again,  but  be  kept  there  as  in  a  trap, 
under  the  fire  from  the  town  ramparts. 

Gridley's  artillery  at  Lighthouse  Point  had  been 
doing  its  best,  dropping  bombshells  with  such  pre- 
cision into  the  Island  Battery  that  the  French  soldiers 
were  sometimes  seen  running  into  the  sea  to  escape 
the  explosions.  Many  of  the  Island  guns  were  dis- 
mounted, and  the  place  was  fast  becoming  untenable. 
At  the  same  time  the  English  batteries  on  the  land 
side  were  pushing  their  work  of  destruction  with 
relentless  industry,  and  walls  and  bastions  crumbled 
under  their  fire.     The  French  labored  with  energy 

1    Warren  to  Pepperrell, 2%  May,  1746. 
VOL.  II.  —  9 


130  LOUISBOURG   TAKEN.  [1745. 

under  cover  of  night  to  repair  the  mischief;  closed 
the  shattered  West  Gate  with  a  wall  of  stone  and 
earth  twenty  feet  thick,  made  an  epaiilement  to  pro- 
tect what  was  left  of  the  formidable  Circular  Battery, 
—  all  but  three  of  whose  sixteen  guns  had  been  dis- 
mounted, —  stopi)ed  the  throat  of  the  Dauphin's 
Bastion  with  a  barricade  of  stone,  and  Iniilt  a  cava- 
lier, or  raised  batter)',  on  the  King's  Bastion,—  where, 
however,  the  English  fire  soon  ruined  it.  Against 
that  near  and  peculiarly  dangerous  neighbor,  the 
advanced  battery,  or,  as  they  called  it,  the  Batterie 
de  Fraiicoeur,  they  planted  three  heavy  cannon  to  take 
it  in  flank.  "These,"  says  Duchambon,  "produced 
a  marvellous  effect,  dismounted  one  of  the  cannon  of 
the  Bastonnais,  and  damaged  all  their  end)rasures,  — 
which,"  concludes  the  governor,  "did  not  prevent 
them  from  keejjing  up  a  constant  fire;  and  they 
repaired  by  night  the  mischief  we  did  them  by 
day."i 

Pepperrell  and  Warren  at  length  came  to  an  under- 
standing as  to  a  joint  attack  by  land  and  water.  The 
Island  Battery  was  by  this  time  crippled,  and  the 
town  batteries  that  commanded  the  interior  of  the 
harbor  were  nearly  destroyed.  It  was  agreed  that 
Warren,  whose  squadron  was  now  increased  by 
recent  arrivals  to  eleven  ships,  besides  the  provincial 
cruisers,  should  enter  the  harbor  with  the  first  fair 
wind,  cannonade  the  town  and  attack  it  in  boats, 
while  Pepperrell   stormed    it   from    the    land    side. 

1  Duchambon  au  Ministre,  2  Septemhre,  1745 


1745.]  CAPITULATION.  131 

Warren  was  to  hoist  a  Dutch  flag  under  his  pennant, 
at  his  main- top-gallant  mast-head,  as  a  signal  that  he 
was  about  to  sail  in ;  and  Peppenell  was  to  answer 
by  three  columns  of  smoke,  marching  at  the  same 
time  towards  the  walls  with  drums  beating  and 
colors  flying.  1 

The  French  saw  with  dismay  a  large  quantity  of 
fascines  carried  to  the  foot  of  the  glacis,  ready  to  fill 
the  ditch,  and  their  scouts  came  in  with  reports  that 
more  than  a  thousand  scaling-ladders  were  lying 
behind  the  ridge  of  the  nearest  hill.  Toil,  loss  of 
sleep,  and  the  stifling  air  of  the  casemates,  in  which 
they  were  forced  to  take  refuge,  had  sapped  the 
strength  of  the  besieged.  The  town  was  a  ruin ;  only 
one  house  was  untouched  by  shot  or  shell.  "We 
could  have  borne  all  this,"  wo-ites  the  intendant 
Bigot;  "but  the  scarcity  of  powder,  the  loss  of  the 
'  Vigilant, '  the  presence  of  the  squadron,  and  the 
absence  of  any  news  from  Marin,  who  had  been 
ordered  to  join  us  with  his  Canadians  and  Indians, 
spread  terror  among  troops  and  inhabitants.  The 
townspeople  said  tliat  they  did  not  want  to  be  put  to 
the  sword,  and  were  not  strong  enough  to  resist  a 
general  assault.  "^  On  the  fifteenth  of  June  they 
brought  a  petition  to  Duchambon,  begging  him  to 
capitulate.^ 

On  that  day  Captain  Sherburn,   at  the  advanced 

1  Warren  to  Pepperrell,  11  June,  1745.  PepperrelL  to  Warren-  13 
June,  1745. 

2  Bigot  au  Ministre,  1  Aout,  1745. 

'  Duchambon  au  Ministre,  2  Septembre,  1746. 


132  LOUISBOURG   TAKEN.  [1745. 

battery,  wrote  in  liis  diiiiy:  "By  12  o'clock  we  had 
got  all  our  platforms  laid,  embrazures  mended,  guns 
in  order,  shot  in  place,  cartridges  ready,  dined,  gun- 
ners quartered,  matches  lighted  to  return  their  last 
favours,  when  we  heard  tlieir  drums  beat  a  parley; 
and  soon  appeared  a  flag  of  truce,  which  I  received 
midway  l^etween  our  battery  and  their  walls,  con- 
ducted the  officer  to  Green  Hill,  and  delivered  him 
to  Colonel  Richman  [Richmond]." 

La  Perelle,  the  French  otTicer,  delivered  a  note 
from  Duchamlwn,  directed  to  both  I'epperrcU  and 
Warren,  and  asking  for  a  suspension  of  arms  to 
enable  him  to  draw  up  proposals  for  capitulation.* 
Warren  chanced  to  be  on  shore  when  the  note  came ; 
and  the  two  commanders  answered  jointly  that  it 
had  come  in  good  time,  as  they  had  just  resolved  on 
a  general  attack,  and  that  tliey  would  give  the  gov- 
ernor till  eight  o'clock  of  the  next  morning  to  make 
his  proposals.^ 

They  came  in  due  time,  but  were  of  such  a  nature 
that  Pepperrell  refused  to  listen  to  them,  and  sent 
back  Bonaventure,  the  officer  who  brought  them, 
with  counter-proposals.  These  were  the  terms  which 
Duchambon  had  rejected  on  the  seventh  of  May, 
with  added  conditions;  as,  among  others,  that  no 
officer,  soldier,  or  inhabitant  of  Louisbourg  should 
bear  arms  against  the  King  of  England  or  any  of  his 
allies  for  the  space  of  a  year.     Duchambon  stipulated, 

*  Duchambon  a  Pepperrell  et   Warren,  20  Juin  (new  style),  1745. 

*  Warren  and  Pepperrell  to  Duc/iambon,  15  June,  1745. 


1745.]  SURRENDER.  133 

as  the  condition  of  his  acceptance,  that  his  troops  should 
march  out  of  the  fortress  with  their  arms  and  colors.^ 
To  this  both  the  English  commanders  consented, 
Warren  observing  to  Pepperrell "  the  uncertainty  of 
our  affairs,  that  depend  so  much  on  wind  and 
weather,  makes  it  necessary  not  to  stickle  at  trifles.'"'* 
The  articles  were  signed  on  both  sides,  and  on  the 
seventeenth  the  ships  sailed  peacefully  into  the  harbor, 
while  Pepperrell  with  a  part  of  his  ragged  army 
entered  the  south  gate  of  the  town.  "  Never  was  a 
place  more  mal'd  [mauled]  with  cannon  and  shells," 
he  writes  to  Shirley;  "neither  have  I  red  in  History 
of  any  troops  behaving  with  greater  courage.  We 
gave  them  about  nine  thousand  cannon-balls  and  six 
hundred  bombs.  "^  Thus  this  unique  military  per- 
formance ended  in  complete  and  astonishing  success. 
According  to  English  accounts,  the  French  had 
lost  about  three  hundred  men  during  the  siege ;  but 
their  real  loss  seems  to  have  been  not  much  above  a 
third  of  that  number.  On  the  side  of  the  besiegers, 
the  deaths  from  all  causes  were  only  a  hundred  and 
thirty,  about  thirty  of  which  were  from  disease. 
The  French  used  their  muskets  to  good  purpose;  but 
their  mortar  practice  was  bad,  and  close  as  was  the 
advanced  battery  to  their  walls,  they  often  failed  to 
hit  it,  while  the  ground  on  both  sides  of  it  looked 

1  Duchambon  a  Warren  et  Pepperrell,  27  Juin  (new  style),  1745. 

*  Pepperrell  to  Warren,  16  June,  1745.  Warren  to  Pepperrell,  Ifl 
June,  1745. 

«  Pepperrell  to  Shirley,  18  June  (old  style),  1746.  Ibid.,  4  Julij 
1746. 


134  LOUISBOURG  TAKEN.  [1745. 

like  a  ploughed  field,  from  the  hursting  of  their  shells. 
Tlieir  surrender  was  largely  determined  by  want  of 
ammunition,  as,  according  to  one  account,  the  French 
had  hut  thirty-seven  harrels  of  gunpowder  left,*  —  in 
which  particular  the  l)esiegers  fared  little  better.^ 

Tlie  New  Enghmd  men  had  been  full  of  confidence 
in  the  result  of  the  projKised  assault,  and  a  French 
writer  says  tliat  the  timely  capitulation  saved  Louis- 
l)Ourg  from  a  terrible  eatiistrophe ;  ^  yet,  ill-armed 
and  disorderly  as  the  l>esieger8  were,  it  may  Ije 
doid)ted  whether  the  quiet  ending  of  the  siege  was 
not  as  fortunate  for  them  as  for  their  foes.  The 
discouragement  of  the  French  was  increased  by 
greatly  exaggerated  ide.as  of  the  force  of  the  "  Baston- 
nais."  The  HuhitniU  de  Louishunrg  j)laces  the  land- 
force  alone  at  eight  or  nine  thousand  men,  and 
Duchambon  reports  to  the  minister  D'Argenson  that 
he  was  attacked  in  all  by  thirteen  thousand.  His 
mortifying  position  was  a  sharp  temptiition  to  exag- 
gerate; but  his  conduct  can  only  Ije  explained  by  a 
belief  that  the  force  of  his  enemy  wfis  far  greater 
than  it  Avas  in  fact. 

Warren  thought  that  the  proposed  assault  would 
succeed,  and  wrote  to  Pepperrell  that  he  hoped  they 

^  Habitant  de  Loutsbotirfj. 

'  Pepperrell  more  than  once  complains  of  a  total  want  of  hnth 
powder  and  balls.  Warren  writes  to  him  on  May  29 :  "  It  is  very- 
lucky  that  we  could  spare  you  some  powder ;  I  am  told  you  had 
not  a  grain  left." 

•  "  C'est  par  une  protection  visible  de  la  Providence  que  nous 
avons  pre'venu  une  journe'e  qui  nous  auroit  e'tc'  si  funeste."  —  Lettra 
d'un  Habitant  de  Louisbourg, 


1745.]  PARSON   MOODY.  135 

would  "soon  keep  a  good  house  together,  and  give 
the  Ladys  of  Louisbourg  a  Gallant  Ball."^  During 
his  visit  to  the  camp  on  the  day  when  the  flag  of 
truce  came  out,  he  made  a  speech  to  the  New  Eng- 
land soldiers,  exhorting  them  to  behave  like  true 
Englishmen ;  at  which  they  cheered  lustily.  Making 
a  \'isit  to  the  Grand  Battery  on  the  same  day,  he  won 
high  favor  with  the  regiment  stationed  there  by  the 
gift  of  a  hogshead  of  ruui  to  drink  his  health. 

Whether  Warren's  "gallant  ball"  ever  took  place 
in  Louisbourg  does  not  clearly  appear.  Pepperrell, 
on  his  part,  celebrated  the  victory  by  a  dinner  to  the 
commodore  and  his  officers.  As  the  redoubtable 
Parson  Moody  was  the  general's  chaplain  and  the 
oldest  man  in  the  army,  he  expected  to  ask  a  blessing 
at  the  board,  and  was,  in  fact,  invited  to  do  so,  —  to 
the  great  concern  of  those  who  knew  his  habitual 
prolixity,  and  dreaded  its  effect  on  the  guests.  At 
the  same  time,  not  one  of  them  dared  rasp  his  irri- 
table temper  by  any  suggestion  of  brevity ;  and  hence 
they  came  in  terror  to  the  feast,  expecting  an  invo- 
cation of  a  good  half-hour,  ended  by  open  revolt  of 
the  hungry  Britons;  when,  to  their  surprise  and 
relief,  i\Ioody  said :  "  Good  Lord,  we  have  so  much 
to  thank  thee  for,  that  time  will  be  too  short,  and  we 
must  leave  it  for  eternity.  Bless  our  food  and  fel- 
lowship upon  this  joyful  occasion,  for  the  sake  of 
Christ  our  Lord,  Amen."  And  with  that  he  sat  down.^ 

*  TVarren  to  PepperreU,lO  June,  1745. 

*  Collections   of  Matt.  Hist.  Society,  i.  49. 


136  LOUISBOURG  TAKEN.  [1745. 

It  is  said  that  he  had  been  seen  in  the  French 
church  hewing  at  the  altar  and  images  with  the  axe 
that  he  had  brought  for  that  purpose ;  and  perhaps 
this  iconoclastic  performance  had  eased  the  high 
pressure  of  his  zeal.^ 

Amazing  as  their  triumph  was,  Pcpperrell's  soldiers 
were  not  satisfied  with  the  capitulation,  and  one  of 
them  utters  his  disapproval  in  his  diary  thus:  "Sab- 
bath Day,  ye  lU'"  June.  They  came  to  Tcrmes  for 
us  to  enter  ye  Sitty  to  morrow,  and  Poore  Termes 
they  Bee  too." 

The  occasion  of  discontent  was  the  security  of 
property  assured  to  the  inliabitants,  "by  wliich 
means,"  says  that  dull  chronicler,  Niles,  "the  poor 
eoldiers  lost  all  their  hopes  and  just  demerit  [desert] 
of  plunder  promised  them."  In  the  meagreness  of 
their  pay  they  thought  themselves  entitled  to  the 
plunder  of  Louisbourg,  which  they  imagined  to  be 
a  seat  of  wealth  and  luxury.  Nathaniel  Sparhawk, 
Pepperrell's  thrifty  son-in-law,  shared  this  illusion, 
and  begged  the  general  to  get  for  him  (at  a  low 
price)  a  handsome  service  of  silver  plate.  When  the 
volunteers  exchanged  their  wet  and  dreary  camp  for 
what  they  expected  to  be  the  comfortable  quarters 
of  the  town,  they  were  disgusted  to  see  the  houses 
still  occupied  by  the  owners,  and  to  find  themselves 
forced  to  stand  guard  at  the  doors,  to  protect  them.^ 

*  A  descendant  of  Moody,  at  the  village  of  York,  told  me  that 
he  was  found  in  the  church  busy  in  the  work  of  demolition. 

'  "  Thursday,  ye  21*'-     Ye  French  keep  possession  yet,  and  we 


1745.]  DISORDERS.  .137 

"A  great  Noys  and  hubbub  a  mongst  ye  Solders  a 
bout  ye  Plunder;  Som  Cursing,  som  a  Swarein,'' 
writes  one  of  the  disgusted  victors. 

They  were  not,  and  perhaps  could  not  be,  long 
kept  in  order;  and  when,  in  accordance  with  the 
capitulation,  the  inhabitants  had  been  sent  on  board 
vessels  for  transportation  to  France,  discipline  gave 
way,  and  General  Wolcott  records  that,  while  Moody 
was  preaching  on  a  Sunday  in  the  garrison-chapel, 
there  was  "excessive  stealing  in  every  part  of  the 
town."     Little,  however,   was  left  to  steal. 

But  if  the  army  found  but  meagre  gleanings,  the 
navy  reaped  a  rich  harvest.  French  ships,  instead  of 
being  barred  out  of  the  harbor,  were  now  lured  to 
enter  it.  The  French  flag  was  kept  flying  over  the 
town,  and  in  this  way  prizes  were  entrapped  to  the 
estimated  value  of  a  million  sterling,  half  of  which 
went  to  the  Crown,  and  the  rest  to  the  British 
officers  and  crews,  the  army  getting  no  share  what- 
ever. 

Now  rose  the  vexed  question  of  the  relative  part 
borne  by  the  colonies  and  the  Crown,  the  army 
and  the  navy,  in  the  capture  of  Louisbourg;  and 
here  it  may  be  Avell  to  observe  the  impressions  of 
a  French  witness  of  the  siege.  "It  was  an  enter- 
prise less  of  the  English  nation  and  its  King  than 
of  the  inhabitants  of  New  England  alone.  This 
singular  people   have   their  own  laws  and   adminis- 

are  forsed  to  stand  at  their  Dores  to  gard  them."  —  Diary  of  a  Sol- 
dier, anonymous. 


138  LOUISBOURG   TAKEN.  [1745. 

tration,  and  their  governor  plays  the  sovereign.  Ad- 
miral [Commodore]  Warren  had  no  authority  over 
the  troops  sent  by  the  Governor  of  Boston,  and  he 
was  only  a  spectator.  .  .  .  Nobody  would  have  said 
that  their  sea  and  land  forces  were  of  the  same 
nation  and  under  the  same  prince.  No  nation  but 
the  English  is  capable  of  such  eccentricities  (/u- 
sarreries), — which,  nevertheless,  are  a  part  of  the 
precious  liberty  of  which  they  show  themselves  so 
jealous."^ 

The  French  writer  is  correct  when  he  says  that 
the  land  and  sea  forces  were  under  separate  com- 
mands, and  it  is  equally  true  that  but  for  the  con- 
ciliating temper  of  Pepperrell,  harmony  could  not 
have  been  preserved  between  the  two  chiefs;  but 
when  he  calls  Warren  a  mere  spectator,  he  does  glar- 
ing injustice  to  that  gallant  officer,  whose  activity 
and  that  of  his  captains  was  incessant,  and  whose 
services  were  invaluable.  They  maintained,  with 
slight  lapses,  an  almost  impossible  blockade,  without 
which  the  siege  must  have  failed.  Two  or  three 
small  vessels  got  into  the  harbor ;  but  the  capture  of 
the  "Vigilant,"  more  than  any  other  event  of  the 
siege,  discouraged  the  French  and  prepared  them  for 
surrender. 

Several  English  viTiters  speak  of  Warren  and  the 
navy  as  the  captors  of  Louisbourg,  and  all  New 
England  writers  give  the  chief  honor  to  Pepperrell 
and  the  army.     Neither  army  nor  nsivj  would  have 

^  Lettre  d'un  Habitant  de  Louisbourg. 


1745.]  ARMY  AXD  XAVY.  139 

been  successful  without  the  other.  Warren  and  his 
officers,  in  a  council  of  war,  had  determined  that  so 
long  as  the  Island  Battery  and  the  water  batteries  of 
the  town  remained  in  an  efficient  state,  the  ships 
could  not  enter  the  harbor;  and  Warren  had  per- 
sonally expressed  the  same  opinion.  ^  He  did  not 
mean  to  enter  till  all  the  batteries  which  had  made 
the  attempt  impracticable,  including  the  Circular 
Battery,  which  was  the  most  formidable  of  all,  had 
been  silenced  or  crippled  by  the  army,  and  by  the 
army  alone.  The  whole  work  of  the  siege  fell  upon 
the  land  forces ;  and  though  it  had  been  proposed  to 
send  a  body  of  marines  on  shore,  tliis  was  not  done.^ 
Three  or  four  gunnere,  "  to  put  3-our  men  in  the  way 
of  loading  cannon,"^  was  Warren's  contribution  to 
the  operations  of  the  siege ;  though  the  fear  of  attack 

^  Report  of  Consultation  on  hoard  the  "  Superbe,"  7  June,  1745, 
"  Commodore  Warren  did  say  publicklv  that  before  the  Circular 
Battery  was  reduced  he  would  not  venture  in  here  with  three  times 
ye  sea  force  he  had  with  him,  and,  through  divine  assistance,  we 
tore  that  [battery]  and  this  city  almost  to  pieces." — Pepperrellto 
Shirley,  4  July,  1745. 

2  Warren  had  no  men  to  spare.  He  says :  "  If  it  should  be 
thought  necessary  to  join  your  troops  with  any  men  from  our  ships, 
it  should  only  be  done  for  some  sudden  attack  that  may  be  exe- 
cuted in  one  day  or  night."  —  Warren  to  Pepperrell,  11  May,  1745. 
No  such  occasion  arose. 

3  Ibid.,  13  May,  1745.  On  the  nineteenth  of  May,  1746,  Warren 
made  a  parting  speech  to  the  New  England  men  at  Louisbourg,  in 
which  he  tells  them  that  it  was  they  who  conquered  the  country,  and 
expresses  the  hope  that  should  the  French  try  to  recover  it,  "  the 
same  Spirit  that  induced  you  to  make  this  Conquest  will  prompt 
you  to  protect  it."  See  the  speech  in  Beamish-Murdoch,  ii.  100- 
102. 


140  LOUISBOURG  TAKKN.  [1715. 

by  the  ships,  jointly  with  the  land  force,  no  doubt  has- 
tened the  surrender.  Beauharnois,  governor  of  Can- 
ada, ascriljes  the  defeat  to  the  extreme  activity  witli 
which  the  New  England  men  pushed  their  attacks. 

The  Hdhitant  de  Louishourfj  says  that  eadi  of  the 
two  commanders  was  eager  that  the  keys  of  the 
fortress  should  l>e  delivered  to  him,  and  not  to  liis 
coHeague;  that  U'fore  the  suiieii(h'r,  Warren  sent  an 
ofliccr  to  jKJi'suade  the  French  that  it  would  be  for 
their  advantage  to  make  their  submission  to  him 
rather  tlian  to  Pepperrell  ;  and  that  it  was  in  fact  so 
made.  Wolcott,  on  the  otlier  hand,  with  the  best 
means  of  learning  the  truth,  says  in  his  diary  that 
Pepperrell  received  the  keys  at  the  South  Gate. 
The  ri'jiort  that  it  was  the  Ihitish  commodore,  and 
not  their  own  general,  to  whom  Louisbourg  sur- 
rendered, made  a  prodigious  stir  among  the  inhabit- 
ants of  New  Knglanil,  wlu)  liad  the  touchiness 
common  to  small  and  ambitious  peoples;  and  as  they 
had  begun  the  enterprise  and  borne  most  of  its 
burdens  and  dangers,  they  thought  themselves  en- 
titled to  the  chief  credit  of  it.  Pep]»errell  was  blamed 
as  lukewarm  for  the  honor  of  his  country  because  he 
did  not  demand  the  keys  and  reject  the  capitulation 
if  they  were  refused.  After  all  this  ebullition  it 
appeared  that  the  keys  were  in  his  hands,  for  when, 
soon  after  the  siege,  Shirley  came  to  Louisbourg, 
Pepperrell  formally  presented  them  to  him,  in  pres- 
ence of  the  soldiers. 

Warren  no  doubt  thought  that  he  had  a  right  to 


1745.]  NEWS  OF   THE   VICTORY.  141 

precedence,  as  being  an  officer  of  the  King  in  regular 
standing,  while  Pepperrell  was  but  a  civilian,  clothed 
with  temporary  rank  by  the  appointment  of  a  pro- 
vincial governor.  Warren  was  an  impetuous  sailor 
accustomed  to  command,  and  Pepperrell  was  a  mer- 
chant accustomed  to  manage  and  persuade.  The 
difference  appears  in  their  correspondence  during  the 
siege.  Warren  is  sometimes  brusque  and  almost 
peremptory ,  Pepperrell  is  forbearing  and  consider- 
ate to  the  last  degree.  He  liked  Warren,  and,  to 
the  last,  continued  to  praise  him  higldy  in  letters 
to  Shirley  and  other  provincial  governors ;  ^  while 
Warren,  on  occasion  of  Shirley's  arrival  at  Louis- 
bourg,  made  a  speech  highly  complimentary  to  both 
the  general  and  his  soldiers.  • 

The  news  that  Louisbourg  was  taken,  reached 
Boston  at  one  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  third  of 
July  by  a  vessel  sent  express.  A  din  of  bells  and 
cannon  proclaimed  it  to  the  slumbering  townsmen, 
and  before  the  sun  rose,  the  streets  were  filled  with 
shouting  crowds.  At  night  every  window  shone 
with  lamps,  and  the  town  was  ablaze  with  fireworks 
and  bonfires.  The  next  Thursday  was  appointed  a 
day  of  general  thanksgiving  for  a  victoiy  believed  to 
be  the  direct  work  of  Providence.  New  York  and 
Philadelphia  also  hailed  the  great  news  with  illumi- 
nations, ringing  of  bells,  and  firing  of  cannon. 

1  See  extracts  in  Parsons,  105,  106.  The  Habitant  de  Louisbcur^ 
extols  Warren,  but  is  not  partial  to  Pepperrell,  whom  he  calls,  in 
correctly,  "  the  son  of  a  Boston  shoemaker." 


142  LOUISBOURG  TAKEN.  [174.'i 

In  England  the  tidings  were  received  Avith  aston- 
ishment and  a  joy  that  was  dashed  with  reflections 
on  the  strength  and  mettle  of  colonists  supposed 
already  to  aspire  to  independence.  Pepperrell  was 
made  a  baronet,  and  Warren  an  admiral.  The  mer- 
chant soldier  was  commissioned  colonel  in  the  British 
army;  a  regiment  was  given  him,  to  he  raised  in 
America  and  maintained  by  the  King,  while  a  similar 
recognition  was  granted  to  the  lawyer  Shirley.^ 

A  question  vital  to  Massachusetts  worried  her  in 
the  midst  of  her  triumph.  She  had  \)een  bankrupt 
for  many  years,  and  of  the  large  volume  of  her  out- 
standing obligations,  a  part  was  not  worth  eight 
pence  in  the  pound.  Added  to  her  load  of  debt,  she 
had  spent  £183,649  sterling  on  tlie  Louisbourg  expe- 
dition. That  which  Smollett  calls  "  the  most  impor- 
tant achievement  of  the  war  "  would  never  have  taken 
place  but  for  her,  and  Old  England,  and  not  New, 
was  to  reap  the  profit;  for  Louisbourg,  conquered  by 
arms,  was  to  be  restored  by  diplomacy.  If  the 
money  she  had  spent  for  the  mother-country  were 
not  repaid,  her  ruin  was  certain.  William  Bollan, 
English  by  birth  and  a  son-in-law  of  Shirley,  was 
sent  out  to  urge  the  just  claim  of  the  province,  and 

1  To  Rous,  captain  of  a  provincial  cruiser,  whom  Warren  had 
commended  for  conduct  and  courage,  was  given  the  command  of  a 
ship  in  the  royal  navy. 

"  Tell  your  Council  and  Assembly,  in  his  Majesty's  name,"  writes 
Newcastle  to  Shirley,  "  that  their  conduct  will  always  entitle  them, 
in  a  particular  manner,  to  his  royal  favor  and  protection."  —  New 
castle  to  Shirley,  10  August,  1745. 


1745.]  PROVINCIAL  OUTLAYS  REPAID,  143 

after  long  and  vigorous  solicitation,  he  succeeded. 
The  full  amount,  in  sterling  value,  was  paid  to  Mas- 
sachusetts, and  the  expenditures  of  New  Hampshire, 
Connecticut,  and  Rhode  Island  were  also  reimbursed.  ^ 
The  people  of  Boston  saw  twenty-seven  of  those 
long  unwieldy  trucks  which  many  elders  of  the 
place  still  remember  as  used  in  their  youth,  rumbling 
up  King  Street  to  the  treasury,  loaded  with  two 
hundred  and  seventeen  chests  of  Spanish  dollars,  and 
a  hundred  barrels  of  copper  coin.  A  pound  sterling 
was  worth  eleven  pounds  of  the  old-tenor  currency 
of  Massachusetts,  and  thirty  shillings  of  the  new- 
tenor.  Those  beneficent  trucks  carried  enough  to 
buy  in  at  a  stroke  nine-tenths  of  the  old-tenor  notes 
of  the  province,  —  nominally  worth  above  two  mil- 
lions. A  stringent  tax,  laid  on  by  the  Assembly, 
paid  the  remaining  tenth,  and  Massachusetts  was 
restored  to  financial  health. ^ 


1  £183,649  to  Massachusetts ;  £16,355  to  New  Hampshire ; 
£28,863  to  Connecticut ;  £6,332  to  Rhode  Island. 

2  Palfrey,  New  England,  v.  101-109 ;  Shirley,  Report  to  the  Board 
of  Trade.  BoUan  to  Secretary  Willard,  in  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  i. 
53 ;  Hutchinson,  Hist.  Mass.,  ii.  391-395.  Letters  of  Bollan  in  Mas- 
sachusetts Archives. 

It  was  through  the  exertions  of  the  much-abused  Thomas  Hutch- 
inson, Speaker  of  the  Assembly  and  historian  of  Massachusetts, 
that  the  money  was  used  for  the  laudable  purpose  of  extinguishing 
the  old  debt. 

Shirley  did  his  utmost  to  support  Bollan  in  his  efforts  to  obtain 
compensation,  and  after  highly  praising  the  zeal  and  loyalty  of  the 
people  of  his  province,  he  writes  to  Newcastle  :  "  Justice,  as  well  as 
the  affection  which  I  bear  to  'em,  constrains  me  to  beseech  your 
Grace  to  recommend  their  Case  to  his  Majesty's  paternal  Care  & 


144  LOUISBOUIIO   TAKEN.  [1745. 

TcmlernesB  in  the  StronjfCdt  manner." —  Shlrlei/  to  Nftrcastle,  6  A'"- 
vember,  1745. 

Tlie  Kngliah  documents  un  the  sie^e  of  Luuistbuurg  are  iiian^'  and 
voluminous.  The  Pepperrell  I'apers  nn<l  the  Helkn:ip  rapirit,  both 
in  the  library  of  the  .Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  atTord  a  vast 
niiinber  of  contemporary  letters  and  ilocumeiits  on  tlie  subji-ct. 
The  lar;;i'  voluiiu-  entitled  Sietje  of  LnuislMiiin/,  in  the  same  reposi- 
tory, contains  mriny  more,  inchidinjj  a  numl  er  of  autoj^raph  diaries* 
of  soldiers  and  others.  To  these  are  to  be  adiled  the  journals  of 
Cientral  W'ohott,  .James  liibsoti,  Henjamin  (.leaves,  .Seth  I'omeroy, 
and  several  others,  in  print  or  manusirijit,  among  whit  h  is  espe- 
cially to  be  noted  the  journal  ap]iended  to  Shirley's  Letter  to  the 
Duke  of  Newcastle  of  ( »ctober  28,  i74.'>,  and  hearing  the  names  of  I'ejH 
perrell,  Brigadier  Waldo,  Colonel  Moore,  and  Lieutenant-Colonels 
Lothrop  iin  1  (Jridley,  who  attest  its  ac»uracy.  Many  papers  have 
also  been  tlrawn  from  the  Public  Hecord  Olfice  of  Lon<lon. 

Accounts  of  this  atTair  have  hitherto  rested,  with  but  slight 
exceptions,  on  I'.nglish  sources  alone.  The  archives  of  France  have 
furnished  useful  material  to  the  foreg<»ing  narrative,  notably  the 
long  report  of  the  governor,  Duchambon,  to  the  minister  of  war, 
and  the  letter  of  the  intetidant,  Bigot,  t(»  the  same  persomige, 
within  about  six  weeks  after  the  surrender.  But  the  most  curious 
French  evidence  respecting  the  siege  is  the  Lettre  d'un  Habitant  tie 
Louisbuurg  cuntenaut  une  lielatiun  exude  {$•  circunstanciie  de  la  Prise 
de  I'Isle-Rui/ale  par  lea  Awjloia.  A  Quebec,  chez  (Juiilaume  le  Sincere, 
a  I'InuKje  de  la  Writ^,  1740.  This  little  work,  of  eighty-one  printed 
pages,  is  extremely  rare.  I  could  stuily  it  only  by  having  a  literatim 
transcript  made  from  the  copy  in  the  BibliotlK'([Ue  Natiomile,  as  it 
was  not  in  the  British  Museum.  It  bears  tlie  signature  B.  L.  N., 
and  is  dated  a  ...  re  28  AoUt,  1745.  The  imi>rint  of  (Quebec,  etc., 
is  certainly  a  mask,  the  book  having  no  doubt  been  jirinted  in 
France.  It  severely  criticises  Duchambon,  and  makes  him  mainly 
answerable  for  the  disaster. 

For  French  views  of  the  siege  of  Louisbourg,  see  Appendix  B. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

1745-1747. 

DUC   D'ANVILLE. 

louisboitrg  aftkr  the  conqcest.  —  mutint.  —  j^estilence.  — 
Stephen  Williams:  his  Diaky.  —  Scheme  of  conquering 
Canada.  —  Newcastle's  Promises. — Alarm  in  Canada. — 
Promises  broken.  —  Plan  against  Crown  Point.  —  Start- 
ling News.  —  D'Anville's  Fleet.  —  Lolisbourg  to  be 
avenged.  —  Disasters  ok  D'Anville.  —  Storm.  —  Pestilence. 
—  Famine.  —  Death  of  D'Anville.  —  Suicide  of  the  Vice- 
Admiral.  —  Ruinous  Failure.  —  Return  Voyage.  —  Defeat 

op    La    JoNQUliRE. 

The  troops  and  inhabitants  of  Louisbourg  were 
all  embarked  for  France,  and  the  town  was  at  last  in 
full  possession  of  the  victors.  The  serious-minded 
among  them  —  and  there  were  few  who  did  not  bear 
the  stamp  of  hereditary  Puritanism  —  now  saw  a  fresh 
proof  that  they  were  the  peculiar  care  of  an  approv- 
ing Providence.  While  they  were  in  camp  the 
weather  had  been  favorable ;  but  they  were  scarcely 
housed  when  a  cold,  persistent  rain  poured  down  in 
floods  that  would  have  drenched  their  flimsy  tents 
and  turned  their  huts  of  turf  into  mud-heaps,  robbing 
the  sick  of  every  hope  of  recovery.  Even  now  they 
got  little  comfort  from   the  shattered  tenements  of 

VOL.  II.  —  10 


146  DUG   D'ANVILLE.  [1745. 

Louisbourg.  The  siege  had  left  the  town  in  so  filthy 
a  condition  that  the  wells  were  infected  and  the  water 
was  poisoned. 

The  soldiers  clamored  for  discharge,  having  enlisted 
to  serve  only  till  the  end  of  the  expedition;  and 
Shirley  insisted  that  faith  must  be  kept  with  them, 
or  no  more  would  enlist.^  Pepperrell,  much  to  the 
dissatisfaction  of  Warren,  sent  home  about  seven 
hundred  men,  some  of  whom  were  on  the  sick  list, 
while  the  rest  had  families  in  distress  and  danger  on 
the  exposed  frontier.  At  the  same  time  he  begged 
hard  for  reinforcements,  expecting  a  visit  from  the 
French  and  a  desperate  attempt  to  recover  Louis- 
bourg. He  and  Warren  governed  the  place  jointly, 
under  martial  law,  and  they  both  passed  half  their 
time  in  holding  courts-martial;  for  disorder  reigned 
among  the  disgusted  militia,  and  no  less  among  the 
crowd  of  hungry  speculators,  who  flocked  like  vul- 
tures to  the  conquered  town  to  buy  the  cargoes  of 
captured  ships,  or  seek  for  other  prey.  The  Massa- 
chusetts soldiers,  whose  pay  was  the  smallest,  and 
who  had  counted  on  being  at  their  homes  by  the  end 
of  July,  were  the  most  turbulent ;  but  all  alike  were 
on  the  brink  of  mutiny.  Excited  by  their  ring- 
leaders, they  one  day  marched  in  a  body  to  the 
parade  and  threw  down  their  arms,  but  probably 
soon  picked  them  up  again,  as  in  most  cases  the 
guns  were  hunting-pieces  belonging  to  those  who 
carried  them.     Pepperrell  begged  Shirley  to  come  to 

^  Shirley  to  Newcastle,  27  September,  1746. 


1745.]  MUTINOUS  MILITIA  147 

Louisbourg  and  bring  the  mutineers  back  to  duty. 
Accordingly,  on  the  sixteenth  of  August  he  arrived 
in  a  ship-of-war,  accompanied  by  Mrs.  Shirley  and 
Mrs.  Warren,  wife  of  the  commodore.  The  soldiers 
duly  fell  into  line  to  receive  him.  As  it  was  not  his 
habit  to  hide  his  own  merits,  he  tells  the  Duke  of 
Newcastle  that  nobody  but  he  could  have  quieted 
the  malcontents,  —  which  is  probably  true,  as  nobody 
else  had  power  to  raise  their  pay.  He  made  them  a 
speech,  promised  them  forty  shillings  in  Massachu- 
setts new-tenor  currency  a  month,  instead  of  twenty- 
five,  and  ended  with  ordering  for  each  man  half  a 
pint  of  rum  to  drink  the  King's  health.  Though 
potations  so  generous  might  be  thought  to  promise 
effects  not  wholly  sedative,  the  mutineers  were 
brought  to  reason,  and  some  even  consented  to 
remain  in  garrison  till  the  next  June.^ 

Small  reinforcements  came  from  New  England  to 
hold  the  place  till  the  arrival  of  troops  from  Gibraltar, 
promised  by  the  ministry.  The  two  regiments  raised 
in  the  colonies,  and  commanded  by  Shirley  and 
Pepperrell,  were  also  intended  to  form  a  part  of  the 
garrison;  but  difficulty  was  found  in  filling  the 
ranks,  because,  says  Shirley,  some  commissions  have 
been  given  to  Englishmen,  and  men  will  not  enlist 
here  except  under  American  officers. 

Nothing  could  be  more  dismal  than  the  condition 
of  Louisbourg,  as  reflected  in  the  diaries  of  soldiers 
and  others  who  spent  there  the  winter  that  followed 

^  Shirley  to  Newcastle,  4  December,  1746. 


148  DUG  D'ANVILLE.  [1745. 

its  capture.  Among  these  diaries  is  that  of  the 
worthy  Benjamin  Crafts,  private  in  Hale's  Essex 
regiment,  who  to  the  entry  of  each  day  adds  a  pious 
invocation,  sincere  in  its  way,  no  doubt,  though 
hackneyed,  and  sometimes  in  strange  company. 
Thus,  after  noting  down  Shirley's  gift  of  half  a  pint 
of  rum  to  every  man  to  drink  the  King's  health,  he 
adds  immediately:  "The  Lord  Look  upon  us  and 
enable  us  to  trust  in  him  &  may  he  prepare  us  for  his 
holy  Day."  On  "September  ye  1,  being  Sabath," 
we  find  the  following  record:  "I  am  much  out  of 
order.  This  forenoon  heard  Mr.  Stephen  Williams 
preach  from  ye  18  Luke  9  verse  in  the  afternoon  from 
ye  8  of  Ecles :  8  verse :  Blessed  be  the  Lord  that  has 
given  us  to  enjoy  another  Sabath  and  opertunity  to 
hear  his  Word  Dispensed."  On  the  next  day,  "being 
Monday,"  he  continues,  "Last  night  I  was  taken 
very  Bad:  the  Lord  be  pleased  to  strengthen  my 
inner  man  that  I  may  put  my  whole  Trust  in  him. 
May  we  all  be  prepared  for  his  holy  will.  Red  part 
of  plunder,  9  small  tooth  combs."  Crafts  died  in 
the  spring,  of  the  prevailing  distemper,  after  doing 
good  service  in  the  commissary  department  of  his 
regiment. 

Stephen  Williams,  the  preacher  whose  sermons  had 
comforted  Crafts  in  his  trouble,  was  a  son  of  Rev. 
John  Williams,  captured  by  the  Indians  at  Deerfield 
in  1704,  and  was  now  minister  of  Long  Meadow, 
Massachusetts.  He  had  joined  the  anti-papal  crusade 
as  one  of  its  chaplains,  and  passed  for  a  man  of  abil- 


1745.]  STEPHEN  WILLIAMS.  149 

ity,  —  a  point  on  which  those  who  read  his  diary  will 
probably  have  doubts.  The  lot  of  the  army  chap- 
lains was  of  the  hardest.  A  pestilence  had  fallen 
upon  Louisbourg,  and  turned  the  fortress  into  a 
hospital.  "After  we  got  into  the  town,"  says  the 
sarcastic  Dr.  Douglas,  whose  pleasure  it  is  to  put 
everything  in  its  worst  light,  "a  sordid  indolence  or 
sloth,  for  want  of  discipline,  induced  putrid  fevers 
and  dysenteries,  which  at  length  in  August  became 
contagious,  and  the  people  died  like  rotten  sheep." 
From  fourteen  to  twenty-seven  were  buried  every 
day  in  the  cemetery  behind  the  town,  outside  the 
Maurepas  Gate,  by  the  old  lime-kiln  on  Rochefort 
Point;  and  the  forgotten  Ijones  of  above  five  hundred 
New  England  men  lie  there  to  this  day  under  the 
coarse,  neglected  grass.  The  chaplain's  diary  is 
little  but  a  dismal  record  of  sickness,  death,  sermons, 
funerals,  and  prayers  with  the  dying  ten  times  a  day. 
"  Prayed  at  Hospital ;  —  Prayed  at  Citadel ;  —  Preached 
at   Grand    Eatery ;  —  Visited  Capt.    [illegible],  very 

sick;  —  One  of  Capt. 's  company  dy*^.  — Am  but 

poorly  myself,  but  able  to  keep  about."  Now  and 
then  there  is  a  momentary  change  of  note,  as  when 
he  writes:  "July  29^^.  One  of  ye  Captains  of  ye 
men  of  war  caind  a  soldier  who  struck  ye  capt.  again. 
A  great  tumult.  Swords  were  drawn;  no  life  lost, 
but  great  uneasiness  is  caused."  Or  when  he  sets 
down  the  "say"  of  some  Briton,  apparently  a  naval 
officer,  "that  he  had  tho'fc  ye  New  England  men  were 
Cowards  —  but  now  he  tho't  yt  if  they  had  a  pick 


150  DUG   D'ANVILLE.  [1745,  1746. 

axe  &  spade,  they  w'd  dig  ye  way  to  Hell  &  storm 
it."i 

Williams  was  sorely  smitten  with  homesickness, 
but  he  sturdily  kept  his  post,  in  spite  of  grievous 
yearnings  for  family  and  flock.  The  pestilence 
slowly  abated,  till  at  length  the  burying-parties  that 
passed  the  Maurepas  Gate  counted  onl}'  three  or  four 
a  day.  At  the  end  of  January  five  hundred  and 
sixty -one  men  had  died,  eleven  hundred  were  on  the 
sick  list,  and  about  one  thousand  fit  for  duty.^  The 
promised  regiments  from  Gibraltar  had  not  come. 
Could  the  French  have  struck  then,  Louisbourg 
might  have  changed  hands  again.  The  Gibraltar 
regiments  had  arrived  so  late  upon  that  rude  coast 
that  they  turned  southward  to  the  milder  shores  of 
Virginia,  spent  the  winter  there,  and  did  not  appear 
at  Louisbourg  till  April.  They  brought  with  them 
a  commission  for  Warren  as  governor  of  the  fortress. 
He  made  a  speech  of  thanks  to  the  New  England 
garrison,  now  reduced  to  less  than  nineteen  hundred 
men,  sick  and  well,  and  they  sailed  at  last  for  home, 
Louisbourg  being  now  thought  safe  from  any  attempt 
of  France. 

To  the  zealous  and  energetic  Shirley  the  capture 
of  the  fortress  was  but  a  beginning  of  greater 
triumphs.     Scarcely  had   the  New  England  militia 

1  The  autograph  diary  of  Rev.  Stephen  Williams  is  in  my  pos- 
session.    The  handwriting  is  detestable. 

'  On  May  10,  1746,  Shirley  writes  to  Newcastle  that  eight  hundred 
and  ninety  men  had  died  during  the  winter.  The  iufferings  of  the 
garrison  from  cold  were  extreme. 


1745,  1746.]  SHIRLEY'S   SCHEMES.  151 

sailed  from  Boston  on  their  desperate  venture,  when 
he  wrote  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  that  should  the 
expedition  succeed,  all  New  England  would  be  on 
fire  to  attack  Canada,  and  the  other  colonies  would  take 
part  with  them,  if  ordered  to  do  so  by  the  ministry.^ 
And,  some  months  later,  after  Louisbourg  was  taken, 
he  urged  the  policy  of  striking  while  the  iron  was 
hot,  and  invading  Canada  at  once.  The  colonists, 
he  said,  were  ready,  and  it  would  be  easier  to  raise 
ten  thousand  men  for  such  an  attack  than  one  thou- 
sand to  lie  idle  in  garrison  at  Louisbourg  or  anywhere 
else.  France  and  England,  he  thinks,  cannot  live  on 
the  same  continent.  If  we  were  rid  of  the  French, 
he  continues,  England  would  soon  control  America, 
which  would  make  her  first  among  the  nations ;  and 
he  ventures  what  now  seems  the  modest  prediction 
that  in  one  or  two  centuries  the  British  colonies 
would  rival  France  in  population.  Even  now,  he  is 
sure  that  they  would  raise  twenty  thousand  men  to 
capture  Canada,  if  the  King  required  it  of  them,  and 
Warren  would  be  an  acceptable  commander  for  the 
naval  part  of  the  expedition;  "but,"  concludes  the 
governor,  "I  will  take  no  step  without  orders  from 
his  Majesty.  "2 

The  Duke  of  Newcastle  was  now  at  the  head  of 
the  Government.  Smollett  and  Horace  Walpole 
have  made  his  absurdities  familiar,  in  anecdotes 
which,  true  or  not,  do  no  injustice  to  his  character; 

^  Shirley  to  Newcastle,  4  April,  1746. 
«  Ibid.,  29  October,  1745. 


162  DUC   D'ANVTLLE.  [1746. 

yet  he  had  talents  that  Avere  great  in  their  way, 
though  their  way  was  a  mean  one.  They  were  talents, 
not  of  the  statesman,  but  of  the  political  manager, 
and  their  object  was  to  win  oftice  and  keep  it. 

Newcastle,  whatever  his  motives,  listened  to  the 
counsels  of  Shirley,  and  directed  him  to  consult  with 
Warren  as  to  the  proposed  attack  on  Canada.  At 
the  same  time  he  sent  a  circular  letter  to  the  govern- 
ors of  the  provinces  from  New  England  to  North 
Carolina,  directing  them,  should  the  invasion  be 
ordered,  to  call  upon  their  assemblies  for  as  many 
men  as  they  would  grant.  ^  Shirley's  views  were 
cordially  supported  by  Warren,  and  the  levies  were 
made  accordingly,  though  not  in  proportion  to  the 
strength  of  the  several  colonies;  for  those  south  of 
New  York  felt  little  interest  in  the  plan.  Shirley 
was  told  to  "  dispose  Massachusetts  to  do  its  part ; " 
but  neither  he  nor  his  province  needed  prompting. 
Taking  his  cue  from  the  Roman  senator,  he  ex- 
claimed to  his  Assembly,  "  Delcnda  est  Canada  ;  " 
and  the  Assembly  responded  by  voting  to  raise  thirty- 
five  hundred  men,  and  offering  a  bounty  equivalent 
to  X4  sterling  to  each  volunteer,  besides  a  blanket 
for  every  one,  and  a  bed  for  every  two.  New  Hamp- 
shire contributed  five  hundred  men,  Rhode  Island 
three  hundred,  Connecticut  one  thousand.  New  York 
sixteen  hundred.  New  Jersey  five  hundred,  Maryland 
three    hundred,    and    Virginia    one   hundred.     The 

*  Newcastle  to  the  Provincial  Governors,  14  March,  1746  ;  Shirley  to 
Newcastle,  31  May,  1746;  Proclamation  of  Shirley,  2  June,  1748. 


1746.]  ALARM  IN  CANADA.  153 

Pennsylvania  Assembly,  controlled  by  Quaker  non- 
combatants,  would  give  no  soldiers ;  but,  by  a  popu- 
lar movement,  the  province  furnished  four  hundred 
men,  without  the  help  of  its  representatives.^ 

As  usual  in  the  English  attempts  against  Canada, 
the  campaign  was  to  be  a  double  one.  The  main 
body  of  troops,  composed  of  British  regulars  and 
New  England  militia,  was  to  sail  up  the  St.  Lawrence 
and  attack  Quebec,  while  the  levies  of  New  York 
and  the  provinces  farther  south,  aided,  it  was  hoped, 
by  the  warriors  of  the  Iroquois,  were  to  advance  on 
Montreal  by  way  of  Lake  Champlain. 

Newcastle  promised  eight  battalions  of  British 
troops  under  Lieutenant-General  Saint-Clair.  '  They 
were  to  meet  the  New  England  men  at  Louisbourg, 
and  all  were  then  to  sail  together  for  Quebec,  under 
the  escort  of  a  squadron  comnmnded  by  Warren. 
Shirley  also  was  to  go  to  Louisbourg,  and  arrange 
the  plan  of  the  campaign  with  the  general  and  the 
admiral.  Thus,  without  loss  of  time,  the  captured 
fortress  was  to  be  made  a  base  of  operations  against 
its  late  owners. 

Canada  was  wild  with  alarm  at  reports  of  English 
preparation.  There  were  about  fifty  English  prisoners 
in  barracks  at  Quebec,  and  every  device  was  tried  to 
get  information  from  them ;  but  being  chiefly  rustics 
caught  on  the  frontiers  by  Indian  war-parties,  they 
had  little  news   to  give,  and  often  refused  to  give 

*  Hutchinson,  ii.  381,  note.  Compare  Memoirs  of  the  Princip*.] 
Transactions  of  the  Last  War. 


154  DUC  D'ANVi'lLE.  [1746. 

even  this.  One  of  them,  who  had  been  taVen  long 
before  and  gained  over  by  the  French,^  was  used  as 
an  agent  to  extract  information  from  his  countrymen, 
and  was  called  ^^notre  homme  de  confiance.'^  At  the 
same  time  the  prisoners  were  freely  supplied  with 
writing  materials,  and  their  letters  to  their  friends 
being  then  opened,  it  appeared  that  they  were  all  in 
expectation  of  speedy  deliverance.' 

In  July  a  report  came  from  Acadia  that  from  forty 
to  fifty  thousand  men  were  to  attack  Canada ;  and  on 
the  first  of  August  a  prisoner  lately  taken  at  Saratoga 
declared  that  there  were  thirty-two  war-ships  at 
Boston  ready  to  sail  against  Quebec,  and  that  thir- 
teen thousand  men  were  to  march  at  once  from 
Albany  against  Montreal.  "If  all  these  stories  are 
true,"  writes  the  Canadian  journalist,  "all  the  Eng- 
lish on  this  continent  must  be  in  arms." 

Preparations  for  defence  were  pushed  with  feverish 
energy.  Fireships  were  made  ready  at  Quebec,  and 
fire-rafts  at  Isle-aux-Coudres;  provisions  were  gath- 
ered, and  ammunition  was  distributed ;  reconnoitring 
parties  were  sent  to  watch  the  gulf  and  the  river; 
and  bands  of  Canadians  and  Indians  lately  sent  to 
Acadia  were  ordered  to  hasten  back. 

Thanks  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  all  these  alarms 
were  needless.     The  Massachusetts  levies  were  ready 


*  "Un  ancien  priaonnier  affide  que  Ton  a  mis  dans  nos  interests." 

•  Extrait  en  forme  de  Journal  de  ce  qui  s'est  passe  dans  la  Colonie 
depuit  .  .  .  le  1  D€cemhre,  1745,  jusgu'au  9  Novembre,  1746,  tigne 
Beaxtharnms  et  Hocquart. 


1746,  1747.]  BROKEN   PROMISES.  155 

within  six  weeks,  and  Shirley,  eager  and  impatient, 
waited  in  vain  for  the  squadron  from  England  and 
the  promised  eight  battalions  of  regulars.  They  did 
not  come ;  and  in  August  he  wrote  to  Newcastle  that 
it  would  now  be  impossible  to  reach  Quebec  before 
October,  which  would  be  too  late.^  The  eight  bat- 
talions had  been  sent  to  Portsmouth  for  embarkation, 
ordered  on  board  the  transports,  then  ordered  ashore 
again,  and  finally  sent  on  an  abortive  expedition 
against  the  coast  of  France.  There  were  those  who 
thought  that  this  had  been  their  destination  from  the 
first,  and  that  the  proposed  attack  on  Canada  was 
only  a  pretence  to  deceive  the  enemy.  It  was  not 
till  the  next  spring  that  Newcastle  tried  to  explain 
the  miscarriage  to  Shirley.  He  wrote  that  the  troops 
had  been  detained  by  head-winds  till  General  Saint- 
Clair  and  Admiral  Lestock  thought  it  too  late;  to 
which  he  added  that  the  demands  of  the  European 
war  made  the  Canadian  expedition  impracticable,  and 
that  Shirley  was  to  stand  on  the  defensive  and 
attempt  no  further  conquests.  As  for  the  provincial 
soldiers,  who  this  time  were  in  the  pay  of  the  Crown, 
he  says  that  they  were  "very  expensive,"  and  orders 
the  governor  to  get  rid  of  them  "as  cheap  as  pos- 
sible." ^  Thus,  not  for  the  first  time,  the  hopes  of 
the  colonies  were  brought  to  nought  by  the  failure  of 
the  British  ministers  to  keep  their  promises. 

When,  in  the  autumn  of  1746,  Shirley  said  that  foi 

1  Shirley  to  Newcastle,  22  August,  1746. 
*  Newcastle  to  Shirley,  30  May,  1747. 


156  DUC   D'ANVILLE.  [1746. 

the  present  Canada  was  to  be  let  alone,  he  bethought 
him  of  a  less  decisive  conquest,  and  proposed  to 
employ  the  provincial  troops  for  an  attack  on  Crown 
Point,  which  formed  a  halfway  station  between 
Albany  and  Montreal,  and  was  the  constant  rendez- 
vous of  war-parties  against  New  York,  New  Hamp- 
shire, and  Massachusetts,  whose  discords  and  jealousies 
had  prevented  them  from  combining  to  attack  it. 
The  Dutch  of  Albany,  too,  had  strong  commercial 
reasons  for  not  coming  to  blows  with  the  Canadians. 
Of  late,  however,  Massachusetts  and  New  York  had 
suffered  so  much  from  this  inconvenient  neighbor 
that  it  was  possible  co  unite  them  against  it;  and  as 
Clinton,  governor  of  New  York,  was  scarcely  less 
earnest  to  get  possession  of  Crown  Point  than  was 
Shirley  himself,  a  plan  of  operations  was  soon  settled. 
By  the  middle  of  October  fifteen  hundred  Massachu- 
setts troops  were  on  their  way  to  join  the  New  York 
levies,  and  then  advance  upon  the  obnoxious  post.^ 

Even  this  modest  enterprise  was  destined  to  fail. 
Astounding  tidings  reached  New  England,  and 
startled  her  like  a  thunder-clap  from  dreams  of  con- 
quest. It  was  reported  that  a  great  French  fleet  and 
army  were  on  their  way  to  retake  Louisbourg,  recon- 
quer Acadia,  burn  Boston,  and  lay  waste  the  other 
seaboard  towns.  The  Massachusetts  troops  marching 
for  Crown  Point  were  recalled,  and  the  country 
militia  were  mustered  in  arms.  In  a  few  days  the 
narrow,  crooked  streets  of  the  Puritan  capital  were 

1  Memoir t  of  the  Principal  Transactions  of  the  Last  War, 


1740.]  D'ANVILLE'S   FLEET.  157 

crowded  with  more  than  eight  thousand  armed  rustics 
from  the  farms  and  villages  of  Middlesex,  Essex, 
Norfolk,  and  Worcester,  and  Connecticut  promised 
six  thousand  more  as  soon  as  the  hostile  fleet  should 
appear.  The  defences  of  Castle  William  were  en- 
larged and  strengthened,  and  cannon  were  planted 
on  the  islands  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbor;  hulks 
were  sunk  in  the  channel,  and  a  boom  was  laid  across 
it  under  the  guns  of  the  castle.^  The  alarm  was 
compared  to  that  which  filled  England  on  the  approach 
of  the  Spanish  Armada. ^ 

Canada  heard  the  news  of  the  coming  armament 
with  an  exultation  that  was  dashed  with  misgiving 
as  weeks  and  months  passed  and  the  fleet  did  not 
appear.  At  length  in  September  a  vessel  put  in  to 
an  Acadian  harbor  with  the  report  that  she  had  met 
the  ships  in  mid-ocean,  and  that  they  counted  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty  sail.  Some  weeks  later  the  governor 
and  intendant  of  Canada  wrote  that  on  the  fourteenth 
of  October  they  received  a  letter  from  Chibucto  with 
"the  agreeable  news  "  that  the  Due  d'Anville  and  his 
fleet  had  arrived  there  about  three  weeks  before. 
Had  they  known  more,  they  would  have  rejoiced 
less. 

That  her  great  American  fortress  should  have  been 
snatched  from  her  by  a  despised  militia  was  more 

^  Shirley  to  Newcastle,  29  September,  1746,  Shirley  says  that 
though  the  French  may  bombard  the  town,  he  does  not  think  they 
could  make  a  landing,  as  he  shall  have  fifteen  thousand  good  men 
within  call  to  oppose  them. 

a  Hutchinson,  11.  382. 


158  DUG   D'ANVILLE.  [1746. 

than  France  could  bear;  and  in  the  midst  of  a  bur- 
densome war  she  made  a  crowning  effort  to  retrieve 
her  honor  and  pay  the  debt  with  usury.  It  was 
computed  that  nearly  half  the  French  navy  was 
gathered  at  Brest  under  command  of  the  Due 
d'Anville.  By  one  account  his  force  consisted  of 
eleven  ships-of-the-line,  twenty  frigates,  and  thirty- 
four  transports  and  fireships,  or  sixty-five  in  all. 
Another  list  gives  a  total  of  sixty-six,  of  which  ten 
were  ships-of-the-line,  twenty-two  were  frigates  and 
fireships,  and  thirty-four  were  transports.  ^  These 
last  carried  the  regiment  of  Ponthieu,  with  other 
veteran  troops,  to  the  number  in  all  of  three  thou- 
sand one  hundred  and  fifty.  The  fleet  was  to  be 
joined  at  Chibucto,  now  Halifax,  by  four  heavy  ships- 
of-war  lately  sent  to  the  West  Indies  under  M.  de 
Conflans. 

From  Brest  D'Anville  sailed  for  some  reason  to 
Rochelle,  and  here  the  ships  were  kept  so  long  by 
head-winds  that  it  was  the  twentieth  of  June  before 
they  could  put  to  sea.  From  the  first  the  omens 
Avere  sinister.  The  admiral  was  beset  with  questions 
as  to  the  destination  of  the  fleet,  which  was  known 
to  him  alone;  and  when,  for  the  sake  of  peace,  he 
told  it  to  his  officers,  their  discontent  redoubled. 
The  Bay  of  Biscay  was  rough  and  boisterous,  and 
spars,  sails,  and  bowsprits  were  carried  away.  After 
they  had  been  a  week  at  sea,  some  of  the  ships,  being 

1  This  list  is  in  the  journal  of  a  captured  French  oflScer  called 
by  Shirley  M.  Rebateau. 


1746.]  D'ANVILLE'S  DISASTERS.  159 

dull  sailers,  lagged  behind,  and  the  rest  were  forced 
to  shorten  sail  and  wait  for  them.  In  the  longitude 
of  the  Azores  there  was  a  dead  calm,  and  the  whole 
fleet  lay  idle  for  days.  Then  came  a  squall,  with 
lightning.  Several  ships  were  struck.  On  one  of 
them  six  men  were  killed,  and  on  the  seventy-gun 
ship  "  Mars  "  a  box  of  musket  and  cannon  cartridges 
blew  up,  killed  ten  men,  and  wounded  twenty-one.  A 
store-ship  which  proved  to  be  sinking  was  abandoned 
and  burned.  Then  a  pestilence  broke  out,  and  in  some 
of  the  ships  there  were  more  sick  than  in  health. 

On  the  fourteenth  of  September  they  neared  the 
coast  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  were  in  dread  of  the 
dangerous  shoals  of  Sable  Island,  the  position  of 
which  they  did  not  exactly  know.  They  groped 
their  way  in  fogs  till  a  fearful  storm,  with  thunder 
and  lightning,  fell  upon  them.  The  journalist  of 
the  voyage,  a  captain  in  the  regiment  of  Pontliieu, 
says,  with  the  exaggeration  common  in  such  cases, 
that  the  waves  ran  as  high  as  the  masts ;  and  such 
was  their  violence  that  a  transport,  dashing  against 
the  ship  "Amazone,"  immediately  went  down,  with 
all  on  board.  The  crew  of  the  "Prince  d'Orange," 
Iialf  blinded  by  wind  and  spray,  saw  the  great  ship 
"  Caribou, "  without  bowsprit  or  main-topmast,  driv- 
ing towards  them  before  the  gale,  and  held  their 
breath  in  expectation  of  the  shock  as  she  swept  close 
alongside  and  vanished  in  the  storm.  ^     The  tempest 

1  Journal  histon'qne  du  Voyage  de  la  Flotte  command^e  par  M.  le 
Due  d'Enville,    The  writer  was  on  board  the  "Prince  d'Orange," 


160  DUG   D'ANVILLE.  [1746. 

raged  all  night,  and  the  fleet  became  so  scattered 
'that  there  was  no  more  danger  of  collision.  In  the 
morning  tlie  journalist  could  see  but  five  sail ;  but  as 
the  day  advanced  the  rest  began  to  reappear,  and  at 
three  o'clock  he  counted  thirty-one  from  the  deck  of 
the  "Prince  d'Orange."  The  gale  was  subsiding, 
but  its  effects  were  seen  in  hencoops,  casks,  and 
chests  floating  on  the  surges  and  telling  the  fate  of 
one  or  more  of  the  fleet.  The  "Argonaut"  was 
rolling  helpless,  without  masts  or  rudder;  the 
"Caribou"  had  thrown  overboard  all  the  starboard 
guns  of  her  upper  deck;  and  the  vice-admiral's  ship, 
the  "Trident,"  was  in  scarcely  better  condition. 

On  the  twenty-third  they  were  wrapped  in  thick 
fog  and  lay  firing  guns,  ringing  bells,  and  beating 
drums  to  prevent  collisions.  When  the  weather 
cleared,  they  looked  in  vain  for  the  admiral's  ship, 
the  "Northumberland."^  She  was  not  lost,  however, 
but  with  two  other  ships  was  far  ahead  of  the  fleet 
and  near  Chibucto,  though  in  great  perplexity,  hav- 
ing no  pilot  who  knew  the  coast.  She  soon  after  had 
the  good  fortune  to  capture  a  small  English  vessel 
with  a  man  on  board  well  acquainted  with  Chibucto 
harbor.  D'Anville  offered  him  his  liberty  and  a 
hundred  louis  if  he  would  pilot  the  ship  in.  To  this 
he  agreed;  but  when  he  rejoined  his  fellow-prisoners 


and   describes  what  he  saw  (Archives  du  Seminaire  de   Quebec ; 
printed  in  Le  Canada  Frangais). 

^  The   "  Northumberland "   was   an  English  prize   captured   by 
Captains  Serier  and  Conflans  in  1744. 


1746.]  THE   FLEET   AT   CHIBUCTO.  161 

they  called  him  a  traitor  to  his  country,  on  which  he 
retracted  his  promise.  D'Anville  was  sorely  per- 
plexed; but  Duperrier,  captain  of  the  "Northumber- 
land," less  considerate  of  the  prisoner's  feelings,  told 
liim  that  unless  he  kept  his  word  he  should  be  thrown 
into  the  sea,  with  a  pair  of  cannon-balls  made  fast  to 
his  feet.  At  this  his  scruples  gave  way,  and  before 
night  the  "Northumberland"  was  safe  in  Chibucto 
Bay.  D'Anville  had  hoped  to  find  here  the  four 
ships  of  Conflans,  which  were  to  have  met  him  from 
the  West  Indies  at  this,  the  appointed  rendezvous; 
but  he  saw  only  a  solitary  transport  of  his  own  fleet. 
Hills  covered  with  forests  stood  lonely  and  savage 
round  what  is  now  the  harbor  of  Halifax.  Conflans 
and  his  four  ships  had  arrived  early  in  the  month, 
and  finding  nobody,  though  it  was  nearly  three 
months  since  D'Anville  left  Rochelle,  he  cruised 
among  the  fogs  for  a  while,  and  then  sailed  for 
France  a  few  days  before  the  admiral's  arrival. 

D'Anville  was  ignorant  of  the  fate  of  his  fleet;  but 
he  knew  that  the  two  ships  which  had  reached 
Chibucto  with  him  were  full  of  sick  men,  that  their 
provisions  were  nearly  spent,  and  that  there  was 
every  reason  to  believe  such  of  the  fleet  as  the  storm 
might  have  spared  to  be  in  no  better  case.  An  officer 
of  the  expedition  describes  D'Anville  as  a  man 
"made  to  command  and  worthy  to  be  loved,"  and 
says  that  he  had  borne  the  disasters  of  the  voyage 
with  the  utmost  fortitude  and  serenity.^     Yet  sus' 

1  Journal  hlstorique  du  Voyage. 
VOL.   II.  —  11 


162  DUG   D'ANVILLE.  [1746. 

pense  and  distress  wrought  fatally  upon  hira,  and  at 
two  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  twenty-seventh  he 
died,  —  of  apoplexy,  by  the  best  accounts ;  though  it 
was  whispered  among  the  crews  that  he  had  ended 
his  troubles  by  poison.^ 

At  six  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day 
D'Estournel,  the  vice-admiral,  with  such  ships  as 
remained  with  him,  entered  the  harbor  and  learned 
what  had  happened.  He  saw  with  dismay  that  he 
was  doomed  to  bear  the  burden  of  command  over  a 
ruined  enterprise  and  a  shattered  fleet.  The  long 
voyage  had  consumed  the  provisions,  and  in  some  of 
the  ships  the  crews  were  starving.  The  pestilence 
grew  worse,  and  men  were  dying  in  numbers  every 
day.  On  the  twenty-eighth,  D'Anville  was  buried 
without  ceremony  on  a  small  island  in  the  harbor. 
The  officers  met  in  council,  and  the  papers  of  the 
dead  commander  were  examined.  Among  them  was 
a  letter  from  the  King  in  which  he  urged  the  recap- 
ture of  Louisbourg  as  the  first  object  of  the  expedi- 
tion; but  this  was  thought  impracticable,  and  the 
council  resolved  to  turn  against  Annapolis  all  the 
force  that  was  left.  It  is  said  that  D'Estournel 
opposed  the  attempt,  insisting  that  it  was  hopeless, 
and  that  there  was  no  alternative  but  to  return  to 
France.  The  debate  was  long  and  hot,  and  the 
decision  was  against  him.^     The  council  dissolved, 

1  Declaration  of  H.  Kantian  and  D.  Deas,  23  October,  1746.  Depo- 
sition of  Joseph  Foster,  24  October,  1746,  sworn  to  before  Jacob  Wen- 
dell,  J.  P.     These  were  prisoners  in  the  ships  at  Chibucto. 

*  This  is  said  by  all  the  writers  except  the  author  of  the  Journal 


1746.]         DEATH  OF  THE  VICE-ADMIRAL.  163 

and  he  was  seen  to  enter  his  cabin  in  evident  distress 
and  agitation.  An  unusual  sound  was  presently 
heard,  followed  by  groans.  His  door  was  fastened 
by  two  bolts,  put  on  the  evening  before  by  his  order. 
It  was  burst  open,  and  the  unfortunate  commander 
was  found  lying  in  a  pool  of  blood,  transfixed  with 
his  own  sword.  Enraged  and  mortified,  he  had 
thrown  himself  upon  it  in  a  fit  of  desperation.  '  The 
surgeon  drew  out  the  blade,  but  it  was  only  on  the 
urgent  persuasion  of  two  Jesuits  that  the  dying  man 
would  permit  the  wound  to  be  dressed.  He  then 
ordered  all  the  captains  to  the  side  of  his  berth,  and 
said,  "  Gentlemen,  I  beg  pardon  of  God  and  the  King 
for  what  I  have  done,  and  I  protest  to  the  King  that 
my  only  object  was  to  prevent  my  enemies  from  say- 
ing that  I  had  not  executed  his  orders ; "  and  he 
named  M.  de  la  Jonqui^re  to  command  in  his  place. 
In  fact.  La  Jonquifere's  rank  entitled  him  to  do  so. 
He  was  afterwards  well  known  as  governor  of  Canada, 
and  was  reputed  a  brave  and  able  sea-officer. 

La  Jonquiere  remained  at  Chibucto  till  late  in 
October.  Messengers  were  sent  to  the  Acadian 
settlements  to  ask  for  provisions,  of  which  there  was 
desperate  need ;  and  as  payment  was  promised  in  good 
metal,  and  not  in  paper,  the  Acadians  brought  in  a 
considerable  supply.  The  men  were  encamped  on 
shore,  yet  the  pestilence  continued  its  ravages.     Two 

historique,  who  merely  states  that  the  council  decided  to  attack 
Annapolis,  and  to  detach  some  soldiers  to  the  aid  of  Quebec.  ThLh 
last  vote  was  reconsidered. 


164  DUG   D'ANVILLE.  [1746. 

English  prisoners  were  told  that  between  twenty- 
three  and  twenty-four  hundred  men  had  been  buried 
by  sea  or  land  since  the  fleet  left  France ;  and  another 
declares  that  eleven  hundred  and  thirty-five  burials 
took  place  while  he  was  at  Chibucto.  ^  The  survivors 
used  the  clothing  of  the  dead  as  gifts  to  the  neighbor- 
ing Indians,  who  in  consequence  were  attacked  with 
such  virulence  by  the  disease  that  of  the  band  at 
Cape  Sable  three  fourths  are  said  to  have  perished. 
The  English,  meanwhile,  learned  something  of  the 
condition  of  their  enemies.  Towards  the  end  of 
September  Captain  Sylvanus  Cobb,  in  a  sloop  from 
Boston,  boldly  entered  Chibucto  Harbor,  took  note 
of  the  ships  lying  there,  and,  though  pursued,  ran  out 
to  sea  and  carried  the  results  of  his  observations  to 
Louisbourg.2  A  more  thorough  reconnoissance  was 
afterwards  made  by  a  vessel  from  Louisbourg  bring- 
ing French  prisoners  for  exchange  under  a  flag  of 
truce;  and  it  soon  became  evident  that  the  British 
colonies  had  now  nothing  to  fear. 

La  Jonquiere  still  clung  to  the  hope  of  a  successful 
stroke  at  Annapolis,  till  in  October  an  Acadian 
brought  him  the  report  that  the  garrison  of  that 
place  had  received  a  reinforcement  of  twelve  hundred 
men.  The  reinforcement  consisted  in  reality  of  three 
small  companies  of  militia  sent  from  Boston  by 
Shirley.     La  Jonquiere  called  a  secret  council,  and 

^  Declaration  of  Kannan  and  Deas.     Deposition  of  Joseph  Foster. 
•  Report   of  Captain   Cobb,  in  Shirley   to   Newcastle,  13    October, 
1746. 


1746.]  A  LAST  EFFORT.  165 

the  result  seems  to  have  been  adverse  to  any  further 
attempt.  The  journalist  reports  that  only  a  thousand 
men  were  left  in  fighting  condition,  and  that  even  of 
these  some  were  dying  every  day. 

La  Jonquiere,  however,  would  not  yet  despair. 
The  troops  were  re-embarked;  five  hospital  ships 
were  devoted  to  the  sick;  the  "Parfait,"  a  fifty-gun 
ship  no  longer  serviceable,  was  burned,  as  were 
several  smaller  vessels,  and  on  the  fourth  of  October 
what  was  left  of  the  fleet  sailed  out  of  Chibucto 
Harbor  and  steered  for  Annapolis,  piloted  by  Aca- 
dians.  The  flag  of  truce  from  Louisbourg  was  com- 
pelled for  a  time  to  bear  them  company,  and  Joseph 
Foster  of  Beverly,  an  exchanged  prisoner  on  board 
of  her.  deposed  that  as  the  fleet  held  its  way,  he  saw 
"a  great  number  of  dead  persons"  dropped  into  the 
sea  every  day.  Ill-luck  still  pursued  the  French. 
A  storm  off  Cape  Sable  dispersed  the  ships,  two  of 
which  some  days  later  made  their  way  to  Annapolis 
Basin  in  expectation  of  finding  some  of  their  com- 
panions there.  They  found  instead  the  British  fifty- 
gun  ship  "Chester"  and  the  Massachusetts  frigate 
"  Shirley  "  anchored  before  the  fort,  on  which  the 
two  Frenchmen  retired  as  they  had  come;  and  so 
ended  the  last  aggressive  movement  on  the  part  of 
the  great  armament. 

The  journalist  reports  that  on  the  night  of  the 
twenty-seventh  there  was  a  council  of  officers  on 
board  the  "Northumberland,"  at  which  it  was  re- 
solved that  no  choice  was  left  but  to  return  to  France 


166  DUG  D'ANVILLE.  [1746. 

with  the  ships  that  still  kept  together.  On  the 
fourth  of  November  there  was  another  storm,  and 
when  it  subsided,  the  "Prince  d'Orange"  found 
herself  with  but  nine  companions,  all  of  which  were 
transports.  These  had  on  board  eleven  companies  of 
soldiers,  of  whom  their  senior  officer  reports  that 
only  ninety-one  were  in  health.  The  pestilence  made 
such  ravages  among  the  crews  that  four  or  five 
corpses  were  thrown  into  the  sea  every  day,  and 
there  was  fear  that  the  vessels  would  be  left  helpless 
in  mid-ocean  for  want  of  sailors  to  work  them.^  At 
last,  on  the  seventh  of  December,  after  narrowly 
escaping  an  English  squadron,  they  reached  Port 
Louis  in  Brittany,  where  several  ships  of  the  fleet 
had  arrived  before  them.  Among  these  was  the 
frigate  "La  Palme."  "Yesterday,"  says  the  jour- 
nalist, "I  supped  with  M.  Destrahoudal,  who  com- 
mands this  frigate;  and  he  told  me  things  which 
from  anybody  else  would  have  been  incredible.  This 
is  his  story,  exactly  as  I  had  it  from  him."  And  he 
goes  on  to  the  following  effect. 

After  the  storm  of  the  fourteenth  of  September, 
provisions  being  almost  spent,  it  was  thought  that 
there  was  no  hope  for  "  La  Palme  "  and  her  crew  but 
in  giving  up  the  enterprise  and  making  all  sail  at 
once  for  home,  since  France  now  had  no  port  of 
refuge  on  the  western  continent  nearer  than  Quebec. 
Rations  were  reduced  to  three  ounces  of  biscuit  and 
three  of  salt  meat  a  day ;  and  after  a  time  half  of  this 

*  Journal  historique. 


2746.]  THE   STORY  OF  "LA   PALME."  167 

pittance  was  cut  off.  There  was  diligent  hunting 
for  rats  in  the  hold ;  and  when  this  game  failed,  the 
crew,  crazed  with  famine,  demanded  of  their  captain 
that  five  English  prisoners  who  were  on  board  should 
be  butchered  to  appease  the  frenzy  of  their  hunger. 
The  captain  consulted  his  officers,  and  they  were  of 
opinion  that  if  he  did  not  give  his  consent,  the  crew 
would  work  their  will  without  it.  The  ship's  butcher 
was  accordingly  ordered  to  bind  one  of  the  prisoners, 
carry  him  to  the  bottom  of  the  hold,  put  him  to 
death,  and  distribute  his  flesh  to  the  men  in  portions 
of  three  ounces  each.  The  captain,  walking  the 
deck  in  great  agitation  all  night,  found  a  pretext  for 
deferring  the  deed  till  morning,  when  a  watchman 
sent  aloft  at  daylight  cried,  "A  sail!"  The  provi- 
dential stranger  was  a  Portuguese  ship;  and  as 
Portugal  was  neutral  in  the  war,  she  let  the  frigate 
approach  to  within  hailing  distance.  The  Portuguese 
captain  soon  came  alongside  in  a  boat,  "accompanied," 
in  the  words  of  the  narrator,  "by  five  sheep." 
These  were  eagerly  welcomed  by  the  starving  crew 
as  agreeable  substitutes  for  the  five  Englishmen ;  and, 
being  forthwith  slaughtered,  were  parcelled  out 
among  the  men,  who  would  not  wait  till  the  flesh 
was  cooked,  but  devoured  it  raw.  Provisions  enough 
were  obtained  from  the  Portuguese  to  keep  the 
frigate's  company  alive  till  they  reached  Port  Louis. 
There  are  no  sufficient  means  of  judging  how  far 

*  Relation  dn   Voyage  de  Retour  de  M.  Destrahoudal  apres  la  T*m- 
pete  du  14  Septembre,  in  Journal  historique. 


168  DUC   D'ANVILLE.  [1746,  1747. 

the  disasters  of  D'Anville's  fleet  were  due  to  a 
neglect  of  sanitary  precautions  or  to  deficient  sea- 
manship. Certain  it  is  that  there  were  many  in  self- 
righteous  New  England  who  would  have  held  it 
impious  to  doubt  that  God  had  summoned  the  pesti- 
lence and  the  storm  to  fight  the  battles  of  his  modern 
Israel. 

Undaunted  by  disastrous  failure,  the  French  court 
equipped  another  fleet,  not  equal  to  that  of  D'Anville, 
yet  still  formidable,  and  placed  it  under  La  Jonquiere, 
for  the  conquest  of  Acadia  and  Louisbourg.  La 
Jonquifere  sailed  from  Rochelle  on  the  tenth  of  May, 
1747,  and  on  the  fourteenth  was  met  by  an  English 
fleet  stronger  than  his  own  and  commanded  by 
Admirals  Anson  and  Warren.  A  fight  ensued,  in 
which,  after  brave  resistance,  the  French  were  totally 
defeated.  Six  ships-of-war,  including  the  flag-ship, 
were  captured,  with  a  host  of  prisoners,  among  whom 
was  La  Jonquiere  himself.^ 

^  Relation  du  Combat  rendu  le  14  Afai  (new  style),  par  I'Escadre  du 
Roy  commandee  par  M.  de  la  Jonquiere,  in  Le  Canada  Fran^ais,  Sup- 
plement de  Documents  tnedits,  33.  Newcastle  to  Shirlej/,  30  May, 
1747. 


CHAPTER  XXn. 

1745-1747. 

ACADIAN  CONFLICTS. 

Efforts  of  France.  —  Apathy  of  Newcastle.  —  Dilemma   o» 

ACADIANS  :      THEIR     CHARACTER. DaNGER    OF    THE     PROVINCE. 

—  Plans  of  Shirley.  —  Acadian  Priests.  —  Political  Agi- 
tators.—  Noble's  Expedition.  —  Ramesay  at  Beaubassin. — 
Noble  at  Grand  Pre.  —  A  Winter  March.  —  Defeat  and 
Death  of  Noble.  —  Grand  Pre  reoccupied  by  the  Eng- 
lish.—  Threats  of  Ramesay  against  the  Acadians.  —  The 
British  Ministry  will  not  protect  them. 

Since  the  capture  of  Louisbourg,  Fiance  had  held 
constantly  in  view,  as  an  object  of  prime  importance, 
the  recovery  of  her  lost  colony  of  Acadia.  This  was 
one  of  the  chief  aims  of  D'Anville's  expedition,  and 
of  that  of  La  Jonquiere  in  the  next  year.  And  to 
make  assurance  still  more  sure,  a  large  body  of  Cana- 
dians, under  M.  de  Ramesay,  had  been  sent  to  Acadia 
to  co-operate  with  D'Anville's  force;  but  the  greater 
part  of  them  had  been  recalled  to  aid  in  defending 
Quebec  against  the  expected  attack  of  the  English. 
They  returned  when  the  news  came  that  D'Anville 
was  at  Chibucto,  and  Ramesay,  with  a  part  of  his 
command,  advanced  upon  Port  Royal,  or  Annapolis. 
in  order  to  support  the  fleet  in  its  promised  attack  on 


170  ACADIAN  CONFLICTS.  [1745,  1716. 

that  place.  He  encamped  at  a  little  distance  from 
the  English  fort,  till  he  heard  of  the  disasters  that 
had  ruined  the  fleet,  ^  and  then  fell  back  to  Chignecto, 
on  the  neck  of  the  Acadian  peninsula,  where  he 
made  his  quarters,  with  a  force  which,  including 
Micmac,  Malicite,  and  Penobscot  Indians,  amounted, 
at  one  time,  to  about  sixteen  hundred  men. 

If  France  was  bent  on  recovering  Acadia,  Shirley 
was  no  less  resolved  to  keep  it,  if  he  could.  In  his 
belief,  it  was  the  key  of  the  British  American  colonies, 
and  again  and  again  he  urged  the  Duke  of  Newcastle 
to  protect  it.  But  Newcastle  seems  scarcely  to  have 
known  where  Acadia  was,  being  ignorant  of  most 
things  except  the  art  of  managing  the  House  of 
Commons,  and  careless  of  all  things  that  could  not 
help  his  party  and  himself.  Hence  Shirley's  hyper- 
boles, though  never  without  a  basis  of  truth,  were 
lost  upon  him.  Once,  it  is  true,  he  sent  three  hun- 
dred men  to  Annapolis ;  but  one  hundred  and  eighty 
of  them  died  on  the  voyage,  or  lay  helpless  in  Boston 
hospitals,  and  the  rest  could  better  have  been  spared, 
some  being  recruits  from  English  jails,  and  others 
Irish  Catholics,  several  of  whom  deserted  to  the 
French,  with  information  of  the  state  of  the  garrison. 

The  defence  of  Acadia  was  left  to  Shirley  and  his 
Assembly,  who  in  time  of  need  sent  companies  of 
militia  and  rangers  to  Annapolis,  and  thus  on  several 
occasions  saved  it  from  returning  to  France.  Shirley 
was   the  most  watchful  and  strenuous  defender  of 

1  Journal  de  Beavjeu,  in  Le  Canada  Fravcals,  Documents,  5.3. 


1745,  1746.]  ACADIAN  DILEMMA.  171 

British  interests  on  the  continent;  and  in  the  present 
crisis  British  and  colonial  interests  were  one.  He 
held  that  if  Acadia  were  lost,  the  peace  and  safety 
of  all  the  other  colonies  would  be  in  peril;  and  in 
spite  of  the  immense  efforts  made  by  the  French  court 
to  recover  it,  he  felt  that  the  chief  danger  of  the 
province  was  not  from  without,  but  from  within. 
"If  a  thousand  French  troops  should  land  in  Nova 
Scotia,"  he  writes  to  Newcastle,  "all  the  people 
would  rise  to  join  them,  besides  all  the  Indians."  ^ 
So,  too,  thought  the  French  officials  in  America. 
The  governor  and  intendant  of  Canada  wrote  to  the 
colonial  minister:  "The  inhabitants,  with  few  excep- 
tions, wish  to  return  under  the  French  dominion, 
and  will  not  hesitate  to  take  up  arms  as  soon  as  they 
see  themselves  free  to  do  so;  that  is,  as  soon  as  we 
become  masters  of  Port  Royal,  or  they  have  powder 
and  oth^r  munitions  of  war,  and  are  backed  by  troops 
for  their  protection  against  the  resentment  of  the 
English." 2  Up  to  this  time,  however,  though  they 
had  aided  Duvivier  in  his  attack  on  Annapolis  so 
far  as  was  possible  without  seeming  to  do  so,  they 
had  not  openly  taken  arms,  and  their  refusal  to  fight 
for  the  besiegers  is  one  among  several  causes  to 
which  Mascarene  ascribes  the  success  of  his  defence. 
While  the  greater  part  remained  attached  to  France, 
some  leaned  to  the  English,  who  bought  their  pro- 
duce and  paid  them  in  ready  coin.     Money  was  rare 

1  Shtrlei/  to  Newcastle,  29  October,  1745. 

'  Bemiharnols  et  Hocquart  au  Ministre,  12  Septembre,  1745. 


172  ACADIAN  CONFLICTS.  [1745,  1746. 

with  the  Acadians,  who  loved  it,  and  were  so  addicted 
to  hoarding  it  that  the  French  authorities  were  led 
to  speculate  as  to  what  might  be  the  object  of  these 
careful  savings.^ 

Though  the  Acadians  loved  France,  they  were  not 
always  ready  to  sacrifice  their  interests  to  her.  They 
would  not  supply  Ramesay's  force  with  provisions  in 
exchange  for  his  promissory  notes,  but  demanded 
hard  cash.^  This  he  had  not  to  give,  and  was  near 
being  compelled  to  abandon  his  position  in  conse- 
quence. At  the  same  time,  in  consideration  of  specie 
payment,  the  inhabitants  brought  in  fuel  for  the 
English  garrison  at  Louisbourg,  and  worked  at 
repairing  the  rotten  chevaux  de  frise  of  Annapolis.^ 

Mascarene,  commandant  at  that  place,  being  of 
French  descent,  was  disposed  at  first  to  sympathize 
with  the  Acadians  and  treat  them  with  a  lenity  that 
to  the  members  of  his  council  seemed  neither  fitting 
nor  prudent.  He  wrote  to  Shirley :  "  The  French 
inhabitants  are  certainly  in  a  very  perilous  situation, 
those  who  pretend  to  be  their  friends  and  old  masters 
having  let  loose  a  parcel  of  banditti  to  plunder  them ; 
whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  they  see  themselves  threat- 
ened with  ruin  if  they  fail  in  their  allegiance  to  the 
British  Government."* 

This   unhappy  people  were  in  fact  between   two 

1  Beauharnois  et  Hocquart  au  Ministre,  12  Septembre,  1745. 

2  Ibid. 

•  Admiral  Knowles  a 1746.     Mascarene  in  Le  Canada  Fran- 

fais,  Documents,  82. 

*  Mascarene,  in  Le  Canada  Francais,  Documents,  81. 


1745,1746.]  THE  ACADIANS.  173 

fires.  France  claimed  them  on  one  side,  and  Eng- 
land on  the  other,  and  each  demanded  their  adhesion, 
without  regard  to  their  feelings  or  their  welfare. 
The  banditti  of  whom  Mascarene  speaks  were  the 
Micmac  Indians,  who  were  completely  under  the 
control  of  their  missionary,  Le  Loutre,  and  were 
used  by  him  to  terrify  the  inhabitants  into  renoun- 
cing their  English  allegiance  and  actively  supporting 
the  French  cause.  By  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  France 
had  transferred  Acadia  to  Great  Britain,  and  the 
inhabitants  had  afterwards  taken  an  oath  of  fidelity 
to  King  George.  Thus  they  were  British  subjects ; 
but  as  their  oath  had  been  accompanied  by  a  promise, 
or  at  least  a  clear  understanding,  that  they  should 
not  be  required  to  take  arms  against  Frenchmen  or 
Indians,  they  had  become  known  as  the  "Neutral 
French."  This  name  tended  to  perplex  them,  and 
in  their  ignorance  and  simplicity  they  hardly  knew 
ta  which  side  they  owed  allegiance.  Their  illiteracy 
was  extreme.  Few  of  them  could  sign  their  names, 
and  a  contemporary  well  acquainted  with  them 
declares  that  he  knew  but  a  single  Acadian  who 
could  read  and  write. ^  This  was  probably  the  notary, 
Le  Blanc,  whose  compositions  are  crude  and  illiter- 
ate. Ignorant  of  books  and  isolated  in  a  wild  and 
remote  corner  of  the  world,  the  Acadians  knew  noth- 
ing of  affairs,  and  were  totally  incompetent  to  meet 
the  crisis  that  was  soon  to  come  upon  them.  In 
activity   and   enterprise   they   were   far  behind    the 

*  Mo'ise  des  Derniers,  in  Le  Canada  Fran^ais,  i.  118. 


174  ACADIAN   CONFLICTS.  [174R. 

Canadians,  who  looked  on  them  as  inferioi-s.  Tlieir 
pleasures  were  those  of  the  humblest  and  simplest 
peasants;  they  were  contented  with  their  lot,  and 
asked  only  to  be  let  alone.  Their  intercourse  was 
unceremonious  to  such  a  point  that  they  never  ad- 
dressed each  other,  or,  it  is  said,  even  strangers,  as 
monsieur.  They  had  the  social  equality  wliich  can 
exist  only  in  the  humblest  conditions  of  societ}-,  and 
presented  the  phenomenon  of  a  primitive  little  de- 
mocracy, hatched  under  the  wing  of  an  absolute 
monarcli3\  Each  was  as  good  as  his  neighbor;  they 
liad  no  natural  leaders,  nor  any  to  advise  or  guide 
them,  except  the  missionary  priest,  who  in  eveiy 
case  was  expected  by  his  superiors  to  influence  them 
in  the  interest  of  France,  and  who,  in  fact,  con- 
stantly did  so.  While  one  observer  represents  them 
as  living  in  a  state  of  primeval  innocence,  another 
describes  both  men  and  women  as  extremely  foul  of 
speech ;  from  which  he  draws  inferences  unfavorable 
to  their  domestic  morals,*  which,  nevertheless,  were 
commendable.  As  is  usual  with  a  well-fed  and  un- 
ambitious peasantry,  they  were  very  prolific,  and  are 
said  to  have  doul)led  their  number  every  sixteen 
years.  In  1748  they  counted  in  the  peninsula  of 
Nova  Scotia  between  twelve  and  thirteen  thousand 
souls.2  The  English  rule  had  been  of  the  lightest, 
—  so  light  that  it  could  scarcely  be  felt ;  and  this  was 

1  Journal  de  Franqnet,  Part  II. 

'  Description  de  I'Acadie,  arec  le  Nom  des  Paroisses  et  le  Nombt* 
Jes  Habitants.  1748. 


1745,  1747.]  THE   ACADIANS.  175 

not  surprising,  since  the  only  instruments  for  enfor- 
cing it  over  a  population  wholly  French  were  some 
two  hundred  disorderly  soldiers  in  the  crumbling 
little  fort  of  Annapolis;  and  the  province  was  left, 
perforce,  to  take  care  of  itself. 

The  appearance  of  D'Anville's  fleet  caused  great 
excitement  among  the  Acadians,  who  thought  that 
they  were  about  to  pass  again  under  the  Crown  of 
France.  Fifty  of  them  went  on  board  the  French 
ships  at  Chibucto  to  pilot  them  to  the  attack  of 
Annapolis,  and  to  their  dismay  found  that  no  attack 
was  to  be  made.  When  Ramesay,  with  his  Canadians 
and  Indians,  took  post  at  Chignecto  and  built  a  fort 
at  Baye  Verte,  on  the  neck  of  the  peninsula  of  Nova 
Scotia,  the  English  power  in  that  part  of  the  colony 
seemed  at  an  end.  The  inhabitants  cut  off  all  com- 
munication with  Annapolis,  and  detained  the  officers 
whom  Mascarene  sent  for  intelligence. 

From  the  first  outbreak  of  the  war  it  was  evident 
that  the  French  built  their  hopes  of  recovering 
Acadia  largely  on  a  rising  of  the  Acadians  against 
the  English  rule,  and  that  they  spared  no  efforts  to 
excite  such  a  rising.  Early  in  1745  a  violent  and 
cruel  precaution  against  this  danger  was  suggested. 
William  Shirreff,  provincial  secretary,  gave  it  as 
his  opinion  that  the  Acadians  ought  to  be  removed, 
being  a  standing  menace  to  the  colony.^  This  is  the 
first  proposal  of  such  a  nature  that  I  find.  Some 
months  later,   Shirley  writes  that,  on  a  false  report 

1  Shirreff  to  K.  Gould,  agent  of  Philips' s  Regiment,  March,  1746. 


176  ACADIAN    CON'FMCTS.  [I74r-1747 

of  the  capture  nf  AniiaiM.li.s  l>y  the  Freiuli,  the 
Acadiiins  SiiMj^  Te  Drum,  uml  that  every  si^ii  iiuliiates 
that  there  will  In*  an  attempt  in  the  spring  t*)  capture 
Annapolis,  with  their  help.'  Again,  Shirley  infonns 
Newcastle  that  the  Frencli  will  get  jM^seKHion  of 
Acadia  unless  the  most  dangenius  «»f  the  inhahitiinta 
are  removfd,  and  Knglish  srttlcrs  put  in  their  place.' 
He  adds  that  there  are  not  two  hundre<l  and  twenty 
solditi-s  at  Annapoli.s  to  (lefend  the  pnivince  against 
the  whole  Ixxly  of  .Vcadians  and  Indians,  and  he  ti-Us 
the  minister  that  uidess  the  rxiK-ditiou  against  Canada 
should  end  in  the  conquest  of  that  cimntry,  the 
i-emoval  of  some  of  the  Acadians  will  Ixj  a  necessity. 
He  means  tluKse  of  Chignecto,  who  wt-re  kept  in  a 
threatening  attitude  hy  the  presence  of  Kamcsay  and 
his  Canadians,  and  who,  as  he  thinks,  had  forfeited 
their  lands  by  treasonable  conduct.  Shirley  l)elieve8 
that  families  from  New  England  might  \)C  induced  to 
take  their  place,  and  that  these,  if  settled  undi-r 
suitable  regulations,  would  form  a  military  frontier 
to  the  province  of  Nova  Scotia  "strong  enough  to 
keep  the  Canadians  out,"  and  hold  the  Acadians  to 
their  allegiance. ^  The  Duke  of  Bedford  thinks  the 
plan  a  good  one,  but  objects  to  the  expense.*  Com- 
modore Knowles,  then  governor  of  Louisbourg,  who, 
being  threatened  with  consumption  and  convinced 
that  the  climate  was  killing  him,  vented  his  feelings 

*  Shirley  to  Xeircastle,  14  December,  1746. 
2  Ibid.,  10  May,  1746. 

»  Ibid.,  8  JUy,  1747. 

•  Bedford  to  Newcastle,  11  September,  1747. 


1745-1747.]     SHIRLEY   AND   THE   ACADIANS.  177 

ill  strictures  against  everything  and  everybody,  was 
of  opinion  that  the  Acadians,  having  broken  their 
neutrality,  ought  to  be  expelled  at  once,  and  expresses 
the  amiable  hope  that  should  his  Majesty  adopt  this 
plan,  he  will  cliarge  him  with  executing  it.^ 

Shirley's  energetic  nature  inclined  him  to  trench- 
ant measures,  and  he  had  nothing  of  modern  humaiii- 
tarianism;  but  he  was  not  inhuman,  and  he  shrank 
from  the  cruelty  of  forcing  whole  communities  into 
exile.  While  Knowles  and  othei-s  called  for  wliole- 
sale  expatriation,  he  still  held  that  it  was  possible  to 
turn  the  greater  part  of  the  Acadians  into  safe  sub- 
jects of  the  British  Crown  ;2  and  to  this  end  he 
advised  the  })lanting  of  a  fortilied  town  where 
Halifax  now  stands,  and  securing  by  forts  and  gar- 
risons the  neck  of  the  Acadian  peninsula,  where  the 
population  was  most  numerous  and  most  disaffected. 
The  garrisons,  he  thought,  would  not  only  impose 
respect,  but  would  furnish  the  Acadians  witii  what 
they  wanted  most,  —  ready  markets  for  their  produce, 

1  Knowles  to  Newcastle,  8  \oceinber,  1740. 

'  Shirley  says  that  the  indiscriminate  removal  of  the  Acadians 
would  be  "  unjust  "and  "too  rigorous."  Knowles  had  proposed  to 
put  Catholic  Jacobites  from  the  Scotch  Higiilands  into  their  place. 
Shirley  thinks  this  inexpedient,  but  believes  that  Protestants  from 
Germany  and  Ulster  might  safely  be  trusted.  The  best  plan  of  all, 
in  his  oi)iiiion,  is  that  of  "  treating  the  Acailians  as  sultjects,  con- 
fining their  punishment  to  the  most  guilty  and  dangerous  among 
'em,  and  keeping  the  rest  in  the  country  and  endeavoring  to  make 
them  useful  members  of  society  under  his  Majesty's  Government." 
Shirley  to  Newcastle ,  21  November ,  174G.  If  the  Newcastle  Govern- 
ment had  vigorously  carried  his  recommendations  into  effect,  the 
removal  of  the  Acadians  in  1755  would  not  have  taken  place. 

VOL   II.  — 12 


178  ACADIAN   CONFLICTS.  [1746,  1747. 

—  and  thus  bind  them  to  tlie  British  by  strong  ties  of 
interest.  Newcastle  thought  the  phin  good,  but 
wrote  that  its  execution  must  be  deferred  to  a  future 
day.  Three  yeare  hiter  it  was  partly  carried  into 
effect  by  the  foundation  of  Halifax;  but  at  that  time 
the  disaffection  of  the  Acadians  had  so  increased, 
and  the  hope  of  regaining  the  province  for  France 
had  risen  so  high,  that  this  partial  and  tardy  as- 
sertion of  British  authority  only  spurred  the  French 
agents  to  redoubled  efforts  to  draw  the  inhabitants 
from  the  allegiance  they  had  sworn  to  the  Crown  of 
England. 

Shirley  had  also  other  plans  in  view  for  turning 
the  Acadians  into  good  British  subjects.  He  pro- 
posed, as  a  measure  of  prime  necessity,  to  exclude 
French  priests  from  the  province.  The  free  exercise 
of  their  religion  had  been  insured  to  the  inhabitants 
by  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  and  on  this  point  the  Eng- 
lish authorities  had  given  no  just  cause  of  complaint. 
A  priest  had  occasionally  been  warned,  suspended, 
or  removed;  but  without  a  single  exception,  so  far 
as  appears,  this  was  in  consequence  of  conduct  which 
tended  to  excite  disaffection,  and  which  would  have 
incurred  equal  or  greater  penalties  in  the  case  of  a 
layman.^     The   sentence   was  directed,    not   against 

1  There  was  afterwards  sharp  correspondence  between  Shirley 
and  the  governor  of  Canada  touching  the  Acadian  priests.  Thus, 
Shirley  writes  :  "  I  can't  avoid  now,  Sir,  expressing  great  surprise 
at  the  other  parts  of  your  letter,  whereby  you  take  upon  you  to 
call  Mr.  Mascarene  to  account  for  expelling  the  missionary  from 
Minas  for  being  guilty  of   such   treasonable  practices  within  His 


1745-1747.]  SHIRLEY'S  PLANS.  179 

the  priest,  but  against  the  political  agitator.  Shirley's 
plan  of  excluding  French  priests  from  the  province 
would  not  have  violated  the  provisions  of  the  treaty, 
provided  that  the  inhabitants  were  supplied  with 
other  priests,  not  French  subjects,  and  therefore  not 
politically  dangerous;  but  though  such  a  measure 
was  several  times  proposed  by  the  provincial  authori- 
ties, the  exasperating  apathy  of  the  Newcastle  Gov- 
ernment gave  no  hope  that  it  could  be  accomijlished. 

The  influences  most  dangerous  to  British  rule  did 
not  proceed  from  love  of  France  or  sympathy  of  race, 
but  from  the  power  of  religion  over  a  simple  and 
ignorant  people,  trained  in  profound  love  and  awe  of 
their  Church  and  its  ministers,  who  were  used  by 
the  representatives  of  Louis  XV.  as  agents  to  alien- 
ate the  Acadians  from  England. 

The  most  strenuous  of  these  clerical  agitators  was 
Abbd  Le  Loutre,  missionary  to  the  Micmacs,  and 
after  1753  vicar-general  of  Acadia.  He  was  a  fiery 
and  enterprising  zealot,  inclined  by  temperament  to 
methods  of  violence,  detesting  the  English,  and  re- 
strained neither  by  pity  nor  scruple  from  using 
threats  of  damnation  and  the  Micraac  tomahawk  to 

Majesty's  government  as  merited  a  much  severer   Punishment." 
Shirley  a  Galissoniere,  9  Mat,  1749. 

Shirley  writes  to  Newcastle  that  the  Acadians  "  are  greatly  under 
the  influence  of  their  priests,  who  continually  receive  their  direc- 
tions from  the  Bishop  of  Quebec,  and  are  the  instruments  by  which 
the  governor  of  Canada  makes  all  his  attempts  for  the  reduction 
of  the  province  to  tlie  French  Crown."  Shirle)/  to  Newcastle,  20 
October,  1747.  He  proceeds  to  give  facts  in  proof  of  his  assertion. 
Compare  "  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,"  i.  110,  111,  275,  m>te. 


180  ACADIAN   CONFLICTS.  [1745-1747. 

frighten  the  Acadiaiis  into  doing  his  bidding.  The 
worst  charge  against  him,  that  of  exciting  the  Indians 
of  his  mission  to  murder  Captain  Howe,  an  English 
officer,  has  not  been  proved ;  but  it  would  not  have 
been  brought  against  him  by  his  own  countrymen  if 
his  character  and  past  conduct  had  gained  him  their 
esteem. 

The  other  Acadian  priests  were  far  from  sharing 
Le  Loutre's  violence;  but  their  influence  was  always 
directed  to  alienating  the  inhabitants  from  their 
allegiance  to  King  George.  Hence  Shirley  regarded 
the  conversion  of  the  Acadians  to  Protestantism  as 
a  political  measure  of  the  first  importance,  and  pro- 
posed the  establishment  of  schools  in  the  province  to 
that  end.  Thus  far  his  recommendations  are  per- 
fectly legitimate;  but  when  he  adds  that  rewards 
ought  to  be  given  to  Acadians  who  renounce  their 
faith,  few  will  venture  to  defend  him. 

Newcastle  would  trouble  himself  with  none  of  his 
schemes,  and  Acadia  was  left  to  drift  with  the  tide, 
as  before.  "  I  shall  finish  my  troubleing  your  Grace 
upon  the  affairs  of  Nova  Scotia  with  this  letter," 
writes  the  persevering  Shirley.  And  he  proceeds  to 
ask,  "as  a  proper  Scheme  for  better  securing  the 
Subjection  of  the  French  inhabitants  and  Indians 
there,"  that  the  governor  and  Council  at  Annapolis 
have  special  authority  and  direction  from  the  King 
to  arrest  and  examine  such  Acadians  as  shall  be 
"most  obnoxious  and  dangerous  to  his  Majesty's 
Government;"  and   if   found   guilty   of   treasonable 


1746,  1747.]        DANGER  OF  THE   PROVINCE  181 

correspondence  with  the  enemy,  to  dispose  of  them 
and  their  estates  in  such  manner  as  his  Majesty  shall 
order,  at  the  same  time  promising  indemnity  to  the 
rest  for  past  offences,  upon  their  taking  or  renewing 
the  oath  of  allegiance. ^ 

To  this  it  does  not  appear  that  Newcastle  made 
any  answer  except  to  direct  Shirley,  eight  or  nine 
months  later,  to  tell  the  Acadians  that,  so  long  as 
they  were  peaceable  subjects,  they  should  be  protected 
in  property  and  religion. ^  Thus  left  to  struggle 
unaided  with  a  most  difficult  problem,  entirely  out- 
side of  his  functions  as  governor  of  Massachusetts, 
Shirley  did  what  he  could.  The  most  pressing 
danger,  as  he  thought,  rose  from  tlie  presence  of 
Ramesay  and  his  Canadians  at  Chignecto;  for  that 
officer  spared  no  pains  to  induce  the  Acadians  to  join 
him  in  another  attempt  against  Annapolis,  telling 
them  that  if  they  did  not  drive  out  the  English,  the 
English  would  drive  them  out.  He  was  now  at 
Mines,  trying  to  raise  the  inhabitants  in  arms  for 
France.  Shirley  thought  it  necessary  to  counteract 
him,  and  force  him  and  his  Canadians  back  to  the 
isthmus  whence  they  had  come;  but  as  the  ministry 
would  give  no  soldiers,  he  was  compelled  to  draw 
them  from  New  England.     The  defence  of  Acadia 

1  Shirley  to  Newcastle,  15  August,  1746. 

'■^  Newcastle  to  Shirleif,  30  Maji,  1747.  Shirley  had  some  time 
before  directed  Mascarene  to  tell  the  Acadians  tnat  while  they 
behave  peaceably  and  do  not  correspond  with  the  enemy,  their 
property  will  be  safe,  but  that  such  as  turn  traitors  will  be  treated 
accordingly.     Shirley  to  Mascarene,  16  Sejitember,  1746, 


182  ACADIAN   CONFLICTS.  [1746,  1747. 

was  the  business  of  the  home  government,  and  not 
of  the  colonies;  but  as  they  were  deeply  interested 
in  the  preservation  of  the  endangered  province, 
Massachusetts  gave  five  hundred  men  in  response  to 
Shirley's  call,  and  Rhode  Island  and  New  Hampshire 
added,  between  them,  as  many  more.  Less  than 
half  of  these  levies  reached  Acadia.  It  was  the 
stormy  season.  The  Rhode  Island  vessels  were 
wrecked  near  Martha's  Vineyard.  A  New  Hamp- 
shire transport  sloop  was  intercepted  by  a  French 
armed  vessel,  and  ran  back  to  Portsmouth.  Four 
hundred  and  seventy  men  from  Massachusetts,  under 
Colonel  Arthur  Noble,  were  all  who  reached  Annapolis, 
whence  they  sailed  for  Mines,  accompanied  by  a  few 
soldiers  of  the  garrison.  Storms,  drifting  ice,  and 
the  furious  tides  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy  made  their 
progress  so  difficult  and  uncertain  that  Noble  resolved 
to  finish  the  journey  by  land ;  and  on  the  fourth  of 
December  he  disembarked  near  the  place  now  called 
French  Cross,  at  the  foot  of  the  North  Mountain,  — 
a  lofty  barrier  of  rock  and  forest  extending  along  the 
southern  shore  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy.  Without  a 
path  and  without  guides,  the  party  climbed  the 
snow-encumbered  heights  and  toiled  towards  their 
destination,  each  man  carrying  provisions  for  four- 
teen days  in  his  haversack.  After  sleeping  eight 
nights  without  shelter  among  the  snowdrifts,  they 
reached  the  Acadian  village  of  Grand  Prd,  the  chief 
settlement  of  the  district  of  Mines.  Ramesay  and 
his  Canadians  were  gone.     On  learning  the  approach 


1746,  1747.]  NOBLE   AT   GRAND   PR^.  188 

of  an  English  force,  he  had  tried  to  persuade  the 
Acadians  that  they  were  to  be  driven  from  their 
homes,  and  that  their  only  hope  was  in  joining  with 
him  to  meet  force  by  force ;  but  they  trusted  Shirley's 
recent  assurance  of  protection,  and  replied  that  they 
would  not  break  their  oath  of  fidelity  to  King  George. 
On  this,  Ramesay  retreated  to  his  old  station  at 
Chignecto,  and  Noble  and  his  men  occupied  Grand 
Pr^  without  opposition. 

The  village  consisted  of  small,  low  wooden  houses, 
scattered  at  intervals  for  the  distance  of  a  mile  and  a 
half,  and  therefore  ill  fitted  for  defence.  The  Eng- 
lish had  the  frame  of  a  blockhouse,  or,  as  some  say, 
of  two  blockhouses,  ready  to  be  set  up  on  their 
arrival;  but  as  the  ground  was  hard  frozen,  it  was 
difficult  to  make  a  foundation,  and  the  frames  were 
therefore  stored  in  outbuildings  of  the  village,  with 
the  intention  of  raising  them  in  the  spring.  The 
vessels  which  had  brought  them,  together  with  stores, 
ammunition,  five  small  cannon,  and  a  good  supply  of 
snow-shoes,  had  just  arrived  at  the  landing-place, 
—  and  here,  with  incredible  fatuity,  were  allowed  to 
remain,  with  most  of  their  indispensable  contents 
still  on  board.  The  men,  meanwhile,  were  quartered 
in  the  Acadian  houses. 

Noble's  position  was  critical,  but  he  was  assured 
that  he  could  not  be  reached  from  Chignecto  in  such 
a  bitter  season ;  and  this  he  was  too  ready  to  believe, 
though  he  himself  had  just  made  a  march,  which,  if 
not  so  long,  was  quite  as  arduous.     Yet  he  did  not 


184  ACADIAN  CONFLICTS.  [1747 

neglect  every  precaution,  but  kept  out  scouting- 
parties  to  range  the  surrounding  country,  while  the 
rest  of  his  men  took  their  ease  in  the  Acadian  houses, 
living  on  the  provisions  of  the  villagers,  for  which 
payment  was  afterwards  made.  Some  of  tlie  inhab- 
itants, who  had  openly  favored  Ramesay  and  his 
followers,  fled  to  the  woods,  in  fear  of  the  conse- 
quences; but  the  greater  part  remained  quietly  in 
the  village. 

At  the  head  of  the  Bay  of  Fiindy  its  waters  form 
a  fork,  consisting  of  Chignecto  Bay  on  the  one  hand, 
and  Mines  Basin  on  the  other.  At  the  head  of 
Chignecto  Bay  was  the  Acadian  settlement  of  Chi- 
gnecto, or  Beaubassin,  in  the  houses  of  which  Ramesay 
had  quartered  his  Canadians.  Here  the  neck  of  the 
Acadian  peninsula  is  at  its  narrowest,  the  distance 
across  to  Baye  Verte,  where  Ramesay  had  built  a  fort, 
being  little  more  than  twelve  miles.  Thus  he  con- 
trolled the  isthmus,  —  from  which,  however,  Noble 
hoped  to  dislodge  him  in  the  spring. 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  eighth  of  January  an 
Acadian  who  had  been  sent  to  Mines  by  the  mis- 
sionary Germain,  came  to  Beaubassin  with  the  news 
that  two  hundred  and  twenty  English  were  at  Grand 
Prd,  and  that  more  were  expected.^  Ramesay  in- 
stantly formed  a  plan  of  extraordinary  hardihood, 
and  resolved,  by  a  rapid  march  and  a  night  attack, 
to  surprise  the  new-comers.     His  party  was  greatly 

*  Beaujeu,  Journal  de  la  Campagne  du  Detachernent  de  Canada  <l 
VAcadte,  in  Le  Canada  Fran^ais,  ii.  Documents,  16. 


1747.]  A  BOLD    ENTERPRISE.  185 

reduced  by  disease,  and  to  recruit  it  he  wrote  to  La 
Corne,  R^collet  missionary  at  INIiramichi,  to  join  him 
with  his  Indians ;  writing  at  the  same  time  to  Mail- 
lard,  former  colleague  of  Le  Loutre  at  the  mission  of 
Shubenacadie,  and  to  Girard,  priest  of  Cobequid,  to 
muster  Indians,  collect  provisions,  and  gather  infor- 
mation concerning  the  English.  Meanwhile  his 
Canadians  busied  themselves  with  making  snow-shoes 
and  dog-sledges  for  the  march. 

Ramesay  could  not  command  the  expedition  in 
person,  as  an  accident  to  one  of  his  knees  had  dis- 
abled him  from  marching.  This  was  less  to  be 
regretted,  in  view  of  the  quality  of  his  officers,  for 
he  had  with  him  the  flower  of  the  warlike  Canadian 
7iohlesse,  —  Coulon  de  Villiers,  who,  seven  years  later, 
defeated  Washington  at  Fort  Necessity;  Beaujeu, 
the  future  hero  of  the  Monongahela,  in  appearance  a 
carpet  knight,  in  reality  a  bold  and  determined 
warrior ;  the  Chevalier  de  la  Corne,  a  model  of  bodily 
and  mental  hardihood;  Saint-Pierre,  Lanaudifere, 
Saint-Ours,  Desligneris,  Courtemanche,  Repentigny, 
Boish^bert,  Gasp^,  Colombiere,  Marin,  Lusignan,  — • 
all  adepts  in  the  warfare  of  surprise  and  sudden 
onslaught  in  which  the  Canadians  excelled. 

Coulon  de  Villiers  commanded  in  Ramesay's  place ; 
and  on  the  twenty-first  of  January  he  and  the  other 
officers  led  their  men  across  the  isthmus  from  Beau- 
bassin  to  Baye  Verte,  where  they  all  encamped  in  the 
woods,  and  where  they  were  joined  by  a  party  of 
Indians  and  some  Acadians  from  Beaubassin  and  Isle 


186  ACADIAN  CONFLICTS.  [1747. 

St.  Jean.^  Provisions,  ammunition,  and  other  requi- 
sites were  distributed,  and  at  noon  of  the  twenty- 
third  they  broke  up  their  camp,  marched  three 
leagues,  and  bivouacked  towards  evening.  On  the 
next  morning  they  marched  again  at  daybreak. 
There  was  sharp  cold,  with  a  storm  of  snow,  —  not 
the  large,  moist,  lazy  flakes  that  fall  peacefully  and 
harmlessly,  but  those  small  crystalline  particles  that 
drive  spitefully  before  the  wind,  and  prick  the  cheek 
like  needles.  It  was  the  kind  of  snow-storm  called 
in  Canada  la  poudrerie.  They  had  hoped  to  make  a 
long  day's  march ;  but  feet  and  faces  were  freezing,  and 
they  were  forced  to  stop,  at  noon,  under  such  shel- 
ter as  the  thick  woods  of  pine,  spruce,  and  fir  could 
supply.  In  the  morning  they  marched  again,  following 
the  border  of  the  sea,  their  dog-teams  dragging  provi- 
sions and  baggage  over  the  broken  ice  of  creeks  and 
inlets,  which  they  sometimes  avoided  by  hewing  paths 
through  the  forest.  After  a  day  of  extreme  fatigue 
they  stopped  at  the  small  bay  where  the  town  of  Wal- 
lace now  stands.  Beaujeu  says :  "  While  we  were  dig- 
ging out  the  snow  to  make  our  huts,  there  came  two 
Acadians  with  letters  from  MM.  Maillard  and  Girard." 
The  two  priests  sent  a  mixture  of  good  and  evil  news. 
On  one  hand  the  English  were  more  numerous  than 
had  been  reported ;  on  the  other,  they  had  not  set  up 
the  blockhouses  they  had  brought  with  them.  Some 
Acadians  of  the  neighboring  settlement  joined  the 
party  at  this  camp,  as  also  did  a  few  Indians. 

1  Ma»carene  to  Shirley,  8  February,  1746  (1747,  new  style). 


1747.]  A  WINTER  MARCH.  187 

On  the  next  morning,  January  27,  the  adven- 
turers stopped  at  the  village  of  Tatmagouche,  where 
they  were  again  joined  by  a  number  of  Acadians. 
After  mending  their  broken  sledges  they  resumed 
their  march,  and  at  five  in  the  afternoon  reached  a 
place  called  Bacouel,  at  the  beginning  of  the  portage 
that  led  some  twenty-five  miles  across  the  country  to 
Cobequid,  now  Truro,  at  the  head  of  Mines  Basin. 
Here  they  were  met  by  Girard,  priest  of  Cobequid, 
from  whom  Coulon  exacted  a  promise  to  meet  him 
again  at  that  village  in  two  days.  Girard  gave  the 
promise  unwillingly,  fearing,  says  Beaujeu,  to  era- 
broil  himself  with  the  English  authorities.  He 
reported  that  the  force  at  Grand  Prd  counted  at  least 
four  hundred  and  fifty,  or,  as  some  said,  more  than 
five  hundred.  This  startling  news  ran  through  the 
camp ;  but  the  men  were  not  daunted.  "  The  more 
there  are,"  they  said,   "the  more  we  shall  kill." 

The  party  spent  the  twenty-eighth  in  mending  their 
damaged  sledges,  and  in  the  afternoon  they  were 
joined  by  more  Acadians  and  Indians.  Thus  rein- 
forced, they  marched  again,  and  towards  evening 
reached  a  village  on  the  outskirts  of  Cobequid.  Here 
the  missionary  Maillard  joined  them,  —  to  the  great 
satisfaction  of  Coulon,  who  relied  on  him  and  his 
brother  priest  Girard  to  procure  supplies  of  pro- 
visions. Maillard  promised  to  go  himself  to  Grand 
Prd  with  the  Indians  of  his  mission. 

The  party  rested  for  a  day,  and  set  out  again  on 
the  first  of  February,  stopped  at  Maillard's  house  in 


188  ACADIAN  CONFLICTS.  [1747. 

Cobequid  for  the  provisions  he  had  collected  for 
them,  and  then  pushed  on  towards  the  river  Shu- 
benacadie,  which  runs  from  the  south  into  Cobequid 
Bay,  the  head  of  Mines  Basin.  When  they  reached 
the  river  they  found  it  impassable  from  floating  ice, 
which  forced  them  to  seek  a  passage  at  some  distance 
above.  Coulon  was  resolved,  however,  that  at  any 
risk  a  detachment  should  cross  at  once,  to  stop  the 
roads  to  Grand  Pr^,  and  prevent  the  English  from 
being  warned  of  his  approach;  for  though  the  Aca- 
dians  inclined  to  the  French,  and  were  eager  to  serve 
them  when  the  risk  was  not  too  great,  there  were 
some  of  them  who,  from  interest  or  fear,  were  ready 
to  make  favor  with  the  English  by  carrying  them 
intelligence.  Boishdbert,  with  ten  Canadians,  put 
out  from  shore  in  a  canoe,  and  were  near  perishing 
among  the  drifting  ice ;  but  they  gained  the  farther 
shore  at  last,  and  guarded  every  path  to  Grand  Prd. 
The  main  body  filed  on  snow-shoes  up  the  east  bank 
of  the  Shubenacadie,  where  the  forests  were  choked 
with  snow  and  encumbered  with  fallen  trees,  over 
which  the  sledges  were  to  be  dragged,  to  their  great 
detriment.  On  this  day,  the  third,  they  made  five 
leagues;  on  the  next  only  two,  which  brought  them 
within  half  a  league  of  Le  Loutre's  Micmac  mission. 
Not  far  from  this  place  the  river  was  easily  passable 
on  the  ice,  and  they  continued  their  march  westward 
across  the  country  to  the  river  Kennetcook  by  ways 
so  difficult  that  their  Indian  guide  lost  the  path, 
and  for  a  time  led  them  astray.     On  the  seventh, 


1747.]  A  WINTER  MARCH.  189 

Boish^bert  and  his  party  rejoined  them,  and  brought 
a  reinforcement  of  sixteen  Indians,  whom  the  Aca- 
dians  had  furnished  with  arms.  Provisions  were 
failing,  till  on  the  eighth,  as  they  approached  the 
village  of  Pisiquid,  now  Windsor,  the  Acadians,  with 
great  zeal,  brought  them  a  supply.  They  told  them, 
too,  that  the  English  at  Grand  Pr^  were  perfectly 
secure,  suspecting  no  danger. 

On  the  ninth,  in  spite  of  a  cold,  dry  storm  of  snow, 
they  reached  the  west  branch  of  the  river  Avon.  It 
was  but  seven  French  leagues  to  Grand  Pre,  which 
they  hoped  to  reach  before  night;  but  fatigue  com- 
pelled them  to  rest  till  the  tenth.  At  noon  of  that 
day,  the  storm  still  continuing,  they  marched  again, 
though  they  could  hardly  see  their  way  for  the  driv- 
ing snow.  They  soon  came  to  a  small  stream,  along 
the  frozen  surface  of  which  they  drew  up  in  order, 
and,  by  command  of  Coulon,  Beaujeu  divided  them 
all  into  ten  parties,  for  simultaneous  attacks  on  as 
many  houses  occupied  by  the  English.  Then, 
marching  slowly,  lest  they  should  arrive  too  soon, 
they  reached  the  river  Gaspereau,  which  enters 
Mines  Basin  at  Grand  Pr^.  They  were  now  but  half 
a  league  from  their  destination.  Here  they  stopped 
an  hour  in  the  storm,  shivering  and  half  frozen,  wait- 
ing for  nightfall.  When  it  grew  dark  they  moved 
again,  and  soon  came  to  a  number  of  houses  on  the 
river-bank.  Each  of  the  ten  parties  took  possession 
of  one  of  these,  making  great  fires  to  warm  them- 
selves and  dry  their  guns. 


190  ACADIAN   CONFLICTS.  [1747. 

It  chanced  that  in  the  house  where  Coulon  and  his 
band  sought  shelter,  a  wedding-feast  was  going  on. 
The  guests  were  much  startled  at  this  sudden  irrup- 
tion of  armed  men ;  but  to  the  Canadians  and  their 
chief  the  festival  was  a  stroke  of  amazing  good  luck, 
for  most  of  the  guests  were  inhabitants  of  Grand  Pr^, 
who  knew  perfectly  the  houses  occupied  by  the  Eng- 
lish, and  could  tell  with  precision  where  the  officers 
were  quartered.  This  was  a  point  of  extreme  impor- 
tance. The  English  were  distributed  among  twenty- 
four  houses,  scattered,  as  before  mentioned,  for  the 
distance  of  a  mile  and  a  half.^  The  assailants  were 
too  few  to  attack  all  these  houses  at  once;  but  if 
those  where  the  chief  officers  lodged  could  be  sur- 
prised and  captured  with  their  inmates,  the  rest 
could  make  little  resistance.  Hence  it  was  that 
Coulon  had  divided  his  followers  into  ten  parties, 
each  with  one  or  more  chosen  officers ;  these  officers 
were  now  called  together  at  the  house  of  the  inter- 
rupted festivity,  and  the  late  guests  having  given 
full  information  as  to  the  position  of  the  English 
quarters  and  the  military  quality  of  their  inmates,  a 
special  object  of  attack  was  assigned  to  the  officer  of 
each  party,  with  Acadian  guides  to  conduct  him  to 
it.  The  principal  party,  consisting  of  fifty,  or,  as 
another  account  says,  of  seventy-five  men,  was  led 
by  Coulon  himself,  with  Beaujeu,  Desligneris, 
Mercier,   L^ry,  and  Lusignan   as  his  officers.     This 

1  Goldthwait  to  Shirley,  2,  March,  llAQ  {114.1).  Captain  Benjamin 
Goldtiiwait  was  second  in  command  of  the  English  detachment. 


1747.]  PLAN  OF  ATTACK.  191 

party  was  to  attack  a  stone  house  near  the  middle  of 
the  village,  where  the  main  guard  was  stationed,  —  a 
building  somewhat  larger  than  the  rest,  and  the  only 
one  at  all  suited  for  defence.  The  second  party,  of 
forty  men,  commanded  by  La  Corne,  with  Rigauville, 
Lagny,  and  Villemont,  was  to  attack  a  neighboring 
house,  the  quarters  of  Colonel  Noble,  his  brother, 
Ensign  Noble,  and  several  other  officers.  The  re- 
maining parties,  of  twenty-five  men  each  according 
to  Beaujeu,  or  twenty-eight  according  to  La  Corne, 
were  to  make  a  dash,  as  nearly  as  possible  at  the 
same  time,  at  other  houses  which  it  was  thought  most 
important  to  secure.  All  had  Acadian  guides,  whose 
services  in  that  capacity  were  invaluable;  though 
Beaujeu  complains  that  they  were  of  no  use  in  the 
attack.  He  says  that  the  united  force  was  about 
three  hundred  men,  while  the  English  Captain 
Goldthwait  puts  it,  including  Acadians  and  Indians, 
at  from  five  to  six  hundred.  That  of  the  English 
was  a  little  above  five  hundred  in  all.  Every  arrange- 
ment being  made,  and  his  part  assigned  to  each 
officer,  the  whole  body  was  drawn  up  in  the  storm, 
and  the  chaplain  pronounced  a  general  absolution. 
Then  each  of  the  ten  parties,  guided  by  one  or  more 
Acadians,  took  the  path  for  its  destination,  every 
man  on  snow-shoes,  with  the  lock  of  his  gun  well 
sheltered  under  his  capote. 

The  largest  party,  under  Coulon,  was,  as  we 
have  seen,  to  attack  the  stone  house  in  the  middle  of 
the  village;  but  their  guide  went  astray,  and  about 


192  ACADIAN   CONFLICTS.  [1747. 

three  in  the  morning  they  approached  a  small  wooden 
house  not  far  from  their  true  object.  A  guard  was 
posted  here,  as  at  all  the  English  quarters.  The 
night  was  dark  and  the  snow  was  still  falling,  as  it 
had  done  without  ceasing  for  the  past  thirty  hours. 
The  English  sentinel  descried  through  the  darkness 
and  the  storm  what  seemed  the  shadows  of  an  advan- 
cing crowd  of  men.  He  cried,  "Who  goes  there?" 
and  then  shouted,  "  To  arms !  "  A  door  was  flung 
open,  and  the  guard  appeai-ed  in  the  entrance.  But 
at  that  moment  the  moving  shadows  vanished  from 
before  the  eyes  of  the  sentinel.  The  French,  one 
and  all,  had  thrown  themsehes  flat  in  tlie  soft,  light 
snow,  and  nothing  was  to  be  seen  or  heard.  The 
English  thought  it  a  false  alarm,  and  the  house  was 
quiet  again.  Then  Coulon  and  his  men  rose  and 
dashed  forward.  Again,  in  a  loud  and  startled 
voice,  the  sentinel  shouted,  "  To  arms ! "  A  great 
light,  as  of  a  blazing  fire,  shone  through  the  open 
doorway,  and  men  were  seen  within  in  hurried  move- 
ment. Coulon,  who  was  in  the  front,  said  to 
Beaujeu,  who  was  close  at  his  side,  that  the  house 
was  not  the  one  they  were  to  attack.  Beaujeu  re- 
plied that  it  was  no  time  to  change,  and  Coulon 
dashed  forward  again.  Beaujeu  aimed  at  the  senti- 
nel and  shot  him  dead.  There  was  the  flash  and 
report  of  muskets  from  the  house,  and  Coulon 
dropped  in  the  snow,  severely  wounded.  The  young 
cadet,  Lusignan,  was  hit  in  the  shoulder;  but  he  still 
pushed  on,  when  a  second  shot  shattered  his  tliigh. 


1747.]  DEATH   OF   NOBLE.  193 

"Friends,"  cried  the  gallant  youth,  as  he  fell  by  the 
side  of  his  commander,  "don't  let  two  dead  men  dis- 
courage you."  The  Canadians,  powdered  from  head 
to  foot  with  snow,  burst  into  the  house.  Within  ten 
minutes,  all  resistance  was  overpowered.  Of  twenty- 
four  Englishmen,  twenty-one  were  killed,  and  three 
made  prisoners.^ 

Meanwhile,  La  Come,  with  his  partj-  of  forty  men, 
had  attacked  the  house  where  were  quartered  Colonel 
Noble  and  his  brother,  with  Captain  Howe  and  several 
other  officers.  Noble  had  lately  transferred  the  main 
guard  to  the  stone  house,  but  had  not  yet  removed 
thither  himself,  and  the  guard  in  the  house  which  he 
occupied  was  small.  The  French  burst  the  door 
with  axes,  and  rushed  in.  Colonel  Noble,  startled 
from  sleep,  sprang  from  his  bed,  receiving  two 
musket -balls  in  the  body  as  he  did  so.  He  seems  to 
have  had  pistols,  for  he  returned  tlie  fire  several 
times.  His  servant,  who  was  in  the  house,  testified 
that  the  French  called  to  the  colonel  through  a 
window  and  promised  him  quarter  if  he  would  sur- 
render; but  that  he  refused,  on  which  they  fired 
again,  and  a  bullet,  striking  his  forehead,  killed  him 
instantly.  His  brother.  Ensign  Noble,  was  also  shot 
down,  fighting  in  his  shirt.  Lieutenants  Pickering 
and  Lechmere  lay  in  bed  dangerously  ill,  and  were 
killed  there.  Lieutenant  Jones,  after,  as  the  narrator 
says,  "ridding  himself  of  some  of  the  enemy,"  tried 
to  break  through  the  rest  and  escape,  but  was  run 

1  Beaujeu,  Journal. 
VOL.  II.  — 13 


194  ACADIAN   CONTLICTS.  [1747. 

through  the  heart  with  a  bayonet.     Captain    Kowe 
was  severely  wounded  and  made  prisoner. 

Coulonand  Lusignan,  disahled  l»y  their  wounds,  were 
carried  back  to  tlie  houses  on  tlie  Gaspereau,  where 
the  French  surgeon  had  remained.  Coulon's  party, 
now  commanded  l)y  Beaujeu,  having  met  and  joined 
the  smaUer  party  under  L()t])ini('re,  proceeded  to  the 
aid  of  others  who  might  need  their  help;  for  while 
they  heard  a  great  noise  of  musketry  fiom  far  and 
near,  and  could  discern  bodies  of  men  in  motion  here 
and  there,  they  could  not  see  whether  these  were 
friends  or  foes,  or  discern  which  side  fortune  favored. 
They  presently  met  the  party  of  Marin,  composed  of 
twenty-five  Indians,  who  had  just  l>een  repulsed  with 
loss  from  the  house  which  they  had  attacked.  By 
this  time  there  was  a  gleam  of  daylight,  and  as  they 
plodded  wearily  over  the  snowdrifts,  they  no  longer 
groped  in  darkness.  The  two  parties  of  Colombiere 
and  Boishebert  soon  joined  them,  with  the  agreeable 
news  that  each  had  captured  a  house ;  and  the  united 
force  now  proceeded  to  make  a  successful  attack  on 
two  buildings  where  the  English  had  stored  the 
frames  of  their  blockhouses.  Here  the  assailants 
captured  ten  prisoners.  It  was  now  broad  day,  but 
they  could  not  see  through  the  falling  snow  whether 
the  enterprise,  as  a  whole,  had  prospered  or  failed. 
Therefore  Beaujeu  sent  Marin  to  find  La  Come, 
who,  in  the  absence  of  Coulon,  held  the  chief  com- 
mand. Marin  was  gone  two  hours.  At  length  he 
returned,  and  reported  that  the  English  in  the  houses 


1747.]  AN  UNSUCCESSFUL  ATTACK.  195 

which  had  not  been  attacked,  together  with  such 
others  as  had  not  been  killed  or  captured,  had  drawn 
together  at  the  stone  house  in  the  middle  of  the 
village,  that  La  Come  was  blockading  them  there, 
and  that  he  ordered  Beaujeu  and  his  party  to  join 
him  at  once.  When  Beaujeu  reached  the  place  he 
found  La  Come  posted  at  the  house  where  Noble 
had  been  killed,  and  which  was  within  easy  musket- 
shot  of  the  stone  house  occupied  by  the  English, 
against  whom  a  spattering  fire  was  kept  up  by  the 
French  from  the  cover  of  neighboring  buildings. 
Those  in  the  stone  house  returned  the  fire;  but  no 
great  harm  was  done  on  either  side,  till  the  English, 
now  commanded  by  Captain  Goldthwait,  attempted 
to  recapture  the  house  where  La  Corne  and  his  party 
were  posted.  Two  companies  made  a  sally;  but  they 
had  among  tliem  only  eighteen  pairs  of  snow-shoes, 
the  rest  having  been  left  on  board  the  two  vessels 
which  had  brought  the  stores  of  the  detachment  from 
Annapolis,  and  which  now  lay  moored  hard  by,  in 
the  power  of  the  enemy,  at  or  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Gaspereau.  Hence  the  sallying  party  floundered 
helpless  among  the  drifts,  plunging  so  deep  in  the 
dry  snow  that  they  could  not  use  their  guns  and 
could  scarcely  move,  while  bullets  showered  upon 
them  from  La  Come's  men  in  the  house,  and  others 
hovering  about  them  on  snow-shoes.  The  attempt 
was  hopeless,  and  after  some  loss  the  two  companies 
fell  back.  The  firing  continued,  as  before,  till  noon, 
or,  according  to  Beaujeu,  till  three  in  the  afternoon, 


196  ACADIAN    LUNKLICTS.  [1747. 

wlien  a  French  otVicor,  carrying  a  flag  of  truce,  caiue 
out  of  La  Come  8  house.  The  occasion  of  the  over- 
ture was  this. 

Captain  Howe,  who,  as  before  mentioned,  had  been 
])a(lly  wounch'il  at  the  capture  of  tins  house,  Wius  still 
there,  a  prisoner,  without  surgical  aid,  the  French 
surgeon  U-ing  at  the  hou.ses  on  the  (lasjHjreau,  in 
charge  of  Coulon  and  other  wounded  men.  '*  Though," 
says  Beaujeu,  "  M.  Howe  WiUS  a  firm  man,  lie  Ix'gged 
the  Chevalier  La  Corne  not  to  let  him  bleed  t<>  death 
for  want  of  aid,  but  j)ermit  him  to  send  for  an  Kng- 
lisli  surgeon."  To  this  La  Corne,  after  consulting 
with  his  officers,  consented,  and  Marin  went  to  the 
English  with  a  white  flag  and  a  note  from  Howe 
explaining  the  situation.  The  surgeon  wjts  sent, 
and  Howe's  wound  was  dressed,  Marin  remaining  as 
a  hostage.  A  susjHjnsion  of  arms  took  place  till  the 
surgeon's  return;  after  which  it  was  prolonged  till 
nine  o'clock  of  the  next  morning,  at  the  instance, 
according  to  French  accounts,  of  the  English,  and, 
according  to  P^nglish  accounts,  of  the  French.  In 
either  case,  the  truce  was  welcome  to  both  sides. 
The  English,  who  were  in  the  stone  house  to  the 
number  of  nearly  three  hundred  and  fifty,  crowded 
to  suffocation,  had  five  small  cannon,  two  of  which 
were  four-pounders,  and  three  were  swivels;  but 
these  were  probably  not  in  position,  as  it  does  not 
appear  that  any  use  was  made  of  them.  There  was 
no  ammunition  except  what  the  men  had  in  their 
powder-horns    and   bullet-pouches,     the    main   stock 


1747.]  CAPITULATION.  107 

having  been  left,  with  other  necessaries,  on  board  the 
schooner  and  sloop  now  in  the  hands  of  the  French. 
It  was  found,  on  examination,  that  they  had  ammu- 
nition for  eight  shots  each,  and  provisions  for  one 
day.  Water  was  only  to  be  had  by  bringing  it  from 
a  neighboring  brook.  As  there  were  snrnv-shoes  for 
only  about  one  man  in  twenty,  sorties  were  out  of  the 
question;  and  the  house  was  commanded  by  higli 
ground  on  three  sides. 

Though  their  number  was  still  considerable,  their 
position  was  growing  desperate.  Thus  it  happened 
that  when  the  truce  expired,  Goldthwait,  the  English 
commander,  with  another  officer,  who  seems  to  have 
been  Captain  Preble,  came  with  a  white  flag  to  tbe 
house  where  La  Corne  was  posted,  and  proposed 
terms  of  capitulation,  Howe,  who  spoke  French, 
acting  as  interpreter.  La  Corne  made  proposals  on 
his  side,  and  as  neither  party  was  anxious  to  continue 
the  fray,  they  soon  came  to  an  understanding. 

It  was  agreed  that  within  forty-eight  hours  tlie 
English  should  march  for  Annapolis  with  the  honors 
of  war;  that  the  prisoners  taken  by  the  French 
should  remain  in  their  hands ;  that  the  Indians,  who 
had  been  the  only  plunderers,  should  keep  the 
plunder  they  had  taken;  that  the  English  sick  and 
wounded  should  be  left,  till  their  recovery,  at  the 
neighboring  settlement  of  Rivifere-aux-Canards,  pro- 
tected by  a  French  guard,  and  that  the  English 
engaged  in  the  affair  at  Grand  Pre  should  not  l)ear 
arms  during  the  next  six  months  within  the  district 


198  ACADIAN  CONFLICTS.  [1747. 

about  the  head  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  including 
Chignecto,  Grand  Pr^,  and  the  neighboring  settle- 
ments. 

Captain  Howe  was  released  on  parole,  with  the 
condition  that  he  should  send  back  in  exchange  one 
Lacroix,  a  French  prisoner  at  Boston, — "which," 
says  La  Corne,   "he  faithfully  did." 

Thus  ended  one  of  the  most  gallant  exploits  in 
French-Canadian  annals.  As  respects  the  losses  on 
each  side,  the  French  and  English  accounts  are  irre- 
concilable; nor  are  the  statements  of  either  party 
consistent  with  themselves.  Mascarene  reports  to 
Shirley  that  seventy  English  were  killed,  and  above 
sixty  captured;  though  he  afterwards  reduces  these 
numbers,  having,  as  he  says,  received  farther  infor- 
mation. On  the  French  side  he  says  that  four  officers 
and  about  forty  men  were  killed,  and  that  many 
wounded  were  carried  off  in  carts  during  the  fight. 
Beaujeu,  on  the  other  hand,  sets  the  English  loss  at 
one  hundred  and  thirty  killed,  fifteen  wounded,  and 
fifty  captured;  and  the  French  loss  at  seven  killed 
and  fifteen  wounded.  As  for  the  numbers  engaged, 
the  statements  are  scarcely  less  divergent.  It  seems 
clear,  however,  that  when  Coulon  began  his  march 
from  Baye  Verte,  his  party  consisted  of  about  three 
hundred  Canadians  and  Indians,  without  reckoning 
some  Acadians  who  had  joined  him  from  Beaubassin 
and  Isle  St.  Jean.  Others  joined  him  on  the  way  to 
Grand  Prd,  counting  a  hundred  and  fifty  according 
to  Shirley,  —  which  appears  to  be  much  too  large  an 


1747.]  THE  RETURN.  199 

estimate.  The  English,  by  their  own  showing,  num- 
bered five  hundred,  or  five  hundred  and  twenty -five. 
Of  eleven  houses  attacked,  ten  were  surprised  and 
carried,  with  the  help  of  the  darkness  and  stonn  and 
the  skilful  management  of  the  assailants. 

"No  sooner  was  the  capitulation  signed,"  says 
Beaujeu,  "than  we  became  in  appearance  the  best 
of  friends."  La  Corne  directed  military  honors  to  be 
rendered  to  the  remains  of  the  brothers  Noble ;  and 
in  all  points  the  Canadians,  both  officers  and  men, 
treated  the  English  with  kindness  and  courtesy. 
"The  English  commandant,"  again  says  Beaujeu, 
"  invited  us  all  to  dine  with  him  and  his  officers,  so 
that  we  might  have  the  pleasure  of  making  acquaint- 
ance over  a  bowl  of  punch."  The  repast  being  served 
after  such  a  fashion  as  circumstances  permitted, 
victors  and  vanquished  sat  down  together;  when, 
says  Beaujeu,  "  we  received  on  the  part  of  our  hosts 
many  compliments  on  our  polite  manners  and  our 
skill  in  making  war."  And  the  compliments  were 
well  deserved. 

At  eight  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  fourteenth 
of  February  the  English  filed  out  of  the  stone  house, 
and  with  arms  shouldered,  drums  beating,  and  colors 
flying,  marched  between  two  ranks  of  the  French, 
and  took  the  road  for  Annapolis.  The  English  sick 
and  wounded  were  sent  to  the  settlement  of  Riviere- 
aux-Canards,  where,  protected  by  a  French  guard 
and  attended  by  an  English  surgeon,  they  were  to 
remain  till  able  to  reach  the  British  fort. 


200  ACADIAN   CONFLICTS.  [1747 

La  Come  called  a  council  of  war,  and  in  view  of 
the  scarcity  of  food  and  other  reasons  it  was  resolved 
to  return  to  Beaubassin.  Many  of  the  B>encli  had 
fallen  ill.  Some  of  the  sick  and  wounded  were  left 
at  Grand  Prd,  others  at  Cobequid,  and  the  Acadians 
were  required  to  supply  means  of  carrying  the  rest. 
Coulon's  party  left  Grand  Pre  on  the  twenty- third 
of  February,  and  on  the  eighth  of  March  reached 
Beaubassin.^ 

Ramesay  did  not  fail  to  use  the  success  at  Grand 
Prd  to  influence  the  minds  of  the  Acadians.  He  sent 
a  circular  letter  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  various 
districts,  and  especially  to  those  of  Mines,  in  which 

1  The  dates  are  of  the  new  style,  which  the  French  had  adopted, 
while  the  English  still  clung  to  the  old  style. 

By  far  the  best  account  of  this  French  victory  at  Mines  is  that 
of  Beaujeu,  in  his  Journal  de  la  Campagne  du  Detachement  de  Canada 
a  VAcadie  et  aux  Mines  en  1746-47.  It  is  preserved  in  the  Archives 
de  la  Marine  et  des  Colonies,  and  is  printed  in  the  documentary 
supplement  of  Le  Canada  Fran<^ais,  Vol.  II.  It  supplies  the  means 
of  correcting  many  errors  and  much  confusion  in  some  recent  ac- 
counts of  the  affair.  The  report  of  Chevalier  de  la  Come,  also 
printed  in  Le  Canada  Frangais,  though  much  shorter,  is  necessary 
to  a  clear  understanding  of  the  matter.  Letters  of  Lusignan  fils 
to  the  minister  Maurepas,  10  October,  1747,  of  Bishop  Pontbriand 
(to  Maurepas?),  10  July,  1747,  and  of  Lusignan  pere  to  Maurepas, 
10  October,  1747,  give  some  additional  incidents.  The  principal 
document  on  the  English  side  is  the  report  of  Captain  Benjamin 
Goldthwait,  who  succeeded  Noble  in  command.  A  copy  of  the 
original,  in  the  Public  Record  Office,  is  before  me.  The  substance  of 
it  is  correctly  given  in  The  Boston  Post  Boij  of  2  March,  1747,  and 
in  N.  E.  Hist.  Gen.  Reg.  x.  108.  Various  letters  from  Mascarene 
and  Shirley  (Public  Record  Office)  contain  accounts  derived  from 
returned  officers  and  soldiers.  The  Notice  of  Colonel  Arthur  Noble, 
by  William  Goold  {Collections  Maine  Historical  Soc,  1881),  ma^ 
alio  be  consulted. 


1747.]  THE   ACADIAXS   THREATENED.  201 

he  told  them  that  their  country  had  been  reconquered 
by  the  arms  of  the  King  of  France,  to  whom  he  com- 
manded them  to  be  faithful  subjects,  holding  no  inter- 
course with  the  English  under  any  pretence  whatever, 
on  pain  of  the  severest  punishment.  "If,"  he  con- 
cludes, "we  have  withdrawn  our  soldiers  from  among 
you,  it  is  for  reasons  known  to  us  alone,  and  with  a 
view  to  your  advantage."  ^ 

Unfortunately  for  the  effect  of  this  message,  Shirley 
had  no  sooner  heard  of  the  disaster  at  Grand  Prd 
than  he  sent  a  body  of  Massachusetts  soldiers  to  reoc- 
cupy  the  place.  ^  This  they  did  in  April.  The  Aca- 
dians  thus  found  themselves,  as  usual,  between  two 
dangers ;  and  unable  to  see  which  horn  of  the  dilemma 
was  the  worse,  they  tried  to  avoid  both  by  conciliat- 
ing French  and  English  alike,  and  assuring  each  of 
their  devoted  attachment.  They  sent  a  pathetic  letter 
to  Ramesay,  telling  him  that  their  hearts  were  always 
French,  and  begging  him  at  the  same  time  to  remem- 
ber that  they  were  a  poor,  helpless  people,  burdened 
with  large  families,  and  in  danger  of  expulsion  and 
ruin  if  they  offended  their   masters,    the    English.^ 

1  Ramesai/  aux  Deputes  et  Habitants  des  Mines,  31  Mars,  1747. 
At  the  end  is  written  "  A  true  copy,  with  the  misspellings  :  signed 
W.  Shirley." 

*  S/iirlej/  to  Newcastle,  24  August,  1747. 

8  "  Ainsis  Monsieur  nous  vous  prions  de  regarder  notre  bon 
Coeur  et  en  menie  Temps  notre  Impuissance  pauvre  Peuple  chargez 
la  plus  part  de  families  nombreuse  point  de  Recours  sil  falois 
evacuer  a  quoy  nous  sommes  menacez  tous  les  jours  qui  nous  tien 
dans  une  Crainte  perpetuelle  en  nous  voyant  a  la  proximitet  de 
nos  maitre  depuis  un  sy  grand  nombre  dannes  "  (printed  literatim) 
—  Deputes  des  Mines  a  Ramesay,  24  Mai,  1747. 


fliT*' 


202  ACADIAN   CONFLICTS.  [17 17. 

They  wrote  at  the  same  time  to  Mascarene  at 
Annapolis,  sending  him,  to  expLT,in  the  situation,  a 
copy  of  Ramesay's  threatening  letter  to  them ;  ^  l)eg- 
TJng  him  to  consider  that  they  could  not  witliout 
danger  dispense  with  answering  it;  at  tlie  same  time 
they  protested  their  entire  fidelity  to  King  George^ 

Ramesay,  not  satisfied  with  tlie  results  of  liis  lii-st 
letter,  wrote  again  to  the  Acadians,  ordering  them, 
in  the  name  of  the  governor-general  of  New  France, 
to  take  up  arms  against  the  English,  and  enclosing 
for  their  instruction  an  extract  from  a  letter  of  the 
French  governor.  "These,"  says  Ramesay,  "are  hia 
words:  '  We  consider  oui*self  as  master  of  HcaulKissin 
and  ]\Iines,  since  we  have  driven  otf  tlie  English. 
Therefore  there  is  no  difficulty  in  forcing  the  Aca- 
dians to  take  arms  for  us ;  to  which  end  we  declare 
to  them  that  they  are  discharged  from  tlie  oath  that 
they  formerly  took  to  the  English,  hy  wliich  they  are 
bound  no  longer,  as  has  been  decided  by  the  authori- 
ties of  Canada  and  Monseigneur  our  Bishop. '  "  ^ 

1  This  probably  explains  the  bad  spelling  of  the  letter,  the  copy 
before  me  having  been  made  from  the  Acadian  transcript  sent  to 
Mascarene,  and  now  in  the  Public  Kccord  Office. 

'  Les  Habitants  a  ['honorable  gouvernenr  au  for  d'anapolisse  roi/nl 
[sic],  Mai  (?),  1747. 

On  the  27th  of  June  the  inhabitants  of  Cobequid  wrote  again  to 
Mascarene  :  "  Monsieur  nous  prenons  la  Liberte  de  vous  recrire 
celle  icy  pour  vous  assurer  de  nos  tres  humble  Respect  et  d'un 
entiere  Sou-mission  a  vos  Ordres  "  (literatim). 

*  "  Nous  nous  regardons  aujourdhuy  Maistre  de  Beaubassin  et 
des  Mines  puisque  nous  en  avons  Chasse'  les  Anglois  ;  ainsi  il  ny 
a  aucune  difficulte  de  forcer  les  Accadiens  a  prendre  les  armes  pour 
nous,  et  de  les  y  Contraindre ;  leur  declarons  k  cet  effet  qu'ils  sont 


1747.]  RAMESAY   AND   THE   ACADIANS.  203 

"  In  view  of  the  above, "  continues  Ramesay,  "  we 
order  all  the  inhabitants  of  Memeramcook  to  come  to 
this  place  [Beaubassin]  as  soon  as  they  see  the  signal- 
fires  lighted,  or  discover  the  approach  of  the  enemy ; 
and  this  on  pain  of  death,  confiscation  of  all  their 
goods,  burning  of  their  houses,  and  the  punishment 
due  to  rebels  against  the  King.'*^ 

The  position  of  the  Acadians  was  deplorable.  By 
the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  France  had  transferred  tliem 
to  the  British  Crown ;  yet  French  officers  denounced 
them  as  rebels  and  threatened  them  with  death  if 
they  did  not  fight  at  their  bidding  against  England ; 
and  English  officers  threatened  them  with  expulsion 
from  the  country  if  they  broke  their  oath  of  allegiance 
to  King  George.  It  was  the  duty  of  the  British 
ministry  to  occupy  the  province  with  a  force  suffi- 
cient to  protect  the  inhabitants  against  French  terror- 
ism, and  leave  no  doubt  that  the  King  of  England 
was  master  of  Acadia  in  fact  as  well  as  in  name. 
This  alone  could  have  averted  the  danger  of  Acadian 
revolt,  and  the  harsh  measures  to  which  it  afterwards 

decharge  [sic]  du  Serment  prete,  cy  devant,  a  I'Anglois,  auquel  ils 
ne  sont  plus  oblige  [sk]  comme  il  y  a  ete  decide  par  nos  puissances 
de  Canada  et  de  Monseigneur  notre  Evesque  "  (literatim). 
1  Ramesay  anx  Habitants  de  Chiynecto,  etc.,  25  Mai,  1747. 
A  few  months  later,  the  deputies  of  Riviere-aux-Canards  wrote 
to  Shirley,  thanking  him  for  kindness  which  they  said  was  unde- 
served, promising  to  do  their  duty  thenceforth,  but  begging  him 
to  excuse  them  from  giving  up  persons  who  had  acted  "contraire 
aux  Interests  de  leur  devoire,"  representing  the  difficulty  of  their 
position,  and  protesting  "  une  Soumission  parfaite  et  en  touts  Re- 
Bpects."  The  letter  is  signed  by  four  deputies,  of  whom  one  writes 
his  name,  and  three  sign  with  crosses. 


204  ACADIAN  CONFLICTS.  [1747. 

gave  rise.  The  ministry  sent  no  aid,  but  left  to 
Shirley  and  Massachusetts  the  task  of  keeping  the 
province  for  King  George.  Shirley  and  Massachu- 
setts did  what  they  could;  but  they  could  not  do 
all  that  the  emergency  demanded. 

Shirley  courageously  spoke  his  mind  to  the  min- 
istry, on  whose  favor  he  was  dependent.  "The 
fluctuating  state  of  the  inhabitants  of  Acadia,"  he 
wrote  to  Newcastle,  "seems,  my  lord,  naturally  to 
arise  from  their  finding  a  want  of  due  protection 
from  his  Majesty's  Government."^ 

1  Shirlet/  to  Xewcastle,  29  April,  1747. 
On  Shirley's  relations  with  the  Acadians,  see  Appendix  C. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

1740-1747. 

WAR  AND  POLITICS. 

Governor  and  Assembly,  —  Saratoga  destroyed.  —  William 
Johnson.  —  Border  Ravages.  —  Upper  Ashuelot.  —  French 
"  Military  Movements."  —  Number  Four.  —  Niverville's 
Attack.  —  Phineas  Stevens.  —  The  French  repulsed. 

From  the  East  we  turn  to  the  West,  for  the  prov- 
ince of  New  York  passed  for  the  West  at  that  day. 
Here  a  vital  question  was  what  would  be  the  attitude 
of  the  Five  Nations  of  the  Iroquois  towards  the  rival 
European  colonies,  their  neighbors.  The  Treaty  of 
Utrecht  called  them  British  subjects.  What  the 
word  "  subjects "  meant,  they  themselves  hardly 
knew.  The  English  told  them  that  it  meant  chil- 
dren; the  French  that  it  meant  dogs  and  slaves. 
Events  had  tamed  the  fierce  confederates;  and  now, 
though,  like  all  savages,  unstable  as  children,  they 
leaned  in  their  soberer  moments  to  a  position  of  neu- 
trality between  their  European  neighbors,  watching 
with  jealous  eyes  against  the  encroachments  of  both. 
The  French  would  gladly  have  enlisted  them  and 
their  tomahawks  in  the  war;  but  seeing  little  hope  of 
this,   were   generally  content  if  they  could  prevent 


206  WAR   AND   POLITICS.  [1740-1747. 

them  from  siding  with  the  English,  who  on  their 
part  regarded  them  as  their  Indians,  and  were  satis- 
fied with  nothing  less  than  active  alliance. 

When  Shirley's  plan  for  the  invasion  of  Canada 
was  afoot,  Clinton,  governor  of  New  York,  with 
much  ado  succeeded  in  convening  the  deputies  of 
the  confederacy  at  Albany,  and  by  dint  of  speeches 
and  presents  induced  them  to  sing  the  war-song  and 
take  up  the  hatchet  for  England.  The  Iroquois  were 
disgusted  when  the  scheme  came  to  nought,  their 
warlike  ardor  cooled,  and  they  conceived  a  low 
opinion  of  English  prowess. 

The  condition  of  New  York  as  respects  military 
efficiency  was  deplorable.  Slie  was  divided  against 
hereelf,  and,  as  usual  in  such  cases,  party  passion 
was  stronger  than  the  demands  of  war.  The  prov- 
ince was  in  the  midst  of  one  of  those  disputes  with 
the  representative  of  the  Crown,  which,  in  one  degree 
or  another,  crippled  or  paralyzed  the  military  activity 
of  nearly  all  the  British  colonies.  Twenty  years  or 
more  earlier,  when  Massachusetts  was  at  blows  with 
the  Indians  on  her  borders,  she  suffered  from  the 
same  disorders ;  but  her  governor  and  Assembly  were 
of  one  mind  as  to  urging  on  the  war,  and  quarrelled 
only  on  the  questions  in  what  way  and  under  what 
command  it  should  be  waged.  But  in  New  York 
there  was  a  strong  party  that  opposed  the  war,  being 
interested  in  the  contraband  trade  long  carried  on 
with  Canada.  Clinton,  the  governor,  had,  too,  an 
enemy  in  the  person  of  the  chief  justice,   James  de 


1745-1747.]  CLINTON'S   DIFFICULTIES.  207 

Lancey,  witli  whom  he  had  had  an  after-dinner  dis- 
pute, ending  in  a  threat  on  the  part  of  De  Lancey 
that  he  would  make  the  governor's  seat  uncomfort- 
able. To  marked  abilities,  better  education,  and 
more  knowledge  of  the  world  than  was  often  found 
in  the  provinces,  ready  wit,  and  conspicuous  social 
position,  the  chief  justice  joined  a  restless  ambition 
and  the  arts  of  a  demagogue. 

He  made  good  his  threat,  headed  the  opposition  to 
the  governor,  and  proved  his  most  formidable  antag- 
onist. If  either  Clinton  or  Shirley  had  had  the  in- 
dependent authority  of  a  Canadian  governor,  the 
conduct  of  the  war  would  have  been  widely  different. 
Clinton  was  hampered  at  every  turn.  The  Assembly 
held  him  at  advantage ;  for  it  was  they,  and  not  the 
King,  who  paid  his  salary,  and  they  could  withhold 
or  retrench  it  when  he  displeased  them.  The  people 
sympathized  with  their  representatives  and  backed 
them  in  opposition,  —  at  least,  when  not  under  the 
stress  of  imminent  danger. 

A  body  of  provincials,  in  the  pay  of  the  King,  had 
been  mustered  at  Albany  for  the  proposed  Canada 
expedition;  and  after  that  plan  was  abandoned, 
Clinton  wished  to  use  them  for  protecting  the  north- 
ern frontier  and  capturing  that  standing  menace  to 
the  province,  Crown  Point.  The  Assembly,  bent  on 
crossing  him  at  any  price,  refused  to  provide  for 
transporting  supplies  farther  than  Albany.  As  the 
furnishing  of  provisions  and  transportation  depended 
on  that  body,  they  could  stop  the  movement  of  troops 


208  WAR   AND    POLITICS.  [1745-1717. 

and  defeat  the  governor's  niilitiiiy  j-kns  at  their 
pleasure.  In  vain  he  tokl  them,  "If  you  deny  nie 
the  necessary  supplies,  all  my  endeavoi-s  must  become 
fruitless;  I  must  wash  my  own  hands,  and  leave  at 
your  doors  the  blood  of  tlie  innocent  people."^ 

He  urged  upon  them  the  necessity  of  building  forts 
on  the  two  carrying-places  between  the  Iludsdn  and 
Lakes  George  and  Champlain,  thus  blocking  the 
path  of  \^ar-partics  from  Canada.  They  would  do 
nothing,  insisting  that  the  neigliboring  colonies,  to 
whom  the  forts  would  also  be  useful,  ouglit  to  lielp 
in  building  them ;  and  when  it  was  found  that  these 
colonies  were  ready  to  do  their  part,  the  Assembly 
still  refused.  Passionate  opposition  to  the  royal  gov- 
ernor seemed  to  blind  them  to  the  interests  of  the 
province.  Nor  was  the  fault  all  on  their  side;  for 
the  governor,  though  he  generally  showed  more  self- 
control  and  moderation  than  could  have  been  expected, 
sometimes  lost  temper  and  betrayed  scorn  for  his 
opponents,  many  of  whom  were  but  tlie  instruments 
of  leaders  urged  by  personal  animosities  and  small 
but  intense  ambitions.  They  accused  him  of  treating 
them  with  contempt,  and  of  embezzling  public  money ; 
while  he  retorted  by  charging  them  with  encroaching 
on  the  royal  prerogative  and  treating  the  represen- 
tative of  the  King  with  indecency.  Under  such  con- 
ditions an  efficient  conduct  of  the  war  was  out  of  the 
question. 

*  Extract  from  the  Governor's  Afessaye,  in  Smith,  History  of  New 
YorL;  il  124  (1830). 


1745-1747.]  SARATOGA.  209 

Once,  when  the  frontier  was  seriously  threatened, 
Clinton,  as  commander-in-chief,  called  out  the  militia 
to  defend  it ;  but  they  refused  to  obey,  on  the  ground 
that  no  Act  of  the  Assembly  required  them  to 
do  so.i 

Clinton  sent  home  bitter  complaints  to  Newcastle 
and  the  Lords  of  Trade.  "  They  [the  Assembly]  are 
selfish,  jealous  of  the  power  of  the  Crown,  and  of 
such  levelling  principles  that  they  are  constantly 
attacking  its  prerogative.  ...  I  find  that  neither 
dissolutions  nor  fair  means  can  produce  from  them 
such  Effects  as  will  tend  to  a  publick  good  or  their 
own  preservation.  They  will  neither  act  for  them- 
selves nor  assist  their  neighbors.  .  .  .  Few  but  hire- 
lings have  a  seat  in  the  Assembly,  who  protract  time 
for  the  sake  of  their  wages,  at  a  great  expence  to  the 
Province,  without  contributing  anything  material  for 
its  welfare,  credit,  or  safety."  And  he  declares  that 
unless  Parliament  takes  them  in  hand  he  can  do  noth- 
ing for  the  service  of  the  King  or  the  good  of  the 
province,^  for  they  want  to  usurp  the  whole  adminis- 
tration, both  civil  and  military.'^ 

At  Saratoga  there  was  a  small  settlement  of  Dutch 
farmers,   with  a  stockade  fort  for  their   protection. 

^  Clinton  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  10  November,  1747. 

2  Ibid.,  30  November,  1745. 

*  Remarks  on  the  Representation  of  the  Assemblij  of  New  York,  May, 
1747,  in  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi.  365.  On  the  disputes  of  the  governor 
and  Assembly  see  also  Smith,  History  of  New  York,  ii.  (1830),  and 
Stone,  Life  and  Times  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  i.  N.  Y.  Colonial 
Documents,  vi.,  contains  many  papers  on  the  subject,  chiefly  ob  the 
governor's  side. 
VOL.   II.  — 14 


210  WAR   AND    POLITICS.  [1715-1747. 

This  was  tlie  farthest  outpost  of  the  colony,  and  the 
only  defence  of  Albany  in  the  direction  of  Canada. 
It  was  occupied  by  a  sergeant,  a  coiporal,  and 
ten  soldiers,  who  testified  befoi-e  a  court  of  in- 
quiry that  it  was  in  such  condition  that  in  rainy 
weather  neither  they  nor  their  anuuunition  could 
be  kept  diy.  As  neither  the  Assembly  nor  the  mer- 
chants of  Albany  would  make  it  tenable,  the  gar- 
rison was  withdrawn  before  winter  by  order  of  the 
governor.^ 

Scarcely  was  this  done  when  five  hundred  French 
and  Indians,  under  the  partisan  Marin,  surprised  the 
settlement  in  the  night  of  the  twenty-eighth  of 
November,  burned  fort,  houses,  mills,  and  stables, 
killed  thirty  persons,  and  carried  otl"  about  a  hundred 
prisoners.^  Albany  was  left  uncovered,  and  the 
Assembly  voted  <£150  in  provincial  currency  to 
rebuild  the  ruined  fort.  A  feeble  palisade  work  was 
accordingly  set  up,  but  it  was  neglected  like  its  pre- 
decessor. Colonel  Peter  Schuyler  was  stationed  there 
with  his  regiment  in  1747,  but  was  forced  to  abandon 
his  post  for  want  of  supplies.  Clinton  then  directed 
Colonel  Roberts,  commanding  at  Albany,  to  examine 

1  Examinations  at  a  Court  uf  Inquiry  at  Album/,  11  December,  1745, 
in  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi.  374. 

2  The  best  account  of  this  affair  is  in  the  journal  of  a  French 
officer  in  Sohujier,  Colonial  Xew  York-,  ii.  115.  The  dates,  being 
in  new  style,  differ  by  eleven  days  from  those  of  the  English 
accounts.  The  Dutch  hamlet  of  Saratoga,  surprised  by  Marin, 
was  near  the  mouth  of  the  Fish  Kill,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hud- 
son. There  was  also  a  small  fort  on  the  east  side,  a  little  below  the 
mouth  of  the  Batten  Kill. 


1745-1747.]  WILLIAM  JOHNSON.  211 

the  fort,  and  if  he  found  it  indefensible,  to  burn  it, 
—  which  he  did,  much  to  the  astonishment  of  a 
French  war-party,  who  visited  the  place  soon  after, 
and  found  nothing  but  ashes.  ^ 

The  burning  of  Saratoga,  firet  by  the  French  and 
then  by  its  own  masters,  made  a  deep  impression  on 
the  Five  Nations,  and  a  few  years  later  they  taunted 
their  white  neighbors  with  these  shortcomings  in  no 
measured  terms.  "You  burned  your  own  fort  at 
Seraghtoga  and  ran  away  from  it,  w^hich  was  a  shame 
and  a  scandal  to  you.'"'^  Uninitiated  as  they  were  in 
party  politics  and  faction  quarrels,  they  could  see 
nothing  in  this  and  other  military  lapses  but  proof  of 
a  want  of  martial  spirit,  if  not  of  cowardice.  Hence 
the  difficulty  of  gaining  their  active  alliance  against 
the  French  was  redoubled.  Fortunately  for  the  prov- 
ince, the  adverse  influence  was  in  some  measure 
counteracted  by  the  character  and  conduct  of  one 
man.  Up  to  this  time  the  French  had  far  surpassed 
the  rival  nation  in  the  possession  of  men  ready  and 
able  to  deal  with  the  Indians  and  mould  them  to 
their  will.  Eminent  among  such  was  Joncaire, 
French  emissary  among  the  Senecas  in  western  New 
York,  who,  with  admirable  skill,  held  back  that 
powerful  member  of  the  Iroquois  league  from  siding 
with  the  English.  But  now,  among  the  Mohawks  of 
eastern  New  York,  Joncaire  found  his  match  in  the 
person  of  William  Johnson,  a  vigorous  and  intelli- 

*  Schuyler,  Colonial  Xew  York,  ii.  121. 

•  Report  of  a  Council  with  the  Indians  at  Albany,  28  June,  1754. 


212  WAR    AND    POLITfCS.  [1746-1748 

gent  young  Irishman,  nephew  of  Admiral  Warren, 
and  his  a<:fent  in  tlie  management  of  his  estates  on  tlie 
Mohawk.  Johnson  soon  beeanie  intimate  with  jiis 
Indian  neighbors,  spoke  their  language,  joined  in 
their  games  and  dances,  sometimes  borrowed  their 
dress  and  their  paint,  and  whooped,  yelped,  and 
stamped  like  one  of  themselves.  A  white  man  thus 
playing  the  Indian  usually  gains  nothing  in  the 
esteem  of  those  he  imitates;  but,  as  before  in  the 
case  of  the  redoubtable  Count  Frontenae,  Johnson's 
adoption  of  their  ways  increased  their  liking  for  him 
and  did  not  diminish  their  respect.  The  Mohawks 
adopted  him  into  their  tribe  and  made  him  a  war- 
chief.  Clinton  saw  his  value;  and  as  the  Albany 
commissioners  hitherto  charged  with  Indian  affairs 
had  proved  wholly  inefficient,  he  transferred  their 
functions  to  Johnson;  whence  arose  more  heart- 
burnings. The  favor  of  the  governor  cost  the  new 
functionary  the  support  of  the  Assembl}-,  who  refused 
the  indispensable  presents  to  the  Indians,  and  thus 
vastly  increased  the  difficulty  of  his  task.  Yet  the 
Five  Nations  promised  to  take  up  the  hatchet  against 
the  French,  and  their  orator  said,  in  a  conference  at 
Albany,  "Should  any  French  priests  now  dare  to 
come  among  us,  we  know  no  use  for  them  but  to 
roast  them."i  Johnson's  present  difficulties,  how- 
ever, sprang  more  from  Dutch  and  English  traders 
than  from  French  priests,  and  he  begs  that  an  Act 

1  Answer  of  the  Six  [Five]  Nations  to  His  Excellency  the  Governor 
at  Albany,  23  August,  1746. 


1746-1748.]  USELESS   BARBARITIES.  233 

may  be  passed  against  the  selling  of  liquor  to  the 
Indians,  "  as  it  is  impossible  to  do  anything  with  them 
while  there  is  such  a  plenty  to  be  had  all  round  the 
neighborhood,  being  forever  drunk."  And  he  com- 
plains especially  of  one  Clement,  who  sells  liquor 
within  twent}'  yards  of  Johnson's  house,  and  imme- 
diately gets  from  the  Indians  all  the  bounty  money 
they  receive  for  scalps,  "  which  leaves  them  as  poor 
as  ratts,"  and  therefore  refractory  and  unmanageable. 
Johnson  says  further:  "Tliere  is  another  grand  vil- 
lain, George  Clock,  who  lives  by  Conajoharie  Castle, 
and  robs  the  Indians  of  all  their  cloaths,  etc."  The 
chiefs  complained,  "  upon  which  I  wrote  him  twice  to 
give  over  that  custom  of  selling  liquor  to  the  Indians ; 
the  answer  was  he  gave  the  bearer,  I  might  hang 
myself."^  Indian  affairs,  it  will  be  seen,  were  no 
better  regulated  then  than  now. 

Meanwhile  the  French  Indians  were  ravaging  the 
frontiers  and  burning  farmhouses  to  within  sight  of 
Albany.  The  Assembly  offered  rewards  for  the, 
scalps  of  the  marauders,  but  were  slow  in  sending 
money  to  pay  them,  —  to  the  great  discontent  of  the 
Mohawks,  who,  however,  at  Johnson's  instigation, 
sent  out  various  war-parties,  two  of  which,  accom- 
panied by  a  few  whites,  made  raids  as  far  as  the  island 
of  Montreal,  and  somewhat  checked  the  incursions  of 
the  mission  Indians  by  giving  them  work  near  home. 
The  check  was  but  momentary.  Heathen  Indians 
from  the  West  joined  the  Canadian  converts,  and  the 

^  Johnson  to  Clinton,  7  May,  1747. 


214  WAR  AND  POLITICS.  [1746. 

frontiers  of  New  York  and  New  England,  from  the 
Mohawk  to  beyond  the  Kennebec,  were  stung  through 
all  their  length  by  innumerable  nocturnal  surprises 
and  petty  attacks.  The  details  of  this  murderous 
though  ineffective  partisan  war  would  fill  volumes, 
if  they  were  worth  recording.  One  or  two  examples 
will  show  the  nature  of  all. 

In  the  valley  of  the  little  river  Ashuelot,  a  New 
Hampshire  affluent  of  the  Connecticut,  was  a  rude 
border-settlement  which  later  years  transformed  into 
a  town  noted  in  rural  New  England  for  kindly  hospi- 
tality, culture  without  pretence,  and  good-breeding 
without  conventionality.^  In  1746  the  place  was  in 
all  the  rawness  and  ugliness  of  a  backwoods  hamlet. 
The  rough  fields,  lately  won  from  the  virgin  forest, 
showed  here  and  there,  among  the  stumps,  a  few  log- 
cabins,  roofed  with  slabs  of  pine,  spruce,  or  hemlock. 
Near  by  was  a  wooden  fort,  made,  no  doubt,  after 
the  common  frontier  pattern,  of  a  stockade  fence  ten 
or  twelve  feet  high,  enclosing  cabins  to  shelter  the 
settlers  in  case  of  alarm,  and  furnished  at  the  corners 
with  what  were  called  flankers,  which  were  boxes  of 
thick  plank  large  enough  to  hold  two  or  more  men, 
raised  above  the  ground  on  posts,  and  pierced  with 
loopholes,  so  that  each  face  of  the  stockade  could  be 
swept  by  a  flank  fire.     One  corner  of  this  fort  at 


1  Keene,  originally  called  Upper  Ashuelot.  On  the  same  stream, 
a  few  miles  below,  was  a  similar  settlement,  called  Lower  Ashuelot, 
—  the  germ  of  the  present  Swanzey.  This,  too,  suffered  greatly 
from  Indian  attacks. 


1746.]  ATTACK   AT  ASHUELOT.  215 

Ashuelot  was,  however,  guarded  by  a  solid  block- 
house, or,  as  it  was  commonly  called,  a  "mount.'* 
On  the  twenty-third  of  April  a  band  of  sixty,  or, 
by  another  account,  a  hundred  Indians,  approached 
the  settlement  before  daybreak,  and  hid  in  the  neigh- 
boring thickets  to  cut  off  the  men  in  the  fort  as  they 
came  out  to  their  morning  work.  One  of  the  men, 
Ephraim  Dorman,  chanced  to  go  out  earlier  than  the 
rest.  The  Indians  did  not  fire  on  him,  but,  not  to 
give  an  alarm,  tried  to  capture  or  kill  him  without 
noise.  Several  of  them  suddenly  showed  themselves, 
on  which  he  threw  down  his  gun  in  pretended  sub- 
mission. One  of  them  came  up  to  him  with  hatchet 
raised ;  but  the  nimble  and  sturdy  borderer  suddenly 
struck  him  with  his  fist  a  blow  in  the  head  that 
knocked  him  flat,  then  snatched  up  his  own  gun, 
and,  as  some  say,  the  blanket  of  the  half-stunned 
savage  also,  sprang  off,  reached  the  fort  unhurt,  and 
gave  the  alarm.  Some  of  the  families  of  the  place 
were  living  in  the  fort;  but  the  bolder  or  more  care- 
less still  remained  in  their  farmhouses,  and  if  noth- 
ing were  done  for  their  relief,  their  fate  was  sealed. 
Therefore  the  men  sallied  in  a  body,  and  a  sharp 
fight  ensued,  giving  the  frightened  settlers  time  to 
take  refuge  within  the  stockade.  It  was  not  too 
soon,  for  the  work  of  havoc  had  already  begun.  Six 
houses  and  a  barn  were  on  fire,  and  twenty-three 
cattle  had  been  killed.  The  Indians  fought  fiercely, 
killed  John  Bullard,  and  captured  Nathan  Blake,  but 
at  last   retreated;    and  after   they   were    gone,    the 


216  WAR   AND  POLITICS.  [1746. 

charred  remains  of  several  of  them  were  found  among 
the  ruins  of  one  of  the  burned  cabins,  where  they  had 
probably  been  thrown  to  prevent  their  being  scalped. 

Before  Dorman  had  given  the  alarm,  an  old  woman, 
Mrs.  McKenney,  went  from  the  fort  to  milk  her  cow 
in  a  neighboring  barn.  As  she  was  returning,  with 
her  full  milk-pail,  a  naked  Indian  was  seen  to  spring 
from  a  clump  of  bushes,  plunge  a  long  knife  into  her 
back,  and  dart  away  without  stopping  to  take  the 
gray  scalp  of  liis  victim.  She  tried  feebly  to  reach 
the  fort;  but  from  age,  corpulence,  and  a  mortal 
wound  she  moved  but  slowly,  and  when  a  few  steps 
from  the  gate,  fell  and  died. 

Ten  days  after,  a  party  of  Indians  hid  themselves 
at  night  by  this  same  fort,  and  sent  one  of  their  num- 
ber to  gain  admission  under  pretence  of  friendship, 
intending,  no  doubt,  to  rush  in  when  the  gate  should 
be  opened ;  but  the  man  on  guard  detected  the  trick, 
and  instead  of  opening  the  gate,  fired  through  it, 
mortally  wounding  the  Indian,  on  which  his  confed- 
erates made  off.  Again,  at  the  same  place.  Deacon 
Josiah  Foster,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  the  fort, 
ventured  out  on  a  July  morning  to  drive  his  cows  to 
pasture.  A  gunshot  was  heard;  and  the  men  who 
went  out  to  learn  the  cause,  found  the  deacon  lying 
in  the  wood-road,  dead  and  scalped.  An  ambushed 
Indian  had  killed  him  and  vanished.  Such  petty 
attacks  were  without  number. 

There  is  a  French  paper,  called  a  record  of  "  mili- 
tary movements,"  which  gives  a  list  of  war-parti'^s 


1746.]  PROVINCIAL   DISPUTES.  217 

sent  from  Montreal  against  the  English  border 
between  the  twenty-ninth  of  March,  1746,  and  the 
twenty-first  of  June  in  the  same  year.  They  number 
thirty-five  distinct  bands,  nearly  all  composed  of 
mission  Indians  living  in  or  near  the  settled  parts  of 
Canada,  —  Abenakis,  Iroquois  of  the  Lake  of  Two 
Mountains  and  of  Sault  St.  Louis  (Caughnawaga), 
Algonquins  of  the  Ottawa,  and  others,  in  parties 
rarely  of  more  than  thirty,  and  often  of  no  more  than 
six,  yet  enough  for  wayla3dng  travellers  or  killing 
women  in  kitchens  or  cow-sheds,  and  solitary  laborers 
in  the  fields.  This  record  is  accompanied  by  a  list 
of  wild  Western  Indians  who  came  down  to  Montreal 
in  the  summer  of  1746  to  share  in  these  "military 
movements."^ 

No  part  of  the  country  suffered  more  than  the 
western  borders  of  Massachusetts  and  New  Hamp- 
shire, and  here  were  seen  too  plainly  the  evils  of  the 
prevailing  want  of  concert  among  the  British  colonies. 
Massachusetts  claimed  extensive  tracts  north  of  her 
present  northern  boundary,  and  in  the  belief  that  her 
claim  would  hold  good,  had  built  a  small  wooden 
fort,  called  Fort  Dummer,  on  the  Connecticut,  for 
the  protection  of  settlers.  New  Hampshire  disputed 
the  title,  and  the  question,  being  referred  to  the 
Crown,  was  decided  in  her  favor.  On  this,  Massa- 
chusetts withdrew  the  garrison  of  Fort  Dummer  and 

1  Extrait  sur  les  diffe'rents  Mouvements  Militaires  qui  se  sont  fails 
a  Montreal  a  f occasion  de  la  Guerre,  1745,  1746.  There  is  a  transla- 
tioa  ia  N-  Y  CoL  Docs, 


218  WAR  AND  POLITICS.  [1740-1746. 

left  New  Hampshire  to  defend  her  own.  This  the 
Assembly  of  that  province  refused  to  do,  on  the 
ground  that  the  fort  was  fifty  miles  from  any  settle- 
ment made  by  New  Hampshire  people,  and  was  there- 
fore useless  to  them,  though  of  great  value  to 
Massachusetts  as  a  cover  to  Northfield  and  other  of 
her  settlements  lower  down  the  Connecticut,  to 
protect^  which  was  no  business  of  New  Hampshire. 
But  some  years  before,  in  1740,  three  brothers, 
Samuel,  David,  and  Stephen  Farnsworth,  natives  of 
Groton,  Massachusetts,  had  begun  a  new  settlement 
on  the  Connecticut  about  forty-five  miles  north  of 
the  Massachusetts  line  and  on  ground  which  was 
soon  to  be  assigned  to  New  Hampshire.  They  were 
followed  by  five  or  six  others.  They  acted  on  the 
belief  that  their  settlement  was  within  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  Massachusetts,  and  that  she  could  and  would 
protect  them.  The  place  was  one  of  extreme  ex- 
posure, not  only  from  its  isolation,  far  from  help,  but 
because  it  was  on  the  banks  of  a  wild  and  lonely 
river,  the  customary  highway  of  war-parties  on  their 
descent  from  Canada.  Number  Four  —  for  so  the 
new  settlement  was  called,  because  it  was  the  fourth 
in  a  range  of  townships  recently  marked  out  along 
the  Connecticut,  but,  with  one  or  two  exceptions, 
wholly  unoccupied  as  yet  —  was  a  rude  little  outpost 
of  civilization,  buried  in  forests  that  spread  unbroken 
to  the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  while  its  nearest 

*  Journal  of  the  Assembly  of  New  Hampshire,  quoted  in  Saunder- 
flon,  History  of  Charlestown,  N,  H.,  20, 


1743.]  FORT  AT  NUMBER  FOUR.  219 

English  neighbor  was  nearly  thirty  miles  away.  As 
may  be  supposed,  it  grew  slowly,  and  in  1744  it  had 
but  nine  or  ten  families.  In  the  preceding  year, 
when  war  seemed  imminent,  and  it  was  clear  that 
neither  Massachusetts  nor  New  Hampshire  would 
lend  a  helping  hand,  the  settlers  of  Number  Four, 
seeing  that  their  only  resource  was  in  themselves, 
called  a  meeting  to  consider  the  situation  and  deter- 
mine what  should  be  done.  The  meeting  was  held 
at  the  house,  or  log-cabin,  of  John  Spafford,  Jr.,  and 
being  duly  called  to  order,  the  following  resolutions 
were  adopted:  that  a  fort  be  built  at  the  charge  of 
the  proprietors  of  the  said  township  of  Number  Four ; 
that  John  Hastings,  John  Spafford,  and  John  Avery 
be  a  committee  to  direct  the  building ;  that  each  car- 
penter be  allowed  nine  shillings,  old  tenor,  a  day, 
each  laborer  seven  shillings,  and  each  pair  of  oxen 
three  shillings  and  sixpence ;  that  the  proprietors  of 
the  township  be  taxed  in  the  sum  of  three  hundred 
pounds,  old  tenor,  for  building  the  fort;  that  John 
Spafford,  Phineas  Stevens,  and  John  Hastings  be 
assessors  to  assess  the  same,  and  Samuel  Farns- 
worth  collector  to  collect  it.^  And  to  the  end 
that  their  fort  should  be  a  good  and  creditable 
one,  they  are  said  to  have  engaged  the  services  of 
John  Stoddard,  accounted  the  foremost  man  of 
western  Massachusetts,  Superintendent  of  Defence, 
Colonel  of  Militia,  Judge  of  Probate,  Chief  Justice 

^  Extracts  from  the   Town   Record,  in   Saunderson,  History  oj 
Ckarlestown,  N.  H.  {Number  Four),  17,  18. 


220  WAR  AND   POLITICS  [1743-1748. 

of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  a  reputed  authority 
in  the  construction  of  backwoods  fortifications,  and 
the  admired  owner  of  the  only  gold  watch  in 
Northampton. 

Timber  was  abundant  and  could  be  had  for  the 
asking ;  for  the  frontiersman  usually  regarded  a  tree 
less  as  a  valuable  possession  than  as  a  natural  enemy, 
to  be  got  rid  of  by  fair  means  or  foul.  The  only  cost 
was  the  labor.  The  fort  rose  rapidly.  It  was  a 
square  enclosing  about  three  quarters  of  an  acre,  each 
side  measuring  a  hundred  and  eighty  feet.  The  wall 
was  not  of  palisades,  as  was  more  usual,  but  of 
squared  logs  laid  one  upon  another,  and  interlocked 
at  the  corners  after  the  fashion  of  a  log-cabin. 
Within  were  several  houses,  which  had  been  built 
close  together,  for  mutual  protection,  before  the  fort 
was  begun,  and  which  belonged  to  Stevens,  Spafford, 
and  other  settlers.  Apparently  they  were  small  log- 
cabins;  for  they  were  valued  at  only  from  eight  to 
thirty-five  pounds  each,  in  old  tenor  currency  wofully 
attenuated  by  depreciation;  and  these  sums  being 
paid  to  the  owners  out  of  the  three  hundred  pounds 
collected  for  building  the  fort,  the  cabins  became 
public  property.  Either  they  were  built  in  a  straight 
line,  or  they  were  moved  to  form  one,  for  when  the 
fort  was  finished,  they  all  backed  against  the  outer 
wall,  so  that  their  low  roofs  served  to  fire  from.  The 
usual  flankers  completed  the  work,  and  the  settlers 
of  Number  Four  were  so  well  pleased  with  it  that 
they  proudly  declared  their  fort  a  better  one   than 


1746.]  ATTACKS  AT  NUMBER   FOUR.  221 

Fort  Dummer,  its  nearest  neighbor,  which  had  been 
built  by  public  authority  at  the  charge  of  the 
province. 

But  a  fort  must  have  a  garrison,  and  the  ten  or 
twelve  men  of  Number  Four  would  hardly  be  a  suffi- 
cient one.  Sooner  or  later  an  attack  was  certain ;  for 
the  place  was  a  backwoods  Castle  Dangerous,  lying 
in  the  path  of  war-parties  from  Canada,  whether 
coming  down  the  Connecticut  from  Lake  Memphre- 
magog,  or  up  Otter  Creek  from  Lake  Champlain, 
then  over  the  mountains  to  Black  River,  and  so 
down  that  stream,  which  would  bring  them  directly 
to  Number  Four.  New  Hampshire  would  do  noth- 
ing for  them,  and  their  only  hope  was  in  Massachu- 
setts, of  which  most  of  them  were  natives,  and  which 
had  good  reasons  for  helping  them  to  hold  their 
ground,  as  a  cover  to  its  own  settlements  below. 
The  governor  and  Assembly  of  Massachusetts  did,  in 
fact,  send  small  parties  of  armed  men  from  time  to 
time  to  defend  the  endangered  outpost,  and  the  suc- 
cor was  timely ;  for  though,  during  the  first  year  of 
the  war.  Number  Four  was  left  in  peace,  yet  from 
the  nineteenth  of  April  to  the  nineteenth  of  June, 
1746,  it  was  attacked  by  Indians  five  times,  with 
some  loss  of  scalps,  and  more  of  cattle,  horses,  and 
hogs.  On  the  last  occasion  there  was  a  hot  fight  in 
the  woods,  ending  in  the  retreat  of  the  Indians,  said 
to  have  numbered  a  hundred  and  fifty,  into  a  swamp, 
leaving  behind  them  guns,  blankets,  hatchets,  spears, 
and  other  things,  valued  at  forty  pounds,  old  tenor, 


222  WAR   AND   POLITICS.  [1747. 

■ — which,  says  the  chronicle,  "was  reckoned  a  great 
booty  for  such  beggarly  enemies."  ' 

But  Massachusetts  grew  tired  of  defending  lands 
that  had  been  adjudged  to  New  Hampshire,  and  as 
the  season  drew  towards  an  end,  Numljer  Four  was 
left  again  to  its  own  keeping.  The  settlers  saw  no 
choice  but  to  abandon  a  place  which  they  were  too 
few  to  defend,  and  accordingly  withdrew  to  the 
older  settlements,  after  burying  such  of  their  effects 
as  would  bear  it,  and  leaving  othere  to  their  fate. 
Six  men,  a  dog,  and  a  cat  remained  to  keep  the  fort. 
Towards  midwinter  the  human  part  of  the  garrison 
also  withdrew,  and  the  two  uncongenial  quadrupeds 
were  left  alone. 

When  the  authorities  of  Massachusetts  saw  that  a 
place  so  useful  to  bear  the  brunt  of  attack  was  left 
to  certain  destruction,  they  repented  of  their  late 
withdrawal,  and  sent  Captain  Phineas  Stevens,  with 
thirty  men,  to  reoccupy  it.  Stevens,  a  native  of 
Sudbury,  Massachusetts,  one  of  the  earliest  settlers 
of  Number  Four,  and  one  of  its  chief  proprietors, 
was  a  bold,  intelligent,  and  determined  man,  well 
fitted  for  the  work  before  him.  He  and  his  band 
reached  the  fort  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  March, 
1747,  and  their  arrival  gave  peculiar  pleasure  to  its 
tenants,  the  dog  and  cat,  the  former  of  whom  met 
them  with  lively  demonstrations  of  joy.     The  pair 

1  Saunderson,  History  of  Charlestown,  N.  H.  29.  Doolittle,  iViar- 
rative  of  Mischief  done  by  the  Indian  Enemy,  —  a  contemporary 
chrouicle 


1747.]  A   GREAT   WAR-PARTY.  223 

had  apparently  lived  in  harmony,  and  found  means 
of  subsistence,  as  they  are  reported  to  have  been  in 
tolerable  condition. 

Stevens  had  brought  with  him  a  number  of  other 
dogs,  —  animals  found  useful  for  detecting  the  pres- 
ence of  Indians  and  tracking  them  to  their  lurking- 
places.  A  vreek  or  more  after  the  arrival  of  the 
party,  these  canine  allies  showed  great  uneasiness 
and  barked  without  ceasing ;  on  which  Stevens  ordered 
a  strict  watch  to  be  kept,  and  great  precaution  to  be 
used  in  opening  the  gate  of  the  fort.  It  was  time, 
for  the  surrounding  forest  concealed  what  the  New 
England  chroniclers  call  an  "army,"  commanded  by 
General  Debeline.  It  scarcely  need  be  said  that 
Canada  had  no  General  Debeline,  and  that  no  such 
name  is  to  be  found  in  Canadian  annals.  The 
"army"  was  a  large  war-party  of  both  French  and 
Indians,  and  a  French  record  shows  that  its  com- 
mander was  Boucher  de  Niverville,  ensign  in  the 
colony  troops.^ 

The  behavior  of  the  dogs  was  as  yet  the  only  sign 
of  danger,  when,  about  nine  o'clock  on  the  morning 
of  the  seventh  of  April,  one  of  Stevens's  men  took  it 
upon  him  to  go  out  and  find  what  was  amiss.  Ac- 
companied by  two  or  three  of  the  dogs,  he  advanced, 
gun  in  hand,  into  the  clearing,  peering  at  every 
stump,  lest  an  Indian  should  lurk  behind  it.  When 
about  twenty  rods  from  the  gate,  he  saw  a  large  log, 

*  Extrait  en  forme  de  Journal  de  ce  qui  s'est  pass€  d'int^ressant  dans 
\a  Colonie  a  I'occasion  des  Mouvements  de  Guerre,  etc.,  1746,  1747. 


224  WAR   AND  POLITICS.  [1747. 

or  trunk  of  a  fallen  tree,  not  far  before  him,  and 
approached  it  cautiously,  setting  on  the  dogs,  or,  as 
Stevens  whimsically  phrases  it,  "saying  Chobo//!''  to 
them.  They  ran  forward  barking,  on  which  several 
heads  appeared  al)Ove  the  log,  and  several  guns  were 
fired  at  him.  He  was  slightly  wounded,  but  escaped 
to  the  fort.  Then,  all  around,  the  air  rang  with 
war-whoops,  and  a  storm  of  bullets  flew  from  the 
tangle  of  bushes  that  edged  the  clearing,  and  rapped 
spitefully,  but  harmlessly,  against  the  wooden  wall. 
At  a  little  distance  on  the  windward  side  was  a  log- 
house,  to  which,  with  adjacent  fences,  the  assailants 
presently  set  fire,  in  the  hope  that,  as  the  wind  was 
strong,  the  flames  would  catch  the  fort.  When 
Stevens  saw  what  they  were  doing,  he  set  himself  to 
thwart  them ;  and  while  some  of  his  men  kept  them 
at  bay  with  their  guns,  the  rest  fell  to  work  digging 
a  number  of  short  trenches  under  the  wall,  on  the 
side  towards  the  fire.  As  each  trench  was  six  or 
seven  feet  deep,  a  man  could  stand  in  it  outside  the 
wall,  sheltered  from  bullets,  and  dash  buckets  of 
water,  passed  to  him  from  within,  against  the  scorch- 
ing timbers.  Eleven  such  trenches  were  dug,  and 
eleven  men  were  stationed  in  them,  so  that  the  whole 
exposed  front  of   the   wall  was  kept   wet.^     Thus, 

1  "  Those  who  were  not  employed  in  firing  at  the  enemy  were 
employed  in  digging  trenches  under  tlie  bottom  of  the  fort.  We 
dug  no  less  than  eleven  of  them,  so  deep  that  a  man  could  go  and 
stand  upright  on  the  outside  and  not  endanger  himself;  so  that 
when  these  trenches  were  finished,  we  could  wet  all  the  outside  of 
the  fort,  which  we  did,  and  kept  it  wet  all  night.     We  drew  some 


1747.]  DEFENCE   OF   NUMBER  FOUR.  225 

though  clouds  of  smoke  drifted  over  the  fort,  and 
burning  cinders  showered  upon  it,  no  harm  was  done, 
and  the  enemy  was  forced  to  other  devices.  They 
found  a  wagon,  which  they  protected  from  water 
and  bullets  by  a  shield  of  planks,  —  for  there  was  a 
saw-mill  hard  by,  —  and  loaded  it  with  dry  fagots, 
thinking  to  set  them  on  fire  and  push  the  blazing- 
machine  against  a  dry  part  of  the  fort  wall ;  but  the 
task  proved  too  dangerous,  "for,"  says  Stevens, 
"instead  of  performing  what  they  threatened  and 
seemed  to  be  immediately  going  to  undertake,  they 
called  to  us  and  desired  a  cessation  of  arms  till  sun- 
rise the  next  morning,  which  was  granted,  at  which 
time  they  said  they  would  come  to  a  parley."  In 
fact,  the  French  commander,  with  about  sixty  of  his 
men,  came  in  the  morning  with  a  flag  of  truce,  which 
he  stuck  in  the  ground  at  a  musket-shot  from  the 
fort,  and,  in  the  words  of  Stevens,  "said,  if  we 
would  send  three  men  to  him,  he  would  send  as  many 
to  us."  Stevens  agreed  to  this,  on  which  two  French- 
men and  an  Indian  came  to  the  fort,  and  three 
soldiers  went  out  in  return.  The  two  Frenchmen 
demanded,  on  the  part  of  their  commander,  that  the 
garrison  sholild  surrender,  under  a  promise  of  life, 
and  be  carried  prisoners  to  Quebec ;  and  they  farther 
required  that  Stevens  should  give  his  answer  to  the 
French  officer  in  person. 

liundreds  of  barrels  of  water;  and  to  undergo  all  this  hard  service 
there  were  but  thirty  men."  —  Stevens  to  Colonel  W.  Williams, 
April,  1747. 

VOL.  II.  — 16 


226  WAR  AND   POLITICS.  [1747. 

Wisely  or  unwisely,  Stevens  went  out  at  the  gate, 
and  was  at  once  joined  by  Niverville,  attended,  no 
doubt,  by  an  interpreter.  "  Upon  meeting  the  Mon- 
sieur," says  the  English  captain,  "he  did  not  wait 
for  me  to  give  him  an  answer,"  but  said,  in  a  manner 
sufficiently  peremptory,  that  he  had  seven  hundred 
men  with  him,  and  that  if  his  terms  Avere  refused,  he 
would  storm  the  fort,  "run  over  it,"  burn  it  to  the 
ground,  and  if  resistance  were  offered,  put  all  in  it  to 
the  sword;  adding  that  he  would  have  it  or  die,  and 
that  Stevens  might  fight  or  not  as  he  pleased,  for  it 
was  all  one  to  him.  His  terms  being  refused,  he 
said,  as  Stevens  reports,  "  Well,  go  back  to  your  fori 
and  see  if  your  men  dare  fight  any  more,  and  give  me 
an  answer  quickly;  for  my  men  want  to  be  fighting." 
Stevens  now  acted  as  if  he  had  been  the  moderator  of 
a  town-meeting.  "I  went  into  the  fort  and  called 
the  men  together,  and  informed  them  what  the 
general  said,  and  then  put  it  to  vote  whether  they 
would  fight  or  resign;  and  they  voted  to  a  man  to 
stand  it  out,  and  also  declared  that  they  would  fight 
as  long  as  they  had  life."  ^ 

Answer  was  made  accordingly,  but  Niverville's 
promise  to  storm  the  fort  and  "  run  over  it "  was  not 
kept.  Stevens  says  that  his  enemies  had  not  the 
courage  to  do  this,  or  even  to  bring  up  their  "  fortifi- 
cation," meaning  their  fire-wagon  with  its  shield  of 
planks.  In  fact,  an  open  assault  upon  a  fortified 
place  was  a  thing  unknown  in  this  border  warfare, 

*  Stevens  to  Colonel  WilUam   Williams,  April,  1747. 


1747.]  DEFENCE   OF  NUMBER  FOUR.  227 

whether  waged  by  Indians  alone,  or  by  French  and 
Indians  together.  The  assaihmts  only  raised  the 
war-whoop  again,  and  fired,  as  before,  from  behind 
stumps,  logs,  and  bushes.  This  amusement  they 
kept  up  from  two  o'clock  till  night,  when  they  grew 
bolder,  approached  nearer,  and  shot  flights  of  fire- 
arrows  into  the  fort,  which,  water  being  abun- 
dant, were  harmless  as  their  bullets.  At  daylight 
they  gave  over  this  exercise,  called  out,  "  Good- 
morning  ! "  to  the  garrison,  and  asked  for  a  sus- 
pension of  arms  for  two  hours.  This  being  agreed 
to,  another  flag  of  truce  presently  appeared,  carried 
by  two  Indians,  who  planted  it  in  the  ground  within 
a  stone's  throw  of  the  fort,  and  asked  that  two 
men  should  be  sent  out  to  confer  with  them.  This 
was  done,  and  the  men  soon  came  back  with  a 
proposal  that  Stevens  should  sell  provisions  to  his 
besiegers,  under  a  promise  on  their  part  that  they 
would  give  him  no  farther  trouble.  He  answered 
that  he  would  not  sell  them  provisions  for  money, 
but  would  exchange  them  for  prisoners,  and  give  five 
bushels  of  Indian  corn  for  every  hostage  placed  in  his 
hands  as  security  for  the  release  of  an  English  cap- 
tive in  Canada.  To  this  their  only  answer  was  fir- 
ing a  few  shots  against  the  fort,  after  which  they 
all  disappeared,  and  were  seen  no  more.  The  gar- 
rison had  scarcely  eaten  or  slept  for  three  days. 
"  I  believe  men  were  never  known  to  hold  out  with 
better  resolution,"  writes  Stevens;  and  "though 
there  were   some    thousands  of  guns  shot  at  us,  we 


228  WAR   ANJ>   ruLITICS.  [1747. 

had  but  two  men  slightly  wounded,  John  Brown  and 
Joseph  Ely."  1 

Niverville  and  his  party,  disappointed  and  hungry, 
now  made  a  tour  among  the  scattered  farms  and  ham- 
lets of  the  country  below,  which,  incapable  of  resisting 
such  an  inroad,  were  abandoned  at  their  approach. 
Thus  they  took  an  easy  revenge  for  their  rebuff  at 
Number  Four,  and  in  a  march  of  thirty  or  forty  leagues, 
burned  five  small  deserted  forts  or  stockaded  houses, 
"  three  meeting-houses,  several  fine  barns,  about  one 
hundred  dwellings,  mostly  of  two  stories,  furnished 
even  to  chests  of  drawers,  and  killed  five  to  six  hun- 
dred sheep  and  hogs,  and  about  thirty  horned  cattle. 
This  devastation  is  well  worth  a  few  prisoners  or 
scalps. "  '-*  It  is  curious  to  find  such  exploits  mentioned 
with  complacency,  as  evidence  of  prowess. 

The  successful  defence  of  the  most  exposed  place 
on  the  frontier  was  welcome  news  throughout  New 
England,  and  Commodore  Charles  Knowles,  who  was 
then  at  Boston,  sent  Stevens  a  silver-hilted  sword  in 
recognition  of  his  conduct.  The  settlers  of  Number 
Four,  who  soon  returned  to  their  backwoods  home, 
were  so  well  pleased  with  this  compliment  to  one  of 
their  fellows  that  they  gave  to  the  settlement  the 
baptismal  name  of  the  Commodore,  and  the  town 
that  has  succeeded  the  hamlet  of  Number  Four  is 
Charlestown  to  this  day.^ 

1  Stevens  to  Colonel  W.  Williams,  April,  1747. 

2  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  X.  97. 

8  Just  after  the  withdrawal  of  the  French  and  Indians,  Stevens 
wrote  two  letters  giving  an  account  of  the  affair,  one  tp  Governor 


1747.J  ACCOUNTS  OF   THE  CONFLICT.  229 

Shirley,  and  the  other  to  Colonel  "William  Williams,  who  seems  to 
have  been  his  immediate  military  superior.  At  most  points  they 
are  substantially  the  same ;  but  that  to  Williams  contains  some 
passages  not  found  in  the  other.  The  letter  to  Shirley  is  printed 
in  Saunderson,  History  of  Charlestown,  JV.  H.,  34-37,  and  that  to 
Williams  in  Vollections  of  the  New  Hampshire  Historical  Society,  iv. 
109-113.  Stevens  also  kept  a  diary,  which  was  long  in  possession 
of  his  descendants.  One  of  these,  Mr.  B.  F.  Stevens,  kindly  made 
a  search  for  it,  at  my  request,  and  learned  that  it  had  been  unfortu- 
nately destroyed  by  fire,  in  1850.  Doolittle,  in  his  Narrative  of 
Mischief,  and  Hoyt,  in  his  Antiquarian  Researches,  give  other  ac- 
counts. Tlie  French  notices  of  the  affair  are  few  and  short,  as 
usual  in  cases  of  failure.  For  the  principal  one,  see  N.  Y.  Col. 
Docs.,  X.  97.  It  is  here  said  that  Stevens  asked  for  a  parley,  in 
order  to  capitulate;  but  all  the  English  accounts  say  that  the 
French  made  the  first  advancei. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

1745-1748. 

FORT  MASSACHUSETTS. 

Frontier  Defence.  —  Northfield  and  its  Minister.  —  Mili- 
tary Criticisms  of  Kev.  Benjamin  Doolittle.  —  Rigaud 
DE  Vaudreuil:  his  Great  War-Party;  he  attacks 
Fort  Massachusetts.  —  Sergeant  Hawks  and  his  Garri- 
son. —  A  Gallant  Defence.  —  Capitulation.  —  Humanity 
of  the  French.  —  Ravages.  —  Return  to  Crown  Point.  — 
Peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle. 

Since  the  last  war,  the  settlements  of  Massachusetts 
had  pushed  westward  and  begun  to  invade  the  beauti- 
ful region  of  mountains  and  valleys  that  now  forms 
Berkshire.  Villages,  or  rudiments  of  villages,  had 
grown  up  on  the  Housatonic,  and  an  establishment 
had  been  attempted  at  Pontoosue,  now  Pittsfield,  on 
the  extreme  western  limits  of  the  province.  The 
position  of  these  new  settlements  was  critical,  for  the 
enemy  could  reach  them  with  little  difficulty  by  way 
of  Lake  Champlain  and  Wood  Creek.  The  Massa- 
chusetts government  was  not  unmindful  of  them, 
and  when  war  again  broke  out,  three  wooden  forts 
were  built  for  their  protection,  forming  a  line  of 
defence  westward  from  Northfield  on  the  northern 
frontier  of  the  province.     One  of  these  forts  was  in 


[745,  1746.]  NORTHFIELD.  231 

the  present  town  of  Heath,  and  was  called  Fort 
Shirley;  another,  named  Fort  Pelham,  was  in  the 
present  town  of  Rowe ;  while  the  third,  Fort  Massa- 
chusetts, was  farther  westward,  in  what  is  now  the 
town  of  Adams,  then  known  as  East  Hoosac.  Two 
hundred  men  from  the  militia  were  taken  into  pay  to 
hold  these  posts  and  patrol  the  intervening  forests. 
Other  defensive  works  were  made  here  and  there, 
sometimes  by  the  votes  of  town  meetings,  and  some- 
times by  individuals,  at  their  own  cost.  These  works 
consisted  of  a  fence  of  palisades  enclosing  a  farm- 
house, or  sometimes  of  a  blockhouse  of  timber  or 
heavy  planks.  Thus,  at  Northfield,  Deacon  Ebenezer 
Alexander,  a  veteran  of  sixty  who  had  served  at 
Louisbourg,  built  a  "mount,"  or  blockhouse,  on  the 
knoll  behind  his  house,  and  carried  a  stockade  from 
it  to  enclose  the  dwelling,  shed,  and  barn,  the  whole 
at  the  cost  of  thirty-six  pounds,  one  shilling,  and 
sixpence,  in  Massachusetts  currency,^  which  the 
town  repaid  him,  his  fortifications  being  of  public 
utility  as  a  place  of  refuge  for  families  in  case  of 
attack.  Northfield  was  a  place  notorious'ly  danger- 
ous, and  military  methods  were  in  vogue  there  in 
season  and  out  of  season.  Thus,  by  a  vote  of  the 
town,  the  people  were  called  to  the  Sunday  sermon 
by  beat  of  drum,  and  Eleazer  Holton  was  elected  to 
sound  the  call  in  consideration  of  one  pound  and  ten 

1  Temple  and  Sheldon,  History  of  Northfield,  237,  give  the  items 
from  the  original  account.  This  is  one  of  the  best  of  the  innumen 
able  town  histories  of  New  England. 


232  FORT  MASSACHUSETTS.        [1745,  1746. 

shillings  a  year,  the  drum  being  hired  of  Ensign 
Field,  its  fortunate  possessor,  for  the  farther  sum  of 
three  shillings.  This  was  in  the  earlier  days  of 
Northfield.  In  1734  the  Sunday  drum-beat  was 
stopped,  and  the  worshippers  were  summoned  by  the 
less  obstreperous  method  of  "hanging  out  a  flagg," 
for  the  faithful  discharge  of  which  function  Daniel 
Wright  received  in  1744  one  pound  and  five 
shillings.^ 

The  various  fortifications,  public  and  private,  were 
garrisoned,  sometimes  by  the  owner  and  his  neighbors, 
sometimes  by  men  in  pay  of  the  Provincial  Assembly. 
As  was  to  be  expected  from  a  legislative  body  under- 
taking warlike  operations,  the  work  of  defence  was 
but  indifferently  conducted.  John  Stoddard,  the 
village  magnate  of  Northampton,  was  charged,  among 
the  rest  of  his  multifarious  employments,  with  the 
locating  and  construction  of  forts ;  Captain  Ephraim 
Williams  was  assigned  to  the  general  command  on 
the  western  frontier,  with  headquarters  at  Fort  Shirley 
and  afterwards  at  Fort  Massachusetts  ;  and  Major 
Israel  Williams,  of  Hatfield,  was  made  commissary. 

At  Northfield  dwelt  the  Rev.  Benjamin  Doolittle, 
minister,  apothecary,  physician,  and  surgeon  of  the 
village;  for  he  had  studied  medicine  no  less  than 
theology.  His  parishioners  thought  that  his  cure  of 
bodies  encroached  on  his  cure  of  souls,  and  requested 
him  to  confine  his  attention  to  his  spiritual  charge; 
to  which  he  replied  that  he  could  not  afford  it,  his 
1  Temple  and  Sheldon,  History  of  Northfield,  218. 


1745,  1746.]        REV.   BENJAMIN   DOOLITTLE.  233 

salary  as  minister  being  seventy-five  pounds  in  irre- 
deemable Massachusetts  paper,  while  his  medical 
and  surgical  practice  brought  him  full  four  hundred 
a  year.  He  offered  to  comply  with  the  wishes  of  his 
flock  if  they  would  add  that  amount  to  his  salary,  — 
which  they  were  not  prepared  to  do,  and  the  minister 
continued  his  heterogeneous  labors  as  before. 

As  the  position  of  his  house  on  the  village  street 
seems  to  have  been  regarded  as  strategic,  the  town 
voted  to  fortify  it  with  a  blockhouse  and  a  stockade, 
for  the  benefit  both  of  the  occupant  and  of  all  the 
villagers.  This  was  accordingly  done,  at  the  cost  of 
eighteen  pounds,  seven  shillings,  and  sixpence  for 
the  blockhouse,  and  a  farther  charge  for  the  stockade ; 
and  thenceforth  Mr.  Doolittle  could  write  his  ser- 
mons and  mix  his  doses  in  peace.  To  his  other  call- 
ings he  added  that  of  historiographer.  When,  after 
a  ministry  of  thirty-six  years,  the  thrifty  pastor  was 
busied  one  day  with  hammer  and  nails  in  mending 
the  fence  of  his  yard,  he  suddenly  dropped  dead  from 
a  stroke  of  heart-disease,  —  to  the  grief  of  all  North- 
field;  and  his  papers  being  searched,  a  record  was 
found  in  his  handwriting  of  the  inroads  of  the  enemy 
that  had  happened  in  his  time  on  or  near  the  Massa- 
chusetts border.  Being  rightly  thought  worthy  of 
publication,  it  was  printed  at  Boston  in  a  dingy 
pamphlet,  now  extremely  rare,  and  much  prized  by 
antiquarians.^ 

^  A  short  Narrative  of  Mischief  done  hy  the  French  and  Indian 
Enemy,  on  the  Western  Frontiers  of  the  Province  of  the  Mastachutettt 


234  FORT  MASSACHUSETTS.  [1716. 

Appended  to  it  are  the  remarks  of  the  author  on 
the  conduct  of  the  war.  He  complains  that  plans 
are  changed  so  often  that  none  of  them  take  effect ; 
that  terms  of  enlistment  are  so  short  that  the  com- 
missary can  hardly  serve  out  provisions  to  the  men 
before  their  time  is  expired;  that  neitlier  bread, 
meat,  shoes,  nor  blankets  are  kept  on  hand  for  an 
emergency,  so  that  the  enemy  escape  while  the  soldiers 
are  getting  read}'  to  pursue'  them ;  that  the  pa}'  of  a 
drafted  man  is  so  small  that  twice  as  much  would  not 
hire  a  laborer  to  take  care  of  his  farm  in  his  absence ; 
and  that  untried  and  unfit  persons  are  commissioned 
as  officers :  in  all  of  which  strictures  there  is  no  doubt 
much  truth. 

Mr.  Doolittle's  rueful  narrative  treats  mainly  of 
miscellaneous  murders  and  scalpings,  interesting  only 
to  the  sufferers  and  their  friends;  but  he  also 
chronicles  briefly  a  formidable  inroad  that  still  holds 
a  place  in  New  England  history. 

It  may  be  remembered  that  Shirley  had  devised  a 
plan  for  capturing  Fort  Frederic,    or  Crown  Point, 

Baji ;  from  the  Beqlnning  of  the  French  War ,  proclaimed  hi/  the  Kinrj  of 
France,  March  Wth,  1743-4  ;  and  by  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  March 
29th,  1744,  to  August  2nd,  1748.  Drawn  up  bij  the  Rev.  Hfr.  Doolittle, 
of  Northjield ,in  the  County  of  Hampshire  ;  and  found  among  his  Manu- 
scripts after  his  Death.  And  at  the  Desire  of  some  is  noio  Published, 
with  some  small  Additions  to  render  it  more  perfect.  Boston  ;  Printed 
and  sold  by  S.  Kneeland,  in  Queen  Street.     MDCCL. 

The  facts  above  given  concerning  Mr.  Doolittle  are  drawn  from 
the  excellent  History  of  Northjield  by  Temple  and  Sheldon,  and  the 
introduction  to  the  Particular  History  of  the  Five  Years'  French  and 
Indian   War,  bj'  S.  G.  Drake. 


1746.]  RIGAUD  DE  VAUDREUIL.  235 

built  by  the  French  at  the  narrows  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  and  commanding  ready  access  for  war-parties 
to  New  York  and  New  England. 

The  approach  of  D'Anville's  fleet  had  defeated  the 
plan;  but  rumors  of  it  had  reached  Canada,  and  ex- 
cited great  alarm.  Large  bodies  of  men  were  ordered 
to  Lake  Champlain  to  protect  the  threatened  fort. 
The  two  brothers  De  Muy  were  already  on  the  lake 
with  a  numerous  party  of  Canadians  and  Indians, 
both  Christian  and  heathen,  and  Rigaud  de  Vaudreuil. 
town-major  of  Three  Rivers,  was  ordered  to  follow 
with  a  still  larger  force,  repel  any  English  attack,  or, 
if  none  should  be  made,  take  the  offensive  and  strike 
a  blow  at  the  English  frontier.  On  the  third  of 
August,  Rigaud  ^  left  Montreal  with  a  fleet  of  canoes 
carrying  what  he  calls  his  army,  and  on  the  twelfth 
he  encamped  on  the  east  side  of  the  lake,  at  the 
mouth  of  Otter  Creek.  There  was  rain,  thunder, 
and  a  violent  wind  all  night;  but  the  storm  ceased  at 
daybreak,  and,  embarking  again,  they  soon  saw  the 
octagonal  stone  tower  of  Fort  Frdddric. 

The  party  set  up  their  tents  and  wigwams  near  the 
fort,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  sixteenth  the  elder 
De  Muy  arrived  with  a  reinforcement  of  sixty  French- 
men and  a  band  of  Indians.  They  had  just  returned 
from  an  incursion  towards  Albany,  and  reported  that 
all  was  quiet  in  those  parts,  and  that  Fort  Fr^ddric 

1  French  writers  always  call  him  Rigaud,  to  distinguish  him 
from  his  brother,  Pierre  Rigaud  de  Vaudreuil-Cavagnal,  afterwards 
governor  of  Canada,  who  is  usually  mentioned  as  Vaudreuil. 


236  FORT   MASSACHUSETTS.  [1746. 

was  in  no  danger.  Now,  to  their  great  satisfaction, 
Rigaud  and  his  band  saw  themselves  free  to  take  the 
offensive.  The  question  was,  where  to  strike.  The 
Indians  held  coiiiunl  after  rounril,  made  sjh'ccIi  afUr 
speech,  and  agreed  on  nothing.  Rigaud  gave  them 
a  wampum-belt,  and  told  them  tliat  lie  int-aiit  to 
attack  Corlaer,  —  that  is,  Schenectady;  at  which  they 
seemed  well  pleased,  and  sang  war-songs  all  night. 
In  the  morning  they  ciiangetl  tlu'ir  minds,  and  In-gged 
him  to  call  the  whole  army  to  a  council  f(»r  delwiting 
the  question.  It  appeared  that  some  of  them,  espe- 
cially the  Iroquois  converts  of  Catighnawaga,  disap- 
proved of  attacking  Schenectady,  because  some  of 
their  Mohawk  relatives  were  always  making  visits 
there,  and  might  be  inadvertently  killed  by  the  wild 
western  Indians  of  Rigaud 's  party.  Now  all  was 
doubt  again,  for  as  Indians  are  unsUible  as  water,  it 
was  no  easy  task  to  hold  them  to  any  plan  of  action. 
The  Abenakis  proposed  a  solution  of  the  difficulty. 
They  knew  the  New  England  lx)rder  well,  for  many 
of  them  had  lived  upon  it  Ijefore  the  war,  on  terms  of 
friendly  intercourse  with  the  settlers.  They  now 
drew  upon  the  floor  of  the  council-room  a  rough  map 
of  the  country,  on  which  was  seen  a  certain  river, 
and  on  its  upper  waters  a  fort  which  they  recom- 
mended as  a  proper  object  of  attack.  The  river  was 
that  eastern  tributary  of  the  Hudson  which  the 
French  called  the  Kaskekouk^,  the  Dutch  the 
Schaticook,  and  the  English  the  Hoosac.  The  fort 
was  Fort  Massachusetts,   the  most  westerly  of  the 


1746.]  RIGAUD'S  WAR-PARTY.  237 

three  posts  lately  built  to  guard  the  frontier.  "  My 
father, "  said  the  Abenaki  spokesman  to  Rigaud,  "  it 
will  be  easy  to  take  this  fort,  and  make  great  havoc 
on  the  lands  of  the  English.  Deign  to  listen  to 
your  children  and  follow  our  advice."^  One  Cade- 
naret,  an  Abenaki  chief,  had  been  killed  near  Fort 
Massachusetts  in  the  last  spring,  and  his  tribesmen 
were  keen  to  revenge  him.  Seeing  his  Indians 
pleased  with  the  proposal  to  march  for  the  Ploosac, 
Rigaud  gladly  accepted  it;  on  which  whoops,  yelps, 
and  war-songs  filled  the  air.  Hardly,  however,  was 
the  party  on  its  way  when  the  Indians  changed  their 
minds  again,  and  wanted  to  attack  Saratoga;  but 
Rigaud  told  them  that  they  had  made  their  choice 
and  must  abide  by  it,  to  which  they  assented,  and 
gave  him  no  farther  trouble. 

On  the  twentieth  of  August  they  all  embarked  and 
paddled  southward,  passed  the  lonely  promontory 
where  Fort  Ticonderoga  was  afterwards  built,  and 
held  their  course  till  the  lake  dwindled  to  a  mere 
canal  creeping  through  the  weedy  marsh  then  called 
the  Drowned  Lands.  Here,  nine  summers  later, 
passed  the  flotilla  of  Baron  Dieskau,  bound  to  defeat 
and  ruin  by  the  shores  of  Lake  George.  Rigaud 
stopped  at  a  place  known  as  East  Bay,  at  the  mouth 
of  a  stream  that  joins  Wood  Creek,  just  north  of  the 
present  town  of  Wliitehall.     Here  he  left  the  younger 

'  Journal  de  la  Canipagne  de  Rigaud  de  Vaudreuil  en  17-40  .  .  . 
pre'sente  a  Monseigneur  le   Comte  de  Maurepas,  Ministre  et  Secre'taire 
d'£tat  (written  by  Rigaud). 


238  FORT  MASSACHUSETTS.  [1746 

De  Muy,  with  thirty  men,  to  guard  the  canoes.  The 
rest  of  the  party,  guided  by  a  brother  of  the  slain 
Cadenaret,  filed  southward  on  foot  along  the  base  of 
Skene  Mountain,  that  overlooks  Whitehall.  They 
counted  about  seven  hundred  men,  of  whom  five 
hundred  were  French,  and  a  little  above  two  hundred 
were  Indians.^  Some  other  French  reports  put  the 
whole  number  at  eleven  hundred,  or  even  twelve 
hundred, 2  while  several  English  accounts  make  it 
eiffht  hundred  or  nine  hundred.  The  Frenchmen  of 
the  party  included  both  regulars  and  Canadians, 
with  six  regular  officers  and  ten  cadets,  eighteen 
militia  officers,  two  chaplains,  —  one  for  the  whites 
and  one  for  the  Indians, — and  a  surgeon. ^ 

After  a  march  of  four  days,  they  encamped  on  the 
twenty-sixth  by  a  stream  which  ran  into  the  Hudson, 
and  was  no  doubt  the  Batten  Kill,  known  to  the 
French  as  la  riviere  de  Saratogue.  Being  nearly 
opposite  Saratoga,  where  there  was  then  a  garrison, 
they  changed  their  course,  on  the  twenty-seventh, 
from  south  to  southeast,  the  better  to  avoid  scouting- 
parties,  which  might  discover  their  trail  and  defeat 
their  plan  of  surprise.  Early  on  the  next  day  they 
reached  the  Hoosac,  far  above  its  mouth;  and  now 
their  march  was  easier,  "for,"  says  Rigaud,  "we  got 
out  of  the  woods  and  followed  a  large  road  that  led 

1  "  Le  19,  ayant  fait  passer  rarniee  en  Revue  qui  se  trouva  de 
700  hommes,  scavoir  500  franyois  environ  et  200  quelques  sauvages," 
—  Journal  de  Rigaud. 

2  See  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  x.  103,  132. 
»  Ibid.,  X.  35. 


1746.]  MARCH   OF   RIGAUD.  239 

up  the  river."  In  fact,  there  seem  to  have  been  two 
roads,  one  on  each  side  of  the  Hoosac;  for  the 
French  were  formed  into  two  brigades,  one  of  which, 
under  the  Sieur  de  la  Valterie,  filed  along  the  right 
bank  of  the  stream,  and  the  other,  under  the  Sieur 
de  Sabrevois,  along  the  left;  while  the  Indians 
marched  on  the  front,  flanks,  and  rear.  They  passed 
deserted  houses  and  farms  belonging  to  Dutch  settlers 
from  the  Hudson;  for  the  Hoosac,  in  this  part  of  its 
course,  was  in  the  province  of  New  York.^  They 
did  not  stop  to  burn  barns  and  houses,  but  they 
killed  poultry,  hogs,  a  cow,  and  a  horse,  to  supply 
themselves  with  meat.  Before  night  they  had  passed 
the  New  York  line,  and  they  made  their  camp  in  or 
near  the  valley  where  Williamstown  and  Williams 
College  now  stand.  Here  they  were  joined  by  the 
Sieurs  Beaubassin  and  La  Force,  who  had  gone  for- 
ward, with  eight  Indians,  to  reconnoitre.  Beaubassin 
had  watched  Fort  IMassachusetts  from  a  distance, 
and  had  seen  a  man  go  up  into  the  watch-tower,  but 
could  discover  no  other  sign  of  alarm.  Apparently,  the 
fugitive  Dutch  farmers  had  not  taken  pains  to  warn 
the  English  garrison  of  the  coming  danger,  for  there 
was  a  coolness  between  the  neighbors. 

Before  breaking  up  camp  in  the  morning,  Rigaud 

1  These  Dutch  settlements  on  the  Hoosac  were  made  under 
what  was  called  the  "  Hoosac  Patent,"  granted  by  Governor  Don- 
gan  of  New  York  in  1088.  The  settlements  were  not  begun  till 
nearly  forty  years  after  the  grant  was  made.  For  evidence  on 
this  point  I  am  indebted  to  Professor  A.  L.  Perry,  of  Williams 
College. 


240  FORT  MASSACHUSETTS.  [1746. 

called  the  Indian  chiefs  together  and  said  to  them : 
"My  children,  the  time  is  near  when  we  must  get 
other  meat  than  fresh  pork,  and  we  will  all  eat  it 
together."  "Meat,"  in  Indian  parlance,  meant  pris- 
oners; and  as  these  were  valuable  by  reason  of  the 
ransoms  paid  for  them,  and  as  the  Indians  had  sus- 
pected that  the  French  meant  to  keep  them  all,  they 
were  well  pleased  with  this  figurative  assurance  of 
Rigaud  that  they  should  have  their  share.  ^ 

The  chaplain  said  mass,  and  the  party  marched  in 
a  brisk  rain  up  the  Williamstown  valley,  till  after 
advancing  about  ten  miles  they  encamped  again. 
Fort  Massachusetts  was  only  three  or  four  miles 
distant.  Rigaud  held  a  talk  with  the  Abenaki 
chiefs  who  had  acted  as  guides,  and  it  was  agreed 
that  the  party  should  stop  in  the  woods  near  the  fort, 
make  scaling-ladders,  battering-rams  to  burst  the 
gates,  and  other  things  needful  for  a  grand  assault, 
to  take  place  before  daylight;  but  their  plan  came  to 
nought  through  the  impetuosity  of  the  young  Indians 
and  Canadians,  who  were  so  excited  at  the  first 
glimpse  of  the  watch-tower  of  the  fort  that  they 
dashed  forward,  as  Rigaud  says,  "like  lions." 
Hence  one  might  fairly  expect  to  see  the  fort  assaulted 
at  once ;  but  by  the  maxims  of  forest  war  this  would 
have  been  reprehensible  rashness,  and  nothing  of  the 

1  "  Mes  enfans,  leur  dis-je,  le  temps  approche  ou  il  faut  faire 
d'autre  viande  que  le  pore  frais ;  au  reste,  nous  la  mangerons  tous 
ensemble  ;  ce  mot  les  flatta  dans  lacrainte  qu'ils  avoient  qu'apres  la 
prise  du  fort  nous  ne  nous  re'servames  tous  les  prisonniers." — Journal 
de  Rigaud. 


1746.]  A  PREMATURE   ATTACK.  241 

kind  was  attempted.  The  assailants  spread  to  right 
and  left,  squatted  behind  stumps,  and  opened  a  dis- 
tant and  harmless  fire,  accompanied  with  unearthly 
yells  and  howlings. 

Fort  Massachusetts  was  a  wooden  enclosure  formed, 
like  the  fort  at  Number  Four,  of  beams  laid  one 
upon  another,  and  interlocked  at  the  angles.  This 
wooden  wall  seems  to  have  rested,  not  immediately 
upon  the  ground,  but  upon  a  foundation  of  stone, 
designated  by  Mr.  Norton,  the  chaplain,  as  the 
"  underpinning,"  —  a  name  usually  given  in  New  Eng- 
land to  foundations  of  the  kind.  At  the  northwest 
corner  was  a  blockhouse,^  crowned  with  the  watch- 
tower,  the  sight  of  which  had  prematurely  kindled 
the  martial  fire  of  the  Canadians  and  Indians.  This 
wooden  structure,  at  the  apex  of  the  blockhouse, 
served  as  a  lookout,  and  also  supplied  means  of 
throwing  water  to  extinguish  fire-arrows  shot  upon 
the  roof.  There  were  other  buildings  in  the  enclos- 
ure, especially  a  large  log-house  on  the  south  side, 
which  seems  to  have  overlooked  the  outer  wall,  and 
was  no  doubt  loop-holed  for  musketry.  On  the  east 
side  tihere  was  a  well,  furnished  probably  with  one  of 
those  long  well-sweeps  universal  in  primitive  New 
England.  The  garrison,  when  complete,  consisted 
of  fifty-one  men  under  Captain  Ephraim  AVilliams, 

1  The  term  "  blockhouse  "  was  loosely  used,  and  was  even  some- 
times applied  to  an  entire  fort  when  constructed  of  hewn  logs,  and 
not  of  palisades.  The  true  blockhouse  of  the  New  England  frontier 
was  a  solid  wooden  structure  about  twenty  feet  high,  with  a  pro- 
jecting upper  story  and  loopholes  above  and  below. 

TOL.   II.  — 16 


242  FORT   MASSACHUSETTS.  [1746. 

who  has  left  his  name  to  Williamstown  and  Williams 
College,  of  the  latter  of  which  he  was  the  founder. 
He  was  born  at  Newton,  near   Boston;  was  a  man 
vigorous  in  body  and  mind;  better  acquainted  with 
the  world  than  most  of  his  countrymen,  having  fol- 
lowed the  seas  in  his  youth,  and  visited  England, 
Spain,  and  Holland ;  frank  and  agreeable  in  manners, 
well  fitted  for  such  a  command,  and  respected  and 
loved  by  his  men.^     When  the  proposed  invasion  of 
Canada  was  preparing,  he  and  some  of  his  men  went 
to  take  part  in  it,  and  had  not  yet  returned.     The 
fort  was  left  in  charge  of  a  sergeant,  John  Hawks, 
of  Deerfield,  with  men  too  few  for  the  extent  of  the 
works,  and  a  supply  of  ammunition  nearly  exhausted. 
Canada  being  then  put  on  the  defensive,  the  fron- 
tier forts   were   thought  safe   for  a   time.     On  the 
Saturday  before  Rigaud's  arrival,    Hawks   had  sent 
Thomas  Williams,  the  surgeon,  brother  of  the  absent 
captain,  to  Deerfield,  with  a  detachment  of  fourteen 
men,    to  get  a  supply   of   powder  and   lead.     This 
detachment     reduced    the    entire    force,     including 
Hawks  himself  and  Norton,  the  chaplain,  to  twenty- 
two  men,   half  of  whom  were  disabled  with  dysen- 
tery, from  which  few  of  the  rest  were  wholly  free.^ 

*  See  the  notice  of  Williams  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  viii.  47.  He 
was  killed  in  the  bloody  skirmish  that  preceded  the  Battle  of  Lak& 
George  in  1755.     "  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,"  chap.  ix. 

2  "  Lord's  day  and  Monday  .  .  .  the  sickness  was  very  distress- 
ing. .  .  .  Eleven  of  our  men  were  sick,  and  scarcely  one  of  us  in 
perfect  health ;  almost  every  man  was  troubled  with  the  griping 
ftnd  flux."  —  Norton,  The  Redeemed  Captive. 


1746.]  SITE   OF  THE   FORT.  243 

There  were   also  in   the  fort  three  women  and  five 
children.  1 

The  site  of  Fort  Massachusetts  is  now  a  meadow 
by  the  banks  of  the  Hoosac.  Then  it  was  a  rough 
clearing,  encumbered  w^ith  the  stumps  and  refuse 
of  the  primeval  forest,  wdiose  living  hosts  stood 
grimly  around  it,  and  spread,  untouched  by  the  axe, 
up  the  sides  of  the  neighboring  Saddleback  Mountain. 
The  position  of  the  fort  was  bad,  being  commanded 
by  high  ground,  from  which,  as  the  chaplain  tells  us, 
"  the  enemy  could  shoot  over  the  north  side  into  the 
middle  of  the  parade,"  —  for  which  serious  defect, 
John  Stoddard,  of  Northampton,  legist,  capitalist, 
colonel  of  militia,  and  "  Superintendent  of  Defence, " 
was  probably  answerable.  These  frontier  forts  were, 
however,  often  placed  on  low  ground  with  a  view  to 
an  abundant  supply  of  water,  fire  being  the  most 
dreaded  enemy  in  Indian  warfare.''^ 

1  Rigaud  erroneously  makes  the  garrison  a  little  larger.  "  La 
garnison  se  trouve  de  24  hommes,  entre  lesquels  il  y  avolt  un 
ministre,  3  femmes,  et  5  enfans."  The  names  and  residence  of  all 
the  men  in  the  fort  when  the  attack  began  are  preserved.  Hawks 
made  his  report  to  the  provincial  government  under  the  title  "  An 
Account  of  the  Compani/  in  his  ^Tajestl|'s  Service  under  the  command  of 
Ser(j{  John  Hairks  .  .  .  at  Fort  Massachusetts,  Aiir/ust  20  [31,  new  style], 
1746."  The  roll  is  attested  on  oath  "  Before  William  Williams, 
Just.  Pacts."  The  number  of  men  is  22,  including  Hawks  and 
Norton.  Each  man  brought  his  own  gun.  1  am  indebted  to  the 
kindness  of  Professor  A.  L.  Perry  for  a  copy  of  Hawks's  report, 
which  is  addressed  to  "  the  Honble.  Spencer  Phipps,  Esq.,  Lieut. 
Gov^  and  Commander  in  Chief  [and]  the  Hon^}''  his  Majesty's  Council 
and  House  of  Representatives  in  General  Court  assembled." 

"  When  I  visited  the  place  as  a  college  student,  no  trace  of  the 
fort  was  to   be  seen  except  a  hollow,  which  may  have  been   the 


244  FORT  MASSACHUSETTS.  11746. 

Sergeant  Hawks,  the  provisional  commander,  was, 
according  to  tradition,  a  tall  man  with  sunburnt 
features,  erect,  spare,  very  sinewy  and  strong,  and  of 
a  bold  and  resolute  temper.  He  had  need  to  be  so, 
for  counting  every  man  in  the  fort,  lay  and  clerical, 
sick  and  well,  he  was  beset  by  more  than  thirty  times 
his  own  number;  or,  counting  only  his  effective 
men,  by  more  than  sixty  times,  — •  and  this  at  the 
lowest  report  of  the  attacking  force.  As  there  was 
nothing  but  a  log  fence  between  him  and  his  enemy, 
it  was  clear  that  they  could  hew  or  burn  a  way 
through  it,  or  climb  over  it  with  no  surprising  effort 
of  valor.  Rigaud,  as  we  have  seen,  had  planned  a 
general  assault  under  cover  of  night,  but  had  been 
thwarted  by  the  precipitancy  of  the  young  Indians 
and  Canadians.  These  now  showed  no  inclination  to 
depart  from  the  cautious  maxims  of  forest  warfare. 
They  made  a  terrific  noise,  but  when  they  came 
within  gunshot  of  the  fort,  it  was  by  darting  from 
stump  to  stump  with  a  quick  zigzag  movement  that 
made  them  more  difficult  to  hit  than  birds  on  the 
wing.  The  best  moment  for  a  shot  was  when  they 
reached  a  stump,  and  stopped  for  an  instant  to  duck 
and  hide  behind  it.  By  seizing  this  fleeting  oppor- 
tunity. Hawks  himself  put  a  bullet  into  the  breast  of 
an  Abenaki  chief  from  St.  Francis,  —  "  which  ended 


remains  of  a  cellar,  and  a  thriving  growth  of  horse-radish,  —  a  relic 
of  the  garrison  garden.  My  friend.  Dr.  D.  D.  Slade,  has  given  an 
interesting  account  of  the  spot  in  the  Magazine  of  American  His* 
tori/  for  October,  1888. 


1746.]  RIGAUD   WOUNDED.  245 

his  days,"  says  the  chaplain.  In  view  of  the  nimble- 
ness  of  the  assailants,  a  charge  of  buckshot  was  found 
more  to  the  purpose  than  a  bullet.  Besides  the  slain 
Abenaki,  Rigaud  reports  sixteen  Indians  and  French- 
men wounded,^ — which,  under  the  circumstances, 
was  good  execution  for  ten  farmers  and  a  minister; 
for  Chaplain  Norton  loaded  and  fired  with  the  rest. 
Rigaud  himself  was  one  of  the  Avounded,  having  been 
hit  in  the  arm  and  sent  to  the  rear,  as  he  stood 
giving  orders  on  the  rocky  hill  about  forty  rods  from 
the  fort.  Probably  it  was  a  chance  shot,  since, 
though  rifles  were  invented  long  before,  they  were 
not  yet  in  general  use,  and  the  yeoman  garrison  were 
armed  with  nothing  but  their  own  smooth-bore  hunt- 
ing-pieces, not  to  be  trusted  at  long  range.  The 
supply  of  ammunition  had  sunk  so  low  that  Hawks 
was  forced  to  give  the  discouraging  order  not  to  fire 
except  when  necessary  to  keep  the  enemy  in  check, 
or  when  the  chance  of  hitting  him  should  be  un- 
usually good.  Such  of  the  sick  men  as  were  strong 
enough  aided  the  defence  by  casting  bullets  and 
buckshot. 

The  outrageous  noise  lasted  till  towards  nine  in  the 
evening,  when  the  assailants  greeted  the  fort  with 
a  general  war-whoop,  and  repeated  it  three  or  four 
times ;  then  a  line  of  sentinels  was  placed  around  it 
to  prevent  messengers  from  carrjdng  the  alarm  to 
Albany  or   Deerfield.     The  evening   was  dark  and 

^  "  L'Ennemi  me  tua  un  abenakis  et  me  blessa  16  hommes,  tan* 
Iroquois  qu'Abenaquis,  nipissings  etfran^ois."  —  Journal  de  Rigaud. 


246  FORT  MASSACHUSETTS.  [1746. 

cloudy.  The  lights  of  a  camp  could  be  seen  by  the 
river  towards  the  southeast,  and  those  of  another 
near  the  swamp  towards  the  west.  There  was  a 
sound  of  axes,  as  if  the  enemy  were  making  scaling- 
ladders  for  a  night  assault;  but  it  was  found  that 
they  were  cutting  fagots  to  burn  the  wall.  Hawks 
ordered  every  tub  and  bucket  to  be  filled  with  water, 
in  preparation  for  the  crisis.  Two  men,  John 
Aldrich  and  Jonathan  Bridgman,  had  been  wounded, 
thus  farther  reducing  the  strength  of  the  defenders. 
The  chaplain  says :  "  Of  those  that  were  in  health, 
some  were  ordered  to  keep  the  watch,  and  some  lay 
down  and  endeavored  to  get  some  rest,  lying  down  in 
our  clothes  with  our  arms  by  us.  .  .  .  We  got  little 
or  no  rest;  the  enemy  frequently  raised  us  by  their 
hideous  outcries,  as  though  they  were  about  to  at- 
tack us.  The  latter  part  of  the  night  I  kept  the 
watch.** 

Rigaud  ppent  the  night  in  preparing  for  a  decisive 
attack,  "being  resolved  to  open  trenches  two  hours 
before  sunrise,  and  push  them  to  the  foot  of  the 
palisade,  so  as  to  place  fagots  against  it,  set  them  on 
fire,  and  deliver  the  fort  a  prey  to  the  fury  of  the 
flames."  1  It  began  to  rain,  and  he  determined  to 
wait   till   morning.      That  the   commander  of  seven 

^  "  Je  passay  la  nuit  a  conduire  I'ouvrage  auquel  j'avois  destine 
le  jour  precedent,  resolu  a  faire  ouvrir  la  tranchee  deux  heures 
avant  le  lever  du  soleil,  et  de  la  pousser  jusqu'au  pied  de  la 
palissade,  pour  y  placer  les  fascines,  y  appliquer  I'artifice,  et  livrer 
le  fort  en  proye  a  la  fureur  du  feu."  —  Journal  de  Rigaud,  He  mis- 
takes in  calling  the  log  wall  of  the  fort  a  palisade. 


1746.]  A  PARLEY.  247 

hundred  French  and  Indians  should  resort  to  such 
elaborate  devices  to  subdue  a  sergeant,  seven  militia- 
men, and  a  minister,  —  for  this  was  now  the  effective 
strength  of  the  besieged,  —  was  no  small  compliment 
to  the  spirit  of  the  defence. 

The  firing  was  renewed  in  the  morning,  but  there 
was  no  attempt  to  open  trenches  by  daylight.  Two 
men  were  sent  up  into  the  watch-tower,  and  about 
eleven  o'clock  one  of  them,  Thomas  Knowlton,  was 
shot  through  the  head.  The  number  of  effectives 
was  thus  reduced  to  eight,  including  the  chaplain. 
Up  to  this  time  the  French  and  English  witnesses 
are  in  tolerable  accord ;  but  now  there  is  conflict  of 
evidence.  Rigaud  says  that  when  he  was  about  to 
carry  his  plan  of  attack  into  execution,  he  saw  a 
white  flag  hung  out,  and  sent  the  elder  De  Muy, 
with  Montigny  and  D'Auteuil,  to  hear  what  the 
English  commandant  —  whose  humble  rank  he  no- 
where mentions  —  had  to  say.  On  the  other  hand, 
Norton,  the  chaplain,  says  that  about  noon  the 
French  "desired  to  parley,"  and  that  "we  agreed  to 
it."  He  says  farther  that  the  sergeant,  with  himself 
and  one  or  two  others,  met  Rigaud  outside  the  gate, 
and  that  the  French  commander  promised  "good 
quarter"  to  the  besieged  if  they  v/ould  surrender, 
with  the  alternative  of  an  assault  if  they  would  not. 
This  account  is  sustained  by  Hawks,  who  says  that 
at  twelve  o'clock  an  Indian  came  forward  with  a  flag 
of  truce,  and  that  he.  Hawks,  with  two  or  three 
others,  went  to  meet  Rigaud,  who  then  offered  honor- 


248  FORT  MASSACHUSETTS.  [1746. 

able  terms  of  capitulation.'  The  sergeant  promised 
an  answer  within  two  hours ;  and  going  back  to  the 
fort  with  his  companions,  examined  their  means  of 
defence.  He  found  that  they  had  left  but  three  or 
four  pounds  of  gunpowder,  and  about  as  much  lead. 
Hawks  called  a  council  of  his  effective  men.  Norton 
prayed  for  divine  aid  and  guidance,  and  then  they 
fell  to  considering  the  situation.  "  Had  we  all  been 
in  health,  or  had  there  been  only  those  eight  of  us 
that  were  in  health,  I  believe  every  man  would  will- 
ingly have  stood  it  out  to  the  last.  For  my  part,  I 
should,"  writes  the  manful  chaplain.  But  besides 
the  sick  and  wounded,  tliere  were  three  women  and 
five  children,  who,  if  the  fort  were  taken  by  assault, 
would  no  doubt  be  butchered  by  the  Indians,  but 
who  might  be  saved  by  a  capitulation.  Hawks  there- 
fore resolved  to  make  the  best  terms  he  could.  He 
had  defended  his  post  against  prodigious  odds  for 
twenty-eight  hours.  Rigaud  promised  that  all  in  the 
fort  should  be  treated  with  humanity  as  prisoners  of 
war,  and  exchanged  at  the  first  opportunity.  He  also 
promised  that  none  of  them  should  be  given  to  the  In- 
dians, though  he  had  lately  assured  his  savage  allies 
that  they  should  have  their  share  of  the  prisoners. 

At  three  o'clock  the  principal  French  officers  were 
admitted  into  the  fort,  and  the  French  flag  was  raised 

1  Journal  of  Sergeant  Hawks,  cited  by  William  L.  Stone,  Life  and 
Times  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  1.  227.  What  seems  conclusive  is 
that  the  French  permitted  Norton  to  nail  to  a  post  of  the  fort  a 
short  account  of  its  capture,  in  which  it  is  plainly  stated  that  the 
first  advances  were  made  by  Rigaud. 


1746.]  CAPITULATION.  249 

over  it.  The  Indians  and  Canadians  were  excluded : 
on  which  some  of  the  Indians  pulled  out  several  of 
the  stones  that  formed  the  foundation  of  the  wall, 
crawled  through,  opened  the  gate,  and  let  in  the 
whole  crew.  They  raised  a  yell  when  they  saw  the 
blood  of  Thomas  Knowlton  trickling  from  the  watch- 
tower  where  he  had  been  shot,  then  rushed  up  to 
where  the  corpse  lay,  brought  it  down,  scalped  it, 
and  cut  off  the  head  and  arms.  The  fort  was  then 
plundered,  set  on  fire,  and  burned  to  the  ground. 

The  prisoners  were  led  to  the  French  camp;  and 
here  the  chaplain  was  presently  accosted  by  one 
Doty,  Rigaud's  interpreter,  who  begged  him  to  per- 
suade some  of  the  prisoners  to  go  with  the  Indians. 
Norton  replied  that  it  had  been  agreed  that  they 
should  all  remain  with  the  French ;  and  that  to  give 
up  any  of  them  to  the  Indians  Avould  be  a  breach  of 
the  capitulation.  Doty  then  appealed  to  the  men 
themselves,  who  all  insisted  on  being  left  with  the 
French,  according  to  the  terms  stipulated.  Some  of 
them,  however,  were  given  to  the  Indians,  who,  after 
Rigaud's  promise  to  them,  could  have  been  pacified 
in  no  other  way.  His  fault  was  in  making  a  stipula- 
tion that  he  could  not  keep.  Hawks  and  Norton, 
with  all  the  women  and  children,  remained  in  the 
French  camp. 

Hearing  that  men  were  expected  from  Deerfield  to 
take  the  places  of  the  sick,  Rigaud  sent  sixty  Indians 
to  cut  them  off.  They  lay  in  wait  for  the  English 
reinforcement,  which  consisted  of  nineteen  men,  gave 


250  FORT  MASSACHUSETTS.  [1746. 

them  a  close  fire,  shot  down  fifteen  of  them,  and 
captured  the  rest.^  This  or  another  party  of  Rigaud's 
Indians  pushed  as  far  as  Deerfield  and  tried  to  way- 
lay the  farmers  as  they  went  to  their  work  on  a 
Monday  morning.  The  Indians  hid  in  a  growth  of 
alder-bushes  along  the  edge  of  a  meadow  where  men 
were  making  hay,  accompanied  by  some  children. 
One  Ebenezer  Hawks,  shooting  partridges,  came  so 
near  the  ambushed  warriors  that  they  could  not  resist 
the  temptation  of  killing  and  scalping  him.  This 
alarmed  the  haymakers  and  the  children,  who  ran  for 
their  lives  towards  a  mill  on  a  brook  that  entered 
Deerfield  River,  fiercely  pursued  by  about  fifty 
Indians,  who  caught  and  scalped  a  boy  named 
Amsden.  Three  men,  Allen,  Sadler,  and  Gillet,  got 
under  the  bank  of  the  river  and  fired  on  the  pursuers. 
Allen  and  Gillet  were  soon  killed,  but  Sadler  escaped 
unhurt  to  an  island.  Three  children  of  Allen  — • 
Eunice,  Samuel,  and  Caleb  —  were  also  chased  by 
the  Indians,  who  knocked  down  Eunice  with  a  toma- 
hawk, but  were  in  too  much  haste  to  stop  and  scalp 
her,  and  she  lived  to  a  good  old  age.  Her  brother 
Samuel  was  caught  and  dragged  off,  but  Caleb  ran 
into  a  field  of  tall  maize,  and  escaped. 

The  firing  was  heard  in  the  village,  and  a  few 
armed  men,  under  Lieutenant  Clesson,  hastened  to 
the  rescue;  but  when  they  reached  the  spot  the 
Indians  were  gone,  carrying  the  boy  Samuel  Allen 

^  One  French  account  says  that  the  Indians  failed  to  meet  th« 
English  party.    N.  Y.  Col.  Does.  x.  35. 


1746]  THE  PRISONERS.  251 

with  them,  and  leaving  two  of  their  own  number 
dead.  Clesson,  with  such  men  as  he  had,  followed 
their  trail  up  Deerfield  River,  but  could  not  overtake 
the  light-footed  savages. 

Meanwhile,  the  prisoners  at  Fort  Massachusetts 
spent  the  first  night,  well  guarded,  in  the  French 
and  Indian  camps.  In  the  morning,  Norton,  accom- 
panied by  a  Frenchman  and  several  Indians,  was  per- 
mitted to  nail  to  one  of  the  charred  posts  of  the  fort 
a  note  to  tell  what  had  happened  to  him  and  his 
companions.^  The  victors  then  marched  back  as 
they  had  come,  along  the  Hoosac  road.  They  moved 
slowly,  encumbered  as  they  were  by  the  sick  and 
wounded.  Rigaud  gave  the  Indians  presents,  to 
induce  them  to  treat  their  prisoners  with  humanity. 
Norton  was  in  charge  of  De  Muy,  and  after  Avalking 
four  miles  sat  down  with  him  to  rest  in  Williamstown 
valley.  There  was  a  yell  from  the  Indians  in  the 
rear.  "  I  trembled, "  writes  Norton,  "  thinking  they 
had  murdered  some  of  our  peoj^le,  but  was  filled 
with  admiration  when  I  saw  all  our  prisoners  come 
up  with  us,  and  John  Aldrich  carried  on  the  back  of 
his  Indian  master."  Aldrich  had  been  shot  in  the 
foot,  and  could  not  walk.     "We  set  out  again,  and 

1  The  note  was  as  follows :  "  August  20  [31,  new  style],  1716. 
These  are  to  inform  you  that  yesterday,  about  9  of  the  clock,  we 
were  besieged  by,  as  they  say,  seven  hundred  French  and  Indians. 
They  have  wounded  two  men  and  killed  one  Knowlton.  The  Gen- 
eral de  Vaudreuil  desired  capitulations,  and  we  were  so  distressed 
that  we  complied  with  his  terms.  We  are  the  Frencli's  prisoners, 
and  have  it  under  the  general's  hand  that  every  man,  woman,  and 
child  shall  be  exchanged  for  French  prisoners." 


252  FORT  MASSACHUSETTS.  [1746. 

had  gone  but  a  little  way  before  we  came  up  with 
Josiah  Reed."  Reed  was  extremely  ill,  and  could 
go  no  farther.  Norton  thought  that  the  Indians 
would  kill  him,  instead  of  which  one  of  them  carried 
him  on  his  back.  They  were  said  to  have  killed  him 
soon  after,  but  there  is  good  reason  to  think  that  he 
died  of  disease.  "  I  saw  John  Perry's  wife,"  pursues 
the  chaplain;  "she  complained  that  she  was  almost 
ready  to  give  out."  The  Indians  threatened  her, 
but  Hawk3  spoke  in  her  behalf  to  Rigaud,  who 
remonstrated  with  them,  and  they  afterwards  treated 
her  well.  The  wife  of  another  soldier,  John  Smead, 
was  near  her  time,  and  had  lingered  behind.  The 
French  showed  her  great  kindness.  "  Some  of  them 
made  a  seat  for  her  to  sit  upon,  and  brought  her  to 
the  camp,  where,  about  ten  o'clock,  she  wiis  gra- 
ciously delivered  of  a  daughter,  and  was  remarkably 
well.  .  .  .  Friday:  this  morning  I  baptized  John 
Smead's  child.  He  called  its  name  Captivity.'''  The 
French  made  a  litter  of  poles,  spread  over  it  a  deer- 
skin and  a  bear-skin,  on  which  they  placed  the 
mother  and  child,  and  so  carried  them  forward. 
Three  days  after,  there  was  a  heavy  rain,  and  the 
mother  was  completely  drenched,  but  suffered  no 
harm,  though  "Miriam,  the  wife  of  Moses  Scott, 
hereby  catched  a  grievous  cold."  John  Perry  was 
relieved  of  his  pack,  so  that  he  might  help  his  wife 
and  carry  her  when  her  strength  failed.  Several 
horses  were  found  at  the  farms  along  the  way,  and 
the  sick  Benjamin  Simons  and  the  wounded  John 


1746.]  RAVAGES.  ii53 

Aldrich  were  allowed  to  use  two  of  them.  Rarely, 
indeed,  in  these  dismal  border-raids  were  prisoners 
treated  so  humanely;  and  the  credit  seems  chiefly 
due  to  the  efforts  of  Rigaud  and  his  officers.  The 
hardships  of  the  march  were  shared  by  the  victors, 
some  of  whom  were  sorely  wounded;  and  four 
Indians  died  within  a  few  days. 

"  I  divided  my  army  between  the  two  sides  of  the 
Kask^kouk^  "  (Hoosac),  says  Rigaud,  "and  ordered 
them  to  do  what  I  had  not  permitted  to  be  done 
before  we  reached  Fort  INIassachusetts.  Every  house 
was  set  on  fire,  and  numbers  of  domestic  animals  of 
all  sorts  were  killed.  French  and  Indians  vied  with 
each  other  in  pillage,  and  I  made  them  enter  the 
[valleys  of  all  the]  little  streams  that  flow  into  the 
Kask^kouk^  and  lay  waste  everything  there.  .  .  . 
Wherever  we  went  we  made  the  same  havoc,  laid 
waste  both  sides  of  the  river,  through  twelve  leagues 
of  fertile  country,  burned  houses,  barns,  stables,  and 
even  a  meeting-house,  —  in  all,  above  two  hundred 
establishments,  —  killed  all  the  cattle,  and  ruined  all 
the  crops.  Such,  Monseigneur,  was  the  damage  I 
did  our  enemies  during  the  eight  or  nine  days  I  was 
in  their  country."^  As  the  Dutch  settlers  had 
escaped,  there  was  no  resistance. 

The  French  and  their  allies  left  the  Hoosac  at  the 
point  where  they  had  reached  it,  and  retraced  their 
steps  northward  through  the  forest,  where  there  was 
an  old  Indian  trail.     Recrossing  the  Batten  Kill,  or 

*  Journal  de  Rigaud. 


254  FORT  MASSACHUSETTS.  [1716. 

"River  of  Saratoga,"  and  some  branches  of  Wood 
Creek,  they  reached  the  place  where  they  had  left 
their  canoes,  and  found  them  safe.  Rigaud  says :  "  I 
gave  leave  to  the  Indians,  at  their  request,  to  con- 
tinue their  fighting  and  ravaging,  in  small  parties, 
towards  Albany,  Schenectady,  Deerfield,  Saratoga, 
or  wherever  they  pleased,  and  I  even  gave  them  a 
few  officers  and  cadets  to  lead  them."  These  small 
ventures  were  more  or  less  successful,  and  produced, 
in  due  time,  a  good  return  of  scalps. 

The  main  body,  now  afloat  again,  sailed  and 
paddled  northward  till  they  reached  Crown  Point. 
Rigaud  rejoiced  at  finding  a  haven  of  refuge,  for  his 
wounded  arm  was  greatly  inflamed :  "  and  it  was  time 
I  should  reach  a  place  of  repose."  He  and  his  men 
encamped  by  the  fort  and  remained  there  for  some 
time.  An  epidemic,  apparently  like  that  at  Fort 
Massachusetts,  had  broken  out  among  them,  and 
great  numbers  were  seriously  ill. 

Norton  was  lodged  in  a  French  house  on  the  east 
side  of  the  lake,  at  what  is  now  called  Chimney 
Point;  and  one  day  his  guardian,  De  Muy,  either 
thinking  to  impress  him  with  the  strength  of  the 
place,  or  with  an  amusing  confidence  in  the  minister's 
incapacity  for  making  inconvenient  military  observa- 
tions, invited  him  to  visit  the  fort.  He  accepted  the 
invitation,  crossed  over  with  the  courteous  officer, 
and  reports  the  ramparts  to  have  been  twenty  feet 
thick,  about  twenty  feet  high,  and  mounted  with 
above   twenty  cannon.     The  octagonal  tower  which 


174G-1748.]  THE  FORT  REBUILT.  256 

overlooked  the  ramparts,  and  answered  in  some  sort 
to  the  donjon  of  a  feudal  castle,  was  a  bomb-proof 
structure  in  vaulted  masonry,  of  the  slaty  black 
limestone  of  the  neighborhood,  three  stories  in  height, 
and  armed  with  nine  or  ten  cannon,  besides  a  great 
number  of  patereroes,  —  a  kind  of  pivot-gun  much 
like  a  swivel.^ 

In  due  time  the  prisoners  reached  Montreal, 
whence  they  were  sent  to  Quebec ;  and  in  the  course 
of  the  next  year  those  who  remained  alive  were  ex- 
changed and  returned  to  New  England. ^  Mrs.  Smead 
and  her  infant  daughter  "  Captivity  "  died  in  Canada, 
and,  by  a  singular  fatality,  her  husband  had  scarcely 
returned  home  when  he  was  waylaid  and  killed  by 
Indians.  Fort  Massachusetts  was  soon  rebuilt  by  the 
province,  and  held  its  own  thenceforth  till  the  war  was 
over.  Sergeant  Hawks  became  a  lieutenant-colonel, 
and  took  a  creditable  part  in  the  last  French  war. 

For  two  years  after  the  incursion  of  Rigaud  the 
New  England  borders  were  scourged  with  partisan 
warfare,  bloody,  monotonous,  and  futile,  with  no 
event  that  needs  recording,  and  no  result  beyond  a 
momentary  check  to  the  progress  of  settlement.  At 
length,  in  July,  1748,  news  came  that  the  chief  con- 

1  Kalm  also  describes  the  fort  and  its  tower.  Little  trace  of 
either  now  remains.  Amlierst  demolished  tliem  in  1759,  when  he 
built  the  larger  fort,  of  which  the  ruins  still  stand  on  the  highei 
ground  behind  the  site  of  its  predecessor. 

*  Of  the  twenty-two  men  in  the  fort  when  attacked,  one,  Knowl- 
ton,  was  killed  by  a  bullet ;  one.  Reed,  died  just  after  the  surrender , 
ten  died  in  Canada,  and  ten  returned  home.  Report  of  Sergeant 
Hawks. 


256  FORT  MASSACHUSETTS.  [174S. 

tending  powers  in  Furope  had  come  to  terms  of 
agreement,  and  in  the  next  October  the  Peace  of 
Aix-la-Chapelle  was  signed.  Both  nations  were  tii-ed 
of  the  weary  and  barren  conflict,  with  its  enormous 
cost  and  its  vast  entail  of  debt.  It  was  agreed  that 
conquests  should  be  mutually  restored.  The  chief 
conquest  of  England  was  Louisbourg,  with  the  island 
of  Cape  Breton,  —  won  for  her  by  the  farmers  and 
fishermen  of  Xew  England.  When  the  preliminaries 
of  peace  were  under  discussion,  Louis  XV.  had 
demanded  the  restitution  of  tlie  lost  fortress;  and 
George  II.  is  said  to  have  replied  that  it  was  not  his 
to  give,  having  been  captured  by  the  people  of 
Boston.^  But  his  sense  of  justice  was  forced  to  yield 
to  diplomatic  necessity,  for  Louisbourg  was  the  indis- 
pensable price  of  peace.  To  the  indignation  of  the 
northern  provinces,  it  was  restored  to  its  former  own- 
ers. "The  British  ministers,"  says  Smollett,  "gave 
up  the  important  island  of  Cape  Breton  in  exchange 
for  a  petty  factory  in  the  East  Indies "  (Madras), 
and  the  King  deigned  to  send  two  English  noblemen 
to  the  French  court  as  security  for  the  bargain. 

Peace  returned  to  the  tormented  borders ;  the  settle- 
ments advanced  again,  and  the  colonists  found  a  short 
breathing  space  against  the  great  conclusive  struggle 
of  the  Seven  Years'  War. 

1  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  X.  147. 


appe:^dix. 


A. 


CHAPTER  XVII.  ENGLAXD  HAS  NO  RIGHTF[JL 
TITLES  TO  NORTH  AMERICA,  EXCEPT  THOSE 
WHICH   MAY   BE   GRANTED   HER  BY  FRANCE. 

Second  Memoire  concernant  les  limites  des  Colonies  pre- 
sente  en  1720,  par  Babe  pretre  de  la  congregation  de 
la  Mission,     a  Versailles.     Archives  Nationales. 

{Extracts,  printed  ItteratiJii.) 

"  L'annee  Dernier  1719  je  presente  un  Memoire  Concer- 
nant les  pretensions  reciproques  de  la  grande  bretagne  et  de 
la  france  par  Raport  aux  Colonies  des  deux  Nations  dans 
L'Amerique,  et  au  Eeglement  des  limites  des  dites  Colonies. 

"  Je  ne  repete  pas  ce  que  j'ay  dit  dans  ce  memoire,  je 
prie  seulement  que  Ton  pese  bien  tout  ce  que  j'y  dis  pour 
Aneantir  les  pretensions  des  Anglois,  et  pour  les  Convain- 
cre,  s'ils  veullent  etre  de  bonne  foy,  qu'elles  sont  des  plus 
mal  fondees,  tres  Exorbitantes,  et  memes  injustes,  qu'ayant 
usurpe  sur  La  france  presque  tout  ce  qu'ils  possedent  en 
Amerique,  ils  deveroient  luy  rendre  au  lieu  de  luy  de- 
mander,  et  qu'ils  deveroient  estimer  Comme  un  tres  grand 
avantage  pour  Eux,  la  Compensation  que  j'y  propose  pour 
finir  cette  affaire,  laqu'elle,  sans  cette  Compensation,  renai- 

VOL.  II.— 17 


268  APPENDIX. 

tra  toujours  jusqu'a  ce  qu'enfin  la  frauce  soit  rentr^e  en 
paisible  possession  de  tout  ce  qui  luy  appartient  legitime- 
ment,  et  dont  on  ne  L'a  depoilillee  que  par  la  force  et  La 
malheureuse  Conjoncture  des  terns,  qui  sans  doute  tot  ou 
tard  luy  seront  plus  favorables. 

"  II  Est  surprenant  que  les  Anglois  entendus  Comme  ils 
sont  par  Raport  a  leurs  Interests,  ne  fassent  pas  attention 
qu'il  Leurs  est  infiniment  plus  Avantageux  de  s'assurer,  par 
un  traite  raisonnable,  la  tranquille  et  perpetuelle  possession 
des  payis  ou  ils  etoie<it  etablis  avant  la  paix  D'utrecht,  que 
de  vouloir  profiter  des  Conjonctures  pour  oster  aux  frauQois 
des  payis  qu'ils  ne  Cederont  jamais  de  bon  Coeur,  et  dont 
ils  se  rempareront  quand  ils  trouveront  I'occasion  favorable 
pour  Cela,  se  persuadant  qu'il  leur  sera  alors  permis  de 
reprendre  par  force,  ce  que  par  force  on  leurs  k  pris,  et 
ce  qu'ils  ont  ete  oblig^  de  Ceder  a  Utrecht;  et  meme  de 
reprendre  au  moins  une  partie  des  payis  que  I'angleterre 
a  usurpez  sur  la  france,  qui  ne  les  a  jamais  cedez  par  aucun 
traite  que  je  scache.  .   .   . 

"  Jean  Verazan  par  ordre  de  frauQois  1"  fit  La  decouverte 
de  tons  les  payis  et  Costes  qui  sont  Entre  le  33^.  et  le  47f 
Degre  de  latitude,  et  y  fit  deux  voyages  dont  le  dernier  fut 
en  1523  et  par  ordre  et  au  nom  du  dit  Roy  francois  1"  il  prit 
possession  de  toute  cette  Coste  et  de  tous  ces  payis,  bien  long 
terns  avant  que  les  Anglois  y  Eussent  Ete. 

"  L'an  1562  Les  francois  s'etablirent  dans  La  Caroline. 
Champlain  a  La  fin  de  la  relation  de  ses  voyages  fait  un 
cliapitre  exprez  Dans  lequel  il  prouve. 

"  1°.  Que  La  france  a  pris  possession  de  toutes  les  Costes 
et  payis  depuis  la  floride  inclusivement  jusqu'au  fleuve  S? 
Laurent  inclusivem',  avant  tout  autre  prince  chretien. 

2°.  Que  nos  roys  ont  eu,  dez  le  Commancement  des 
decouvertes  des  lieutenans  generaux  Dans  ces  payis  et 
Costes. 


APPENDIX.  269 

3*.   Que  Les  franqois  les  ont  habitez  avant  les  Anglois. 

4°.  Que  Les  pretensions  des  Anglois  sont  Mai  foudees. 

"  La  Lecture  De  ce  chapitre  fait  voir  que  Champlain 
prouve  invinciblement  tous  ces  chefs,  et  de  maniere  que 
les  Anglois  n'ont  rien  de  bon  a  y  repondre,  de  sorte  que 
s'ils  veullent  §tre  de  bonne  foy,  ils  doivent  Convenir 
que  tous  ces  payis  appartiennent  Legitimeinent  a  la  france 
qu'ils  s'en  sont  emparez  et  qu'ils  les  Retiennent  Centre 
toute  justice.   .   .  . 

"  II  Est  A  Remarquer  que  quoyque  par  le  traite  de  S* 
gerraain  I'angleterre  dut  restituer  tout  ce  qu'elle  Avoit 
occupe  dans  la  Xouvelle  france,  et  par  Consequent  toute 
la  Coste  depuis  baston  jusqu'a  la  virginie  inclusivement 
(car  alors  les  Anglois  ne  s'etoient  pas  encore  emparez  de 
la  Caroline)  laqu'elle  Coste  est  Certainement  partie  de  la 
Nouvelle  france,  les  Anglois  ne  I'ont  pas  Cepeiidant  res- 
tituee  et  la  gardent  encore  a  present  Contre  la  teneur  du 
traite  de  S'  Germain,  quoy  que  la  france  ne  L'ait  point 
Cedee  a  L'angleterre  ni  par  le  dit  traite  ui  par  Aucun 
Autre  que  je  scache. 

"  Cecy  Merite  La  plus  serieuse  attention  de  la  france,  et 
qu'elle  fasse  Entendre  serieusement  aux  Anglois  que  par  le 
traite  de  Sf  germain  ils  se  sont  obligez  de  luy  rendre  toutte 
cette  Coste,  qui  incontestableraent  est  partie  de  la  Xou^-elle 
france,  Comme  je  L'ay  prouve  cy  devant  et  encore  plus  au 
long  dans  mon  If  memoire  et  Comme  le  prouvent  Verazan, 
Champlain,  Denis,  et  toutes  les  plus  ancienes  Cartes  de 
I'amerique  septentrionale.    .   .  . 

"  Or  Le  Comraun  Consentement  de  toute  I'Europe  est  de 
depeindre  la  Xouvelle  france  S'etendant  au  moins  au  3of  et 
36f  degrez  de  latitude  Ainsy  qu'il  appert  par  les  mappe- 
mondes  imprimees  en  Espagne,  Italie,  hollande,  flandres,  alle- 
magne  Et  Angleterre  me  me,  Sinon  depuis  que  les  Anglois 
ee  sont  Emparez  des  Costes  de  la  Xouvelle  france,  ou  est 


260  APPENDIX. 

L'Acadie,  Etecheraains  L'almouchicois,  et  la  grande  riviere 
de  S!  I'aurens,  ou  ils  ont  impose  a  leur  fantaisie  des  Koms 
de  nouvelle  Angleterre,  Ecosse,  et  autres,  mais  il  est  mal 
ais^  de  pouvoir  Effacer  une  chose  qui  est  Connue  De  toute 
la  Chretientee  D'ou  je  Conclus, 

"  1°.  Quavant  L'Usurpatiou  faite  par  les  Anglois,  toute 
Cette  Coste  jusqu'au  35f  Degre  s'appelloit  Nouvelle  frauce, 
laquelle  Comprenoit  outre  plusieurs  autres  provinces, 
I'Etechemains,   L'almouchicois,   et  L'acadie.   .  .   . 

"  Les  Anglois  Doivent  remettre  a  La  france  le  Port 
Royal,  et  La  france  doit  insister  vigoureusement  sur  cette 
restitution,  et  ordonner  aux  fran^ois  de  Port  Royal,  Des 
Mines,  et  de  Beaubassin,  et  autres  lieux  De  reconaitre  sa 
Majeste  tres  Chretiene  pour  leur  Souverain,  et  leur  defFen- 
dre  d'obeir  a  aucun  autre;  de  plus  Commander  a  tous  ces 
lieux  et  pay  is,  et  a  toute  la  partie  Septentrionale  de  la 
Peninsule,  ainsi  qu'aux  payis  des  Alraouchicois  et  des 
Etechemains  [iJ/azne,  New  Hawpshire,  and  3Iassachu- 
setts]^,  de  Reconaitre  le  gouverneur  de  I'isle  Royale  pour 
leur  Gouverneur. 

"  II  Est  meme  apropos  De  Comprendre  Dans  le  Brevet 
de  gouverneur  de  L'isle  Royale  tous  ces  payis  jusqu'au 
Cap  Cod.   .  .   . 

"  Que  La  france  ne  doit  point  souffrir  que  les  Anglois 
s'etablissent  Dans  les  payis  qu'elle  n'a  pas  Cedez. 

"  Qu'elle  Doit  incessament  s'en  remettre  en  possession, 
y  Envoyer  quantite  D'habitans,  et  s'y  fortifier  de  maniere 
qu'ou  puisse  Arreter  les  Anglois  que  depuis  long  terns 
tachent  de  s'emparer  de  I'amerique  francoise  dont  ils  Co- 
naissent  L'importance,  et  dont  ils  feroient  un  meilleur  usage 
que  celuy  que  les  francois  en  font.  ... 

"  Si  les  Anglois  disent  que  les  payis  qui  sont  entre  les 
rivieres  de  quinibequi  \_Kennehec]  et  de  S'f  Croix  font 
partie  de  la  Nouvelle  Angleterre. 


APPENDIX.  261 


Je  leurs  Eepons 

**  1**.  Qu'ils  scavent  bien  le  Contraire,  que  Ces  payis  ont 
toujours  fait  partie  de  la  Nouvelle  france,  que  Les  francoia 
les  ont  toujours  possedez  et  habitez,  que  MonsT  De  Sf  Cas- 
tiii  gentilliomme  francois  a  toujours  eu,  et  a  encore  son 
habitation  entre  la  Riviere  de  Quinibequi  et  celle  de  Pen- 
tagoet  \^Penobscot^  (qi^^®  nieme  depuis  les  usurpations  des 
anglois  et  leurs  etablissements,  dans  leur  Pretendue  Nou- 
velle Angleterre)  les  francois  ont  toujours  pretendu  que 
la  Nouvelle  france  s'etend  qusqu'au  Cap  Cod  et  qu'il  en 
est  fait  mention  dans  toutes  les  patentes  de  gouverneurs 
francois. 

"  2°  Que  De  L'aveu  meme  des  Anglois,  la  Nouvelle  An- 
gleterre a  une  tres  petite  Etendue  du  Coste  de  L'est,  il  est 
facile  de  le  prouver  par  eux  memes. 

"  J'ay  Lu  une  description  de  la  Nouvelle  Angleterre  et 
des  autres  Colonies  Angloises,  Coraposee  par  un  Anglois, 
traduite  en  francois,  imprimee  a  Paris  en  1674  par  Loiiis 
Billaine,  voicy  les  propres  termes  de  Get  autheur  Anglois, 
La  Nouvelle  Angleterre  est  au  Septentrion  de  Marylande, 
au  raport  du  Capitaine  Smith,  elle  a  prez  de  25  Lieues  de 
Coste  de  mer. 

"  Ainsi  selon  les  Anglois  qui  sont  de  Bonne  foy,  la  Nou- 
velle Angleterre,  qui  n'a  que  prez  de  25  lieues  de  Coste  de 
mer,  ne  scauroit  s'etendre  jusqu'e  a  La  Eiviere  de  Quine- 
bequi.  C'est  tout  au  plus  si  elle  s'etend  jusqu'a  deux  ou 
trois  lieues  a  l'est  De  Baston. 

"  II  Semble  meme  que  les  Anglois  ont  basti  Baston,  et  en 
ont  fait  une  ville  Considerable  a  I'extremete  de  leur  pre- 
tendue Nouvelle  Angleterre. 

"  1°  Pour  etre  a  portee  et  en  Etat  de  s'emparer  sur  les 
francois  de  tout  ce  qui  est  a  L'est  de  Baston. 


262  APPENDIX. 

"  2*  Pour  gtre  en  Etat  d'Empecher  les  fraiicois  de  s'eta. 
blir  8ur  toute  Cette  Coste  jusqu  k  La  Karoline  inclusive- 
ment,  laquelle  Coste  etant  de  Notoriete  publique  de  la 
Nouvelle  france,  a  ete  usurpez  sur  La  france  a  qui  elle 
appartenoit  alors,  et  luy  appartient  Encore,  ne  L'ayant 
jamais  cedee.     C'est  ce  que  je  vais  prouver. 

"  Apres  Avoir  Invinciblement  Convaincu  les  Anglois  que 
tout  ce  qui  est  a  L'est  de  quinibequi  a  Toujours  appaitenu 
et  appartient  encore  a  La  france,  excepte  L'Acadie  selnn  ses 
Ancienes  limites,  qu'elle  a  Cedce  par  force  a  L'Angleterre 
par  La  paix  d'utrecht. 

"  II  faut  Que  Presentement  je  prouve  que  toute  La  Coste 
depuis  la  Riviere  quinibequi  jusqu'  a  La  Caroline  inclu- 
sivement  appartient  par  toutes  sortes  de  droits  a  La  france. 
Sur  qui  les  Anglois  L'ont  usurped,  voicy  une  partie  de  mes 
preuves. 

"  Les  fran9ois  ont  decouvert  tons  ces  payis  Avant  les 
Anglois,  et  en  ont  pris  possession  avant  Eux.  Les  Roys 
de  france  ont  nomme  ces  payis  Caroline  et  Nouvelle  franco 
avant  que  les  Anglois  leurs  eussent  donne  des  Nonas  d  leur 
mode  pour  faire  oublier  les  Noms  que  les  francois  Leurs 
avoient  imposez.  Et  que  ces  payis  Appartenoient  a  La 
france. 

"  Les  Roys  de  france  ont  Donne  des  lettres  patentes  a 
leurs  sujets  pour  posseder  et  habiter  ces  payis,  avant  que 
Jacques  If  et  Charles  If  Roys  d'Angleterre  en  eussent 
donne  a  Leurs  sujets. 

"  Pour  Convaincre  les  Anglois  de  ces  veritees  il  faut  Lire 
avec  attention  ce  qu'en  ont  Ecrit  Jean  verazan,  Champlain, 
Laet,  Denis. 

"  Les  traitez  faits  Entre  La  france  et  L'Angleterre,  et  Le 
memoire  que  j'ay  presente  L'annee  Dernier  1719. 

"  On  y  Trouvera  tant  de  Choses,  lesquelles  il  seroit  trop 
long  de  Copier  icy,  qui  prouvent  que  ces  payis  ont  toujours 


APPENDIX.  263 

appartenu  de  droit  a  La  france,  et  que  les  Anglois  s'en  sont 
emparez  par  force,  que  La  france  ne  les  a  jamais  Cedez  a 
I'angleterre  par  aucun  traite,  que  je  scache. 

"  Et  Partant  que  La  france  Conserve  toujours  son  droit 
sur  tous  ces  payis,  et  qu'elle  a  droit  de  les  redemander  a 
I'Angleterre.  Comme  elle  les  redemande  presentement,  ou 
Bien  un  Equivalent. 

"  L'Equivalent  que  la  france  demande  et  dont  elle  veut 
bien  se  Con  tenter,  C'est  la  restitution  de  tout  ce  qu'elle  a 
Cedee  par  force  a  L'Angleterre  par  Le  traite  D'utrecht. 

"  II  Est  De  I'honeur  et  de  I'interest  de  I'angleterre  d'ac- 
corder  a  la  france  cette  Equivalent. 

"  1°  Parceque  n'y  ayant  point  D'honeur  k  profiter  des 
Malheurs  D'un  Roy  pour  Luy  faire  Ceder  par  force  les 
payis  qui  luy  appartiennent,  il  est  de  I'honeur  de  L'An- 
gleterre de  rendre  a  la  france,  ce  qu'elle  a  ete  Contrainte 
de  luy  ceder,  et  qu'elle  ne  possede  qu'a  ce  mauvais  tiltre. 

"  2°  II  est  aussi  Contre  la  justice  et  I'honeur  de  I'angle- 
terre de  posseder  sans  aucun  Tiltre,  et  Contre  toute  justice 
les  payis  qui  sont  depuis  la  Riviere  de  quinibequi  jusqu'a 
la  Caroline  inclusivement. 

"  3°  II  N'est  pas  moins  de  I'honeur  et  de  I'interest  de 
I'angleterre  de  profiter  du  moyen  que  la  france  veut  bien 
luy  presenter,  pour  sassurer  a  perpetuite  toute  Cette  Coste, 
et  pour  la  posseder  justem'  par  la  Cession  que  la  france  en 
fera,  et  de  tous  ses  droits  sur  ces  payis  moyennant  L'Equi- 
valent propose. 

"  4°  Parceque  L'Angleterre  doit  Craindre  que  la  france, 
dont  elle  ne  Doit  mepriser  ni  le  Ressentiment  ni  la  puis- 
sance, ne  trouve  une  Conjoncture  favorable  pour  faire  valoir 
ses  pretensions  et  ses  droits,  et  pour  Rentrer  en  possession 
de  tout  ce  que  L'Angleterre  Luy  a  usurpee,  et  de  tout  ce 
qu'elle  I'a  obligd  par  force  de  luy  Ceder. 

"  5"   Quand  on  veut  trop  avoir,  souvent  on  n'a  Rien,  et 


264  APPENDIX. 

meme  on  perd  ce  que  L'on  Avoit.  II  est  done  de  la  sagesse 
Et  de  I'interest  de  I'Angleterre  de  ne  paa  pousser  trop  loin 
ses  demandps,  et  de  Convenir  avec  La  france  de  sorte  qu'elle 
puisse  posseder  Avec  justice  et  tranquilleinent  des  payis  que 
la  france  Aura  toujours  droit  de  reprendre  jusqu'a  ce  qu'elle 
en  ait  fait  une  Cession  lihre  et  volontain?,  et  qu'il  paroisse 
que  L'Angietf  rre  Kn  f;iveur  de  Cotte  Cession  luy  ait  donn^ 
un  Equivalent. 

"  La  france  s'otrre  d(inc  pour  vivre  en  paix  avec  I'Angle- 
terre de  luy  Coder  tons  ses  droits  aur  toiite  la  Coste  qui  est 
entre  la  riviere  de  quinibequi  dans  la  Nouvelle  france  jusqu'a 
la  Riviere  Jounlaiii,  dans  la  Caroline,  de  sorte  que  ces  deux 
rivieres  servent  d»;  liniites  aux  francois  et  aux  Anglois. 

"  La  france  Demande  pour  Equivalent  de  la  Cession  de 
tant  de  payis,  si  grands,  si  beaux,  et  si  a  sa  biensceance  que 
I'Angleterre  luy  rendo  Et  restitue  tout  ce  qu'elle  luy  a  ced^ 
par  le  traits  Dutrccht. 

"  Si  La  france  ne  pent  pas  engager  L'Angleterre  h  conve- 
nir de  Cet  E(|uivalent,  Elle  pouroit  (inais  Ce  ne  doit  §tre 
qu'a  L'extremite)  Ceder  Encore  a  I'Angleterre  la  Caroline 
francoise,  C'est  a  dire,  ce  qui  est  au  sud  de  la  Riviere  Jour- 
dain,  Ou  bien  Ce  qui  est  Entre  la  Riviere  quinibequi,  et  Celle 
de  Pentagoet.     Ou  bien  leur  offrir  une  somme  D'argent. 

"  11  Semble  que  L'Angleterre  doive  estimer  Comme  un 
grand  Avantage  pour  Elle,  que  La  france  veuille  bien  Con- 
venir de  Cet  Equivalent,  qui  Assure  Aux  Anglois  et  leur 
rend  legitime  La  possession  de  Cette  grande  etendue  de 
Costes  qu'ils  ont  usurpez  sur  La  france,  qui  ne  les  a  ja- 
mais Cedez,  qui  ne  les  Cedera  jamais,  et  sur  lesqu'elles  elle 
Conservera  toujours  ses  legitimes  droit  et  pretensions, 
jusqu'a  ce  qu'elle  les  ait  Cedees  a  L'angleterre  moyennant 
un  Equivalent  raisonnable  tel  qu'est  la  Restitution  de  tout 
ce  que  La  France  luy  a  Cede  par  force  a  Utrecht. 


APPENDIX.  265 


LiMITES. 

"  Suposee  L'acceptation  de  Get  Equivalent  par  L'une  et 
I'autre  Nation. 

"  La  france  toujours  genereuse  Consentira  pour  vivre  en 
paix  avec  les  Anglois,  qu'une  ligue  tiree  depuis  Tembou- 
chure  de  la  Riviere  de  quinibequi,  ou  bien,  depuis  I'em- 
bouchure  de  la  Riviere  de  Pentagoet,  qui  ira  tout  droit 
passer  a  egale  distance  entre  Corlard  \_Scltenectadi/'\  et  les 
lacs  de  Cham  plain  et  du  Saint  Sacrement,  et  joindre  la 
ligne  par  laqu'elle  le  sieur  de  L'isle  geograplie  termine 
les  terres  Angloises,  jusqu'a  la  Riviere  Jourdain,  ou  bien 
jusqu'a  La  Caroline  inclusivem'-.  La  france  dis-je  Consen- 
tira que  cette  ligne  serve  De  borne  et  limites  aux  terres  des 
deux  Nations,  de  sorte  que  tons  les  pay  is  et  terres  qui  sont 
entre  Cette  ligne  et  la  mer  appartiendront  a  L'Angleterre, 
et  que  tout  ce  qui  sera  au  dela  de  cette  ligne  appartiendra 
a  La  france. 

"  Dans  Le  fond  il  est  avantageux  a  la  france  de  faire 
incessament  regler  les  limites,  tant  pour  Empeclier  les  An- 
glois  d'empieter  toujours  de  plus  en  plus  sous  pretexte  de 
limites  Non  regleos,  que  parcequ'il  est  assure  que  si  le  droit 
de  la  france  est  bien  soutenu  le  reglenient  lui  sera  Avanta- 
geux, aussi  bien  que  I'equivalent  que  j'ay  propose. 

"  Mais  il  pouroit  arriver  que  les  Anglois  qui  out  demande 
le  Reglement  des  limites,  voyant  qu'il  ne  doit  pas  leur  etre 
favorable  s'il  est  fait  selon  la  justice,  pourroient  bien  eux 
memes  I'eloigner,  afin  de  pouvoir  toujours  empieter  sur  les 
francois  sous  pretexte  de  limites  non  reglees,  et  de  se  mettre 
toujours  en  possession  des  payis  Appartenans  a  la  france. 

"  En  ce  Cas  et  aussi  au  Cas  que  les  Anglois  ne  veuUent 
pas  restituer  a  la  france  leur  Nouvelle  Angleterre  et  autres 
payis  jusqu'a  la  Caroline  inclusivement  qu'ils  luy  out  usur 


266  APPENDIX. 

pez,  ou  bien  leur  rendre  L'Acadie  &*  pour  I'equivalent  Dont 
j'ay  parld 

"  1°  II  faut  que  la  france  mette  incessament  quantite  d'ha- 
bitans  dans  le  payis  qui  est  entre  la  riviere  de  quinibequi  et 
Celle  de  S'-  Croix,  lequel  payis  qui  selon  les  Anglois  N'est 
point  en  Litige,  ni  partie  de  la  pretendue  Nouvelle  Ecosse, 
merae,  selon  I'etendue  iinaginaire  que  luy  .i  donn^e  Icur  Roy 
Jacques  If  qui  ne  la  fait  Commancer  qu'a  La  riviere  S" 
Croix,  et  Celle  de  quinibequi  N'ayant  jamais  ete  Cede  ni 
par  le  traite  D'utreclit  ni  par  Aucun  autre  que  je  scache, 
et  ce  payis  Ayant  toujours  appartenu  a  La  france,  et  ete 
par  elle  possedez  et  habite,  Mf  de  S'  Castin  gentilliomme 
francois  ayant  son  habitation  entre  la  riviere  de  Pentagoet 
et  Celle  de  quinibequi  comnie  je  I'ay  Deja  dit. 

"  2'  On  pout  nieine  faire  entendre  a  L'Angleterre  que  Le 
Roy  donnera  Ce  payis  a  la  Compagnie  des  Indes  qui  scaura 
bien  le  deflfcndre  et  le  faire  valoir. 

"  Que  Le  Roy  donnera  aussi  a  la  Compagnie  des  Indes  la 
Caroline  francoise,  Comme  depandance  et  province  de  la 
louisiane,  a  Condition  qu'elle  y  mettera  des  habitans,  et  y 
fera  batir  de  bons  forts,  et  une  bonne  Citadelle  pour  soutenir 
et  deflfendre  ce  beau  payis  Centre  les  Anglois. 

"  II  Est  Certain  que  si  le  Roy  fait  entendre  serieusement 
qu'il  est  resolu  de  donner  a  la  Compagnie  des  Indes  non 
seulement  La  Caroline  francoise,  et  le  payis  qui  est  entre 
les  Rivieres  de  quinibequi  et  de  S"  Croix,  mais  aussi  de  luy 
Ceder  et  abandonner  tons  ses  droits  sur  tous  les  payis  que 
les  Anglois  ont  usurpez  sur  la  france. 

"  II  Est  Certain  Dis  je,  que  les  Anglois,  Crainte  D' A  voir 
affaire  avec  une  Compagnie  si  puissante,  se  resoudront  au 
Reglement  des  limites,  tel  que  je  I'ay  propose,  et  a  rendre 
a  la  france  toute  la  Nouvelle  Ecosse  ou  Acadie  selon  ses 
Ancienes  limites,  Enfin  tout  ce  que  la  france  leur  i  Cedez  a 
Utrecht,  moyennant  une  somme  D'Argent,  ou  bien  L'equiva* 
lent  que  j'ay  Aussi  propose. 


APPENDIX.  267 

*  Je  finis  Ce  memoire  en  priant  de  faire  une  tres  serieuse 
attention  aux  Exorbitantes  pretensions  des  Anglois  et  a  tout 
ce  qu'ils  ont  fait  Et  font  encore  pour  se  rendre  maitres  de 
la  pesche  la  Molue,  et  de  L'Amerique  francoise. 

"  En  Eflfet  il  est  tres  important  que  quand  on  traitera  du 
reglement  des  limites,  La  france  attaque  les  Anglois  au  lieu 
d'etre  sur  La  defensive,  C'est  a  dire,  qu'elle  doit  demander 
aux  Anglois  tout  ce  qu'ils  ont  usurpez  sur  Elle,  et  le  de- 
mander vigoureusement. 

"  C'est  pent  etre  le  meilleur  moyen  de  les  mettre  a  la 
Raison,  il  est  menie  apropos  qu'elle  les  presse  de  finir 
Cette  affaire,  Dont  sans  doute  La  Conclusion  luy  sera 
Avantageuse,  si  on  luy  rend  justice." 


II. 

DEMANDES   DE   LA  FRANCE    (1723). 

Archives  du  Ministere  des  Affaires  Etrangeres. 

{Literatim.) 

"  Pour  tons  les  Raisons  deduites  cy  devant  La  france 
demande  a  Langleterre. 

"  1°  Qu'EUe  laisse  jouir  Tranquillement  la  france  de 
Tons  les  pays  qui  sont  a  L'Est  de  la  riviere  Quinibequi 
ou  de  Celle  de  S'  Georges  excepte  de  la  senile  ville  de  Port 
Royal  avec  sa  banlieiie  et  de  L'accadie  selon  ses  anciennes 
Limites,  C'Est  a  dire  La  partie  Meridionale  de  la  Peninsule 
depuis  le  Cap  fourchu  jusqua  Camseau  Exclusivement,  Que 
la  france  a  cedee  par  la  traite  d'Utrecht,  Tout  le  reste  qui 
est  a  L'Est  de  Quinibequi  [^Kennebec'],  appartenant  a  La 
France  en  tout  souverainete  depuis  L'an  1524.  Laquelle 
ne  la  jamais  cede  ny  par  le  Traitte  d'Utrecht  ny  par  aucun 
autre  traitte. 


268  APPENDIX. 

"  2°  Que  les  Anglois  Tiaisseiit  Vivro  Tranquillement  soua 
la  domination  du  Roy  loa  nations  Sanvngps  qui  Bont  dans 
Les  payis  a  L'Est  d<^  Quiuilwqui  ft  qu'ils  Ninquiptrnt  point 
les  Missionnaires  qui  deineureront  dies  len  d.  Nations  Ny 
les  fran(jois  qtii  I  rent  Chds  Elles. 

"3"  Que  Les  Anglois  restituent  a  la  franco  co  qu'ils  ont 
occupd  a  L'Est  do  Quinibequi  et  (ju'ils  ne  Trouvrnt  pas 
mauvais  que  les  fran(jois  prennent  dctruispiit  ou  g;ird«'nt  Irs 
forts  Postos  et  habitations,  que  les  Anglois  out  Etahlis,  ou 
Etabliront  dans  tons  les  I'ays  a  Ti'Est  tie  Quiniliiqui,  ou  do 
la  Rivierre  S*  Georges  Car  quand  niPnic  il  ne  Seroist  pas 
sure  quo  Ces  d.  Pays  apparticiincnt  a  La  Prance,  il  suflit 
qu'ils  sont  Conteste  pour  rendre  injuste  et  Violente  L'occu- 
pation  qu'En  fcroient  les  Anglois  avant  que  la  Contestation 
fut  finie. 

"  4"  Quo  Les  Anglois  n-stituent  tout  ce  qu'ils  Occupcnt 
dans  la  Xouvello  franco  depuis  Le  30*  degrt^  jusqua  Quini- 
bequi ou  jusqua  T^a  Rivierre  S'  georges  Coninie  Kile  y  est 
obligee  par  Le  traitte  de  S!  gerinain  En  Laye  En  1G3L'. 
La  franco  ne  luy  ayant  jamais  cede  par  aucun  Traitte  aucune 
partie  de  touto  La  Xouv»'lle  f ranee,  sinon  La  Ville  de  Port 
Royal  avec  sa  Banliciie  et  lacadic  selon  ses  anciennes 
Limittes. 

"Si  les  Anglois  disnnt  quo  la  Franco  ne  sVst  point 
opposee  aux  occupations  qu'ils  ont  fait  dans  la  Nouvelle 
franco 

"  Je  Leur  repons  que  la  franco  sy  est  toujours  opposee  et 
qu'elle  s'Est  Toujours  Maintenue  dans  la  souverainete  do 
touto  la  Nouvelle  f ranee,  soit  en  donnant  tout  ses  Pays 
enconcession,  soit  en  y  envoyant  des  gouvcrneurs  gt-neraux, 
soit  en  Nommant  Vice  Roys  de  la  Xouvelle  franco  Li-s  pbis 
grands  Seigneurs  du  Royaume,  Tels  Ont  este  M.  Le  Comte 
do  Soissons,  M.  Le  Prince  de  Conde,  ^f.  de  Montmorency, 
M.  Le  Due  de  Vantadour,  M.  Le  Cardinal  do  Richelieu  etc 


APPENDIX.  269 

qui  des  les  premiers  terns  ont  este  successivement  Viceroys 
de  la  Nouvelle  france  et  Terres  Circouvoisines,  par  la  Lec- 
ture de  leurs  patentes  On  verra  que  Nos  Roys  se  sont  Tou- 
jours  Conserve  la  Souverainete  des  pays  qui  sont  Entre  le 
30*  et  Le  50*  degre,  et  qu'ils  Nont  jamais  Consenty  que  les 
Anglois  y  fissent  aucun  Etablisseiuent  et  que  sy-ils  y  en  ont 
fait  (ji  este  Malgre  la  france,  que  avoit  trop  d'affaires  en 
Europe  pour  pouvoir  les  Empecher,  Se  reservant  Toujours 
ses  droits  et  la  Volonte  de  les  faire  Valoir  qnand  Elle  en 
Trouveroit  une  occasion  favorable,  ce  qui  pourroit  bien  ar- 
river  un  jour,  alors  on  Verroit  que  L'on  ne  s'Empare  pas 
Impunement  et  par  Violence,  des  Domaines  d'un  Roy  de 
france  et  qu'il  est  asses  puissant  pour  se  reniettre  en  poces- 
sion  Tost  ou  tard  de  ce  qu'on  a  Usurpe  sur  luy,  C'est  a  quoy 
les  Anglois  deveroient  faire  attention,  et  ce  qui  devroit  les 
obliger  de  ne  pas  mepriser  Ny  maltraitter  La  France  Coniuie 
lis  font. 

"  La  france  s'Est  encore  opposee  aux  Usurpations  des 
Anglois  Les  ayant  oblige  par  le  traitte  de  8|  Germain  En 
1032,  de  restituer  a  la  france  Tout  ce  qu'ils  avoient  jus- 
qual'ors  occupe  dans  la  Xouvelle  france,  lis  Xont  pas  cepen- 
dant  Encore  fait  cette  restitution,  Mais  on  leiir  deinande 
presentement  qu'ils  la  fassent  incessaramant  N'Etant  pas 
juste  qu'ils  retiennent  plus  Longtems  ce  qui  ne  leiir  a[)[)ar- 
tient  pas,  et  qu'ils  ont  promis  solennellei^ent  de  restituer  a 
la  france. 

"  Mais  disent  Les  Anglois  Nous  sommes  Etablis  dans  La 
Nouvelle  france  depuis  la  Caroline  Inclusiveinent  jusqiia 
Quinibequi  depuis  1585,  jusqua  presant  1723.  Nous  y 
avons  mis  quantitee  d'habitans  et  bastis  plusieurs  grandes 
villes.  Navons  Nous  pas  prescrit  Contre  La  fiance  par  uu« 
sy  Longue  procession." 


270  APPENDIX. 


Reponse. 

"  Non  parce  que  La  france  sy  est  Toujours  opposes  par 
les  Lettres  pattentes  qu'Elle  a  donnees  aux  Concesionnaires 
Generaux,  aux  Lieutenants  generaux  et  aux  Viceroys  de  la 
Nouvelle  france. 

"  Non  parce  que  La  france  obligea  en  1632,  par  Le  traitt^ 
de  S*  Germain,  Langleterre  de  luy  restituer  tons  les  lieux 
occupes  dans  la  Nouvelle  france  par  les  Anglois,  Et  que  le 
traitte  de  Breda  en  1667,  celuy  de  Neutralite  en  1686,  et 
celuy  d'Utrecht  en  1713,  ne  disent  rien  d'ou  on  puisse  In- 
ferer  que  la  france  ait  cede  a  Langleterre  aucune  partie 
de  la  Nouvelle  france,  sinon  la  province  de  la  Cadie  se- 
lon  ses  anciennes  Limittes,  et  la  seule  ville  de  Port  Royal 
avec  ses  dependances  ou  Banlieiie.  Je  dis  encore  que  Cette 
longue  possession  des  anglois,  ces  Villes  baties  et  ce  grand 
Nombre  d'habitans  mis  par  eux  dans  ces  pays  Naneantissent 
point  le  droit  de  la  france  pour  les  redemander.   .  .   . 

"  II  y  avoit  Environ  150  ans  que  les  frauQois  avoient  aban- 
donne  les  postes  qu'ils  avoient  alors  sur  la  Coste  du  Bresil 
les  Portuguais  sy  Etablirent  aussitost  y  Mirent  quantite 
d'habitans  et  y  batirent  de  grandes  Villes.  lis  ne  Croyoient 
pas  cependant  que  pour  cela  la  france  fut  dechiie  de  ses 
droits  de  propriete  et  de  souverainete  sur  ces  pays  aban- 
donnes  par  Elle  depuis  150  ans,  puisqua  Utrecht  en  1713 
Le  Roy  de  Portugal  demanda  au  Roy  qu'il  luy  abandonnat 
ses  droits  sur  ces  pays,  ce  qui  Le  Roy  fit  en  Consideration 
du  Portugal. 

"  Les  Anglois  possedoient  depuis  longues  annees  La  Ja- 
maique  yavoient  quantite  d'habitans,  de  forts  et  de  riches 
Villes,  persuades  cependant  que  les  droits  de  I'Espagne 
subsisteroient  Tant  quelle  Ny  auroit  pas  renonce  en  leur 
faveur.  lis  demanderent  a  Utrecht  Cette  renonciation  an 
Roy  d'Espagne  et  il  la  leur  accorda. 


APPENDIX.  271 

■  Si  lea  Anglois  avoient  demand^  a  la  france  une  Cession 
de  tous  ces  droits  sur  les  pays  occupes  par  Eux  dans  la  Nou- 
velle  france  II  y  a  apparance  que  le  Roy  leur  auroit  fait 
cession  a  des  Conditions  raisonnables.  lis  nont  pas  deraan- 
des  cette  cession,  ou  sy  ils  lont  demandee,  elle  ne  leur  a  pas 
est^  accorded  les  droits  de  la  france  subsistent  done  Tou- 
jours  et  Elle  pretend  presentement  que  les  Anglois  qui  en 
usent  sy  mal  avec  Elle,  luy  restituent  Tout  ce  quelle  a 
usurpe  dans  la  Nouvelle  france  depuis  le  30*  jusquau 
50*  degre." 

"  Mais  disent  les  Anglois  Commant  pouvoir  restituer  un 
sy  vaste  pays  ou  nous  avons  une  Infinite  d'habitans  et  un 
tres  grand  nombre  de  belles  et  riches  villesl  Une  Telle 
restitution  N'Est  pas  practicable." 


Responsk. 

"  Javoue  qu'il  est  bien  difficile  de  sy  resoudre  meme  aux 
personnes  qui  font  profession  d'aimer  L'Equite  et  La 
Justice. 

"  Mais  Le  Koy  aime  trop  la  nation  Angloise,  a  trop  de 
Consideration  pour  Elle,  desire  trop  luy  faire  plaisir,  et  est 
trop  genereux  pour  exiger  d'EUe  une  Telle  restitution  Vou- 
lant  luy  donner  Un  Exemple  de  la  moderation  dont  il  sou- 
haite  que  Langleterre  use  a  son  Egard. 

"  II  se  desistera  Volontiers  de  tous  ces  droits  et  consen- 
tira  que  Toute  la  Coste  jusqua  20  Lieues  dans  I'Enfonce- 
ment  des  Terres  Depuis  le  32*.  degr^  jusqua  la  Rivierre  de 
Quinibequi  demeure  en  toute  propriete  et  souverainete  a 
perpetuite  a  Langleterre  a  condition  quelle  Sobligera  par 
un  traitte  solennel  et  decisif  de  ne  jamais  passer  ces  limites. 
Que  la  france  ne  sera  jamais  fnquiete  par  Langleterre  dans 
la  JouissancS  en  propriete  et  souverainete  de  Ce  qui  est  au 


272  APPENDIX. 

dela  de  ces  20  lieues  dans  lenfoncement  des  terres  et  de  Tous 
les  pays  qui  sont  a  L'Est  de  la  rivierre  de  Quinibequi,  qui 
de  Ce  Cost^  la  servira  de  Limites  aux  deux  Nations,  et  que 
Langleterre  rendra  a  la  frauce  Le  port  Royal  et  la  Cadie 
avec  leurs  dependances,  Enfin  Tout  ce  que  la  frauce  luy 
a  Cede  par  le  traite  d'Utrecht  sans  en  rien  Excepter. 

"  Get  offre  du  Roy  doit  estre  agreable  a  Langleterre  et 
luy  faire  plaisir,  parceque  sy  elle  I'accepte  elle  possedera 
a  juste  Titre  cette  grande  partie  de  la  Nouvelle  france, 
qu'EUe  possedera  Toujours  injustement  sy  Elle  Naccepte 
pas  un  olire  sy  raisonnable  que  Luy  fait  Le  E-oy  qui  sans 
cette  acceptation  Ne  renoncera  jamais  a  ses  droits  de  sou- 
verainete  sur  une  sy  grande  et  sy  belle  partie  de  la  Nou- 
velle  Erance,  droits  que  les  anglois  doivent  Craindre  qu'il 
Ne  fasse  Valoir  Tost  ou  tard,  Car  si  puissante  que  soit 
Langleterre,  lis  ne  doivent  pas  croire  que  la  france  ne 
luy  cede  rien  en  puissance  ny  en  quoy  que  ce  soit,  et  qu'on 
ne  la  meprise  et  maltraitte  pas  Impunement. 

"  Sy  Les  Anglois  ont  quelques  autres  titres  et  quelques 
autres  raysons  a  alleguer  en  leur  faveur,  sy  on  me  veut 
faire  L'honneur  de  me  les  Comrauniquer,  Je  moffre  d'y 
repondre  d'une  maniere  a  les  obliger  d'  avouer  qu'ils  ont 
tort,  sils  sont  de  bonne  foy  et  si  ils  airaent  La  justice  et  la 
paix. 

Addition. 

"  On  vient  de  me  faire  voire  une  carte  de  la  nouvelle 
france  presents  au  Roy  par  les  Anglois  sur  la  quelle  est 
tracd  par  une  ligne  tout  ce  qu'ils  pretendent  en  vertu  du 
traitte  d'Utrecht. 

"  lis  y  etendent  sy  loin  leurs  pretentions  dans  Les  terres, 
qu'il  y  a  tout  lieu  de  Croire  que  cette  Ligne  na  pas  et^ 
tracee,  Ny  Cette  carte  presentee  par  ordre  et  au  scu  du 
Sage  et  judicieux  ministre  dangleterre,  mais  par  quelqu'TJn 


APPENDIX.  273 

que  donne  a  penser  qu'il  veut  brotiiller  L'angleterre  avec 
La  france. 

"  Ce  qui  donne  encore  plus  de  lieu  a  avoir  de  luy  cette 
pensee  C'est  que  le  traitte  d'Utrecht  ayant  determine  les 
Limites  des  deux  Nations  pour  la  pesche,  par  desairs  de 
vent,  quoyque  par  toutes  les  nations  les  airs  de  vent  se 
tracent  en  Ligne  droite,  il  les  a  trace  en  Ceintre  a  L'Est 
de  Lisle  de  Sable,  en  quoy  il  semble  avoir  Intention  de  se 
mocquer  de  la  france  et  de  L'lrriter. 

"  La  prise  d'un  vaisseau  franqois  dans  Le  passage  de 
Camceau,  La  Construction  d'un  fort  a  Canceau,  Le  nom 
d'albanie  donne  a  la  partye  de  la  Xouvelle  France  qui  est 
entre  quinibequi  et  la  ville  de  Port  Koyal  pays  qui  n'a  point 
este  Cede  par  le  traitte  d'Utrecht,  Les  forts  Construits,  et 
Les  Concessions  donnees,  Les  Nations  sauvages,  et  Les 
missionnaires  maltraites  dans  ce  pays  appartenant  a  la 
france,  ou  du  moins  pretendu  et  Conteste  par  EUe. 

"  Tout  cela  pourroit  bien  Venir  de  quelque  Anglois  qui 
voudroit  brouiller  les  deux  Nations.  C'est  aux  Anglois 
pacifiques  a  le  punir  et  a  la  france  a  sopposer  a  de  telles 
entreprises  jusqu  ce  que  les  Limites  soient  reglees  d'Une 
Maniere  Equitable. 

"  Collationne  et  figure  sur  une  Copie  de  Memoire  ou 
notte  en  papier  non  Signee  ni  dattee  estant  au  Secretariat 
du  Chateau  S'  Louis  de  Quebec  ou  elle  est  restee  Par  Le 
Notaire  Royal  en  la  prevoste  de  Quebec  y  resident  sous- 
signe  ce  jourdhuy  Vingt  cinq  Juillet  mil  sept  cent  cinquante. 

Du  Laurent. 

"  Francois  Bigot,  Conseiller  du  Roy  en  ses  Conseils, 
Intendant  de  justice.  Police,  finances  et  de  la  marine  en  la 
Nouvelle  france. 

"  Certifions  a  tousqu'il  appartiendra  que  Mj'  Dulaurent 
qui  a  signe  la  Collation  de  L'autre  part  Est  notaire  Royal 
en  la  prevoste  de  Quebec  Et  que  foy   doit   Estre   ajoute4 

VOL.  II.  — 18 


274  APPENDIX. 

a  sa  signature  En  la  d*  qualite ;  En  temoin  de  quoy  nous 
avons  signee  et  fait  Contresigner  ces  presentes  par  notre 
secretaire  et  a  Icelles  fait  apposer  le  Cachet  de  nos  armes, 
fait  en  notre  hotel  a  Quebec  Le  p"  Aoust,  mil  sept  cent 
Cinquante. 

Bigot 

Pab  monseigneub 

Deschekaux." 

Endorsed.    "  Envoy^  par  M^  Bigot  Intend',   du  Canada  avec  sa 
lettre  au  M'.'.  de  Puyzieulx  du  W.  aoust  1750.    No  26, 1723." 


B. 

CHAPTERS  XIX.,    XX.,    XXI. 

THE   SIEGE   OF    LOUISBOURG   AS   DESCRIBED 
BY   FRENCH  WITNESSES. 

Lettre  (Vun  Habitant  de  Louishourg  contenant  une  Rela- 
tion exacte  et  circonstanciee  de  la  Prise  de  I'Isle 
Royale  par  les  Anglois.  A  Quebec,  cJiez  GuillaiiTne 
le  Sincere,    a    V Image    de  la     Vet' it e.    MDCCXLV. 

[^Extraits.'] 

[Literatim.l 

"  .  .  .  Le  mauvais  succ^s  dont  cette  entreprise  (against 
Annapolis)  a  ete  suivie,  est  envisage,  avec  raison,  comme 
la  cause  de  notre  perte.  Les  Anglois  ne  nous  auroient 
peut-gtre  point  inquietes,  si  nous  n'eussions  ete  les  premi- 
ers a  les  insulter.  Notre  qualite  d'aggresseurs  nous  a  ete 
funeste;  je  I'ai  oiii  conter  k  plus  d'un  ennemi,  &  je  n'y  vois 
que  trop  d'apparence.  Les  habitans  de  la  nouvelle  Angle- 
ierre   etoient   interresses  k  vivre    en   paix   avec  nous.     Ila 


APPENDIX.  275 

I'eusaent  sans  doute  fait,  si  nous  ne  nous  ^tions  point  avisos 
mal  k  propos  de  les  tirer  de  cette  security  ou  ils  etoient 
k  notre  egard.  lis  comptoient  que  de  part  &  d'autre,  on  ne 
prendroit  aucun  parti  dans  cette  cruelle  guerre  qui  a  mis 
I'Europe  en  feu,  et  que  nous  nous  tiendrions  comme  eux 
sur  la  seule  defensive.  La  prudence  le  dictoit;  mais  elle 
n'est  pas  toujours  la  rdgle  des  actions  des  hommes:  nous 
I'avons  plus  eprouv^  que  qui  que  ce  soit.   .   .   . 

"...  L'expedition  de  I'Acadie  raanquee,  quoiqu'il  y  eut 
tout  a  parier  qu'il  reuissiroit  par  le  pen  de  forces  que  les 
ennemis  avoient  pour  nous  resister,  leur  fit  faire  de  serieuses 
reflexions  sur  notre  crainte,  ou  notre  faiblesse.  Selon  tous 
les  apparences,  ils  en  conclurent  qu'ils  devoient  profiter 
d'une  aussi  favorable  circonstance,  puisque  des-lors  ils  tra- 
vaillerent  avec  ardeur  a  I'armement  qui  leur  etait  neces- 
saire.  lis  ne  firent  pas  comme  nous:  ils  se  preterent  un 
secours  mutuel:  on  arma  dans  tous  leurs  Ports,  depxiis 
I'Acadie  jusqu'au  bas  de  la  Cote :  on  depecha  en  Angleterre, 
&  on  envoya,  dit  on,  jusqu'a  la  Jamaique  afin  d'en  tirer 
tous  les  secours  qu'il  seroit  possible.  Cette  entreprise  fut 
concertee  avec  prudence,  et  Ton  travailla  tout  I'hiver  pour 
Stre  pr^t  au  premier  beau  tems. 

"  Les  preparatifs  n'en  pouvaient  etre  si  secrets,  qu'il  n'en 
transpirat  quelque  chose.  Nous  en  avions  ete  informes  des 
les  premiers  instans,  &  assez  a  tems  pour  en  pouvoir  donner 
avis  a  la  Cour.   .  .  . 

"  Nous  eumes  tout  I'hiver  a  nous,  c'etait  plus  qu'il  n'en 
falloit  pour  nous  mettre  en  etat  de  defense ;  mais  la  terreur 
s'etoit  emparee  des  esprits:  on  tenait  des  conseils,  dont  le 
resultat  n'avoit  rien  que  de  bizarre  et  de  puerile ;  cependant 
le  tems  s'ecoulait,  nous  perdions  de  precieux  momens  en  de- 
liberations inutiles,  &  en  resolutions  presque  aussi  tot  de- 
truites  que  prises.  Quelques  ouvrages  demandoient  qu'on 
les   parachevat:  il  en   falloit   renforcer  quelques-uns,  aug- 


276  APPENDIX. 

menter  quelques  autres,  pourvoir  a  des  postes,  visiter  tous 
ceux  de  I'lsle,  voir  ou  la  descente  etoit  plus  facile,  faire  le 
denombrement  des  personnes  en  etat  de  porter  les  arraes, 
assigner  a  chacun  son  poste ;  enfin  se  donner  tous  les  soins 
et  les  mouvemens  ordinaires  en  pareil  cas ;  rien  de  tout  cela 
ne  se  faisoit ;  de  sorte  que  nous  avons  ete  surpris,  comme  si 
I'ennemi  fut  venu  fondre  sur  nous  a  I'improviste.  Nous 
aurions  eu  merae  assez  de  terns  pour  nous  precautionner 
mieux  qu'on  ne  I'a  fait,  depuis  le  jour  ou  nous  vimes  pa- 
roitre  les  premiers  Navires  qui  nous  ont  bloques;  car  ils 
n'y  sont  venues  que  les  uns  apres  les  autres,  ainsi  que  je 
le  dirai  dans  la  suite.  La  negligence  &  la  deraison  avoient 
conjur^  la  perte  de  notre  malheureuse  Isle.   .  .   . 

"  Ce  fut  le  quatorze  [Mars],  que  nous  vimes  les  premiers 
Navires  ennemis;  ils  n'etoient  encore  que  deux,  &  nous  les 
primes  d'abord  pour  des  Vaisseaux  rran9ois;  mais  nous 
fumes  bien  tot  detrompes  par  leur  mancEuvre.  Le  nombre  en 
augmentoit  de  jour  a  autre,  il  en  arriva  jusqu'a  la  fin  de 
Mai.  lis  croiserent  long-tems,  sans  rien  tenter.  Le  rendez- 
vous general  etoit  devant  notre  Isle,  ou  ils  arrivoient  de  tous 
cotez;  car  on  avoit  arme  a  I'Acadie,  Plaisance,  Baston,  & 
dans  toute  I'Amerique  Anglaise.  Les  secours  d'Europe  ne 
vinrent  qu'en  Juin.  C 'etoit  moins  une  entreprise  formee 
par  la  Nation  ou  par  le  Roi,  que  par  les  seuls  habitans  de 
la  nouvelle  Angleterre.  Ces  peuples  singuliers  ont  des 
Lois  &  une  Police  qui  leur  sont  particulieres,  &  leur  Gou- 
verneur  tranche  du  Souverain.  Cela  est  si  vrai,  que,  quoi- 
qu'il  y  eut  guerre  declaree  entre  les  deux  Couronnes,  il 
nous  la  declara  lui  de  son  chef  &  en  son  nom,  comme  s'il 
avoit  fallu  qu'il  cut  autorise  son  maitre.  Sa  declaration 
portoit,  qu'il  nous  declaroit  la  guerre  pour  lui,  &  pour  tous 
ses  amis  &  allies;  il  entendoit  parler  apparemment  dea 
Sauvages  qui  leur  sont  soumis,  qu'on  appelle  Indiens,  & 
que  Ton  distingue  des  Sauvages  qui  obeissent  a  la  France. 


APPENDIX.  277 

On  verra  que  rAmiral  Warren  n'avoit  rien  a  commander 
aux  troupes  euvoyees  par  le  Gouverneur  de  Baston,  &  que 
cet  Amiral  n'a  ete  que  Spectateur,  quoique  ce  soit  a  lui  que 
nous  nous  soyons  rendus.  II  nous  en  avoit  fait  solliciter. 
Ce  qui  marque  bieu  I'independance  qu'il  y  avoit  eutre  I'ar- 
mee  de  terre  &  celle  de  mer  que  I'on  nous  a  toujours  dis- 
tinguees  comme  si  elles  eussent  ete  de  differentes  Nations. 
Quelle  IMonarchie  s'est  jamais  gouvernee  de  la  sorte  ? 

"  La  plus  grande  partie  des  Batimens  de  transport  etant 
arrives  dans  le  commencement  de  Mai,  nous  les  appergumes 
le  onze  en  ordre  de  bataille,  au  nombre  de  quatre-vingt  seize 
venant  du  cote  de  Canceaux  &  dirigeant  leur  route  vers  la 
Pointe  plate  de  la  Baye  de  Gabariis.  Nous  ne  doutames 
plus  qu'ils  n'y  fissent  leur  descente.  C'est  alors  qu'on  vit 
la  necessite  des  precautions  que  nous  aurions  du  prendre. 
On  y  envoya  a  la  hate  un  detachement  de  cent  hommes,  tires 
de  la  garnison  &  des  Milices,  sous  le  comraandement  du 
sieur  3Iorpoi7i,  Capitaine  de  Port.  Mais  que  pouvait  un 
aussi  faible  corps,  contre  la  multitude  que  les  ennemis 
debarquoient !  Cela  n'aboutit  qu'a  faire  tuer  une  partie 
des  notres.  Le  sieur  Morpain  trouva  deja  pres  de  deux 
milles  hommes  debarques;  il  en  tua  quelques-uns  &  se  retira. 
"  L'Ennemi  s'empare  de  toute  la  campngne,  &  un  detache- 
ment s'avance  jusques  aupres  de  la  batterie  Eoyale.  Pour 
le  coup,  la  frayeur  nous  saisit  tons;  on  parla  des  I'instant 
d'abandonner  cette  magnifique  batterie,  qui  auroit  ete  notre 
plus  grande  defense,  si  Ton  eut  S9U  en  faire  usage.  On  tint 
tumultuairement  divers  Conseils  la-dessus.  II  seroit  bieu 
difficile  de  dire  les  raisons  qui  portoient  a  un  aussi  etrange 
procede ;  si  ce  n'est  une  terreur  panique,  que  ne  nous  a 
plus  quitte  de  tout  le  Siege.  II  n'y  avoit  pas  eu  encore 
un  seul  coup  de  fusil  tire  sur  cette  batterie,  que  les  en- 
nemis ne  pouvoient  prendre  qu'en  faisant  leurs  approchea 
comme  pour  la  Ville,  &  I'assiegeant,  pour  ainsi  dire,  dans 


278  APPENDIX. 

les  regies.  On  en  a  dit  sourdement  une  raison  sui  laquelle 
je  ne  suis  point  en  etat  de  decider ;  je  I'ai  pourtant  entendu 
assurer  par  une  personne  qui  etait  dans  la  batterie;  mais 
mon  poste  ^tant  en  Ville,  il  y  avoit  long-tems  que  je 
n'etois  alle  a  la  batterie  Royale :  C'est  que  ce  qui  determina 
a  un  abandon  si  criminel,  est  qu'il  y  avoit  deux  breches 
qui  n'avoient  point  ete  reparees.  Si  cela  est,  le  crime 
est  encore  plus  grand,  parce  que  nous  avions  eu  plus  de 
loisir  qu'il  n'en  falloit,  pour  mettre  ordre  a  tout. 

"  Quoiqu'il  en  soit,  la  resolution  fut  prise  de  renoncer  a  ce 
puissant  boulevard,  nialgre  les  representations  de  quelques 
gens  sages,  qui  gemissoient  de  voir  commettre  une  si  lourde 
faute.  lis  ne  purent  se  faire  Pouter.  Inutilement  renion- 
trerent-ils  que  ce  seroit  temoigner  notre  foiblesse  aux  enne- 
mis,  qui  ne  manqueroient  point  de  profiter  d'une  aussi 
grande  etourderie,  &  qui  tourneroient  cette  merae  batterie 
contre  nous;  que  pour  faire  bonne  contenance  &  ne  point 
rechauffer  le  courage  a  I'ennemi,  en  lui  donnant  des  le  pre- 
mier jour,  une  si  grande  esperance  de  reussir,  il  falloit  se 
maintenir  dans  ce  poste  important  le  plus  que  I'on  pourroit: 
qu'il  etoit  evident  qu'on  s'y  conserveroit  plus  de  quinze 
jours,  &  que  ce  delai  pouvoit  etre  employe  a  retirer  tous 
les  canons  dans  la  Ville.  On  repondit  que  le  Conseil  I'avoit 
resolu  autrement;  ainsi  done  par  ordre  du  Conseil,  on  aban- 
donna  le  13  sans  avoir  essuye  le  moindre  feu,  une  batterie 
de  trente  pieces  de  canon,  qui  avoit  coute  au  Roi  des  sommes 
immenses.  Get  abandon  se  fit  avec  tant  de  precipitation, 
qu'on  ne  se  donna  pas  le  temps  d'encloiier  les  canons  de  la 
maniere  que  cela  se  pratique ;  aussi  les  eunemis  s'en  ser- 
virent-ils  des  le  lenderaain.  Cependant  on  se  flatoit  du  con- 
traire;  je  fus  sur  le  point  de  gager  qu'ils  ne  tarderoient 
gueres  a  nous  en  battre.  On  etoit  si  pen  a  soi,  qu'avant  de 
se  retirer  de  la  batterie,  le  feu  prit  a  un  baril  de  poudre,  qui 
pensa   faire   sauter   plusieurs   personnes,   &   brula   la   robe 


APPENDIX.  27if 

d'un  Religieux  Recolet.  Ce  n'etoit  pas  de  ce  moment  que 
I'imprudence  caracterisoit  nos  actions,  il  y  avoit  long-terns 
qu'elle  s'etoit  refugiee  parmi  nous. 

"  Ce  que  j'avois  prevu  arriva.  Des  le  quatorze  les  enne- 
mis  nous  saluerent  avec  nos  propres  Canons,  dont  ils  firent 
un  feu  epouvantable.  Nous  leur  repondimes  de  dessus  les 
murs;  mais  nous  ne  pouvions  leur  rendre  le  mal  qu'ils  nous 
faisoient,  rasant  nos  maisons,  &  foudroyant  tout  ce  qui  etoit 
a  leur  portee. 

"  Tandis  que  les  Anglois  nous  chauffoient  de  la  batterie 
Royale,  ils  etablissoient  une  Plate-forme  de  Mortiers  sur  la 
hauteur  de  Rabasse  proche  le  Barachois  du  cote  de  1' Quest, 
qui  tirerent  le  seize  jour  ou  a  commence  le  bombardement. 
Ils  avoient  des  Mortiers  dans  toutes  les  batteries  qu'ils 
eleverent.    Les  bombes  nous  ont  beaucoup  incommode.  .  .  . 

"  Les  ennemis  paroissoient  avoir  envie  de  pousser  vigou- 
reusement  le  Siege.  Ils  etablirent  une  batterie  aupres  de 
la  Plaine  de  Brissonnet,  qui  commenqa  a  tirer  le  dix-sept, 
&  travaillerent  encore  a  une  autre,  pour  battre  directeraent 
la  Porte  Daupliine,  entre  les  maisons  du  nomme  la  Roche 
&  Lescenne,  Canonier.  lis  ne  s'en  tinrent  point  k  ces  bat- 
teries, quoiqu'elles  nous  battissent  en  breche  ;  mais  ils  en 
dresserent  de  nouvelles  pour  soutenir  les  premieres.  La 
Plaine  marecageuse  du  bord  de  la  IMer  a  la  Pointe  blanche, 
les  incommodoit  fort,  &  empechoit  qu'ils  ne  poussassent 
leurs  travaux  comme  ils  I'auroient  souhaite:  pour  y  reme- 
dier,  ils  pratiquerent  divers  boyaux,  afin  de  couper  cette 
Plaine;  etant  venus  a  bout  de  la  dessecher,  ils  y  firent 
deux  batteries  qui  ne  tirerent  que  quelques  jours  apres. 
II  y  en  avoit  une  au  dessus  de  I'habitation  de  Martissance, 
composee  de  sept  pieces  de  canon,  prises  en  partie  de  la 
Batterie  Royale  &  de  la  Pointe  plate  ou  s'etait  fait  le 
debarquement.  On  la  destinoit  a  miner  le  Bastion  Dau- 
phin ;  ces  deux  derni^res  batteries  ont  presque  rase  la  Po>  •<» 
Dauphine. 


280  APPENDIX. 

"  Le  dix-huit  nous  vlraes  paroitre  un  Navire,  avec  Pavilion 
Fran^ais,  qui  cherchoit  a  donner  dans  le  Port.  II  fut  re- 
connu  pour  etre  effectivement  de  notre  Nation,  &  afin  de 
favoriser  son  entree,  nous  fimes  un  feu  continuel  sur  la  Bat- 
terie  Royale.  Les  Anglais  ne  pouvant  resister  a  la  vivacite 
de  notre  feu,  qui  ne  discontiuuoit  point,  ne  purent  empeclier 
ce  Navire  d'entrer,  qu'il  leur  eut  ete  facile  sans  cela  de  couler 
a  fond.  Ce  petit  refraichis'sement  nous  fit  plaisir;  cetoit  un 
Navire  Basque :  il  nous  en  etoit  venu  un  autre  dans  le  courant 
d'Avril. 

"  Nous  n'eumes  pas  le  merae  bonheur  pour  un  Navire  de 
Granville,  qui  se  presenta  aussi  pour  entrer,  quelques  jours 
apres;  mais  qui  ayant  ete  poursuivi,  fut  contraient  de 
s'echouer,  &  se  battit  long-tems.  Celui  qui  le  comraandoit, 
nomme  T)aguenet,  etoit  un  brave  honuue,  lequel  ne  se 
rendit  qu'a  la  derniere  extremite,  &  apres  avoir  ete  accable 
par  le  nombre.  II  avoit  transports  tons  les  Canons  d'un 
meme  cote,  &  en  fit  un  feu  si  terrible,  que  les  ennemis 
n'eurent  pas  bon  marcbe  de  lui.  II  fallut  armer  presque 
toutes  leurs  Chaloupes  pour  le  prendre.  Nous  avons  S9U 
de  ce  Capitaine,  qu'il  avoit  rencontre  le  Vigilant.,  &  que 
c'etoit  de  ce  malheureux  Vaisseau,  qu'il  avoit  apris  que 
I'Isle  Koyale  etoit  bloquee.  Cette  circonstance  importe  au 
recit  que  je  vais  faire. 

"  Vous  etes  persuades,  en  France,  que  la  prise  de  ce 
Vaisseau  de  guerre  a  occasionne  la  notre,  cela  est  vraie  en 
quelque  sorte,  mais  nous  eussions  pu  nous  soutenir  sans  lui 
si  nous  n'avions  pas  entasse  fautes  sur  fautes,  ainsi  que 
vous  avez  du  vous  en  aperqevoir  jusqu'a  present.  II  est  vrai 
que,  graces  a  nos  imprudences,  lors  que  ce  puissant  secours- 
nous  arrivoit,  nous  commencions  k  6tre  sans  esperance.  S'il 
fut  entre,  comme  il  le  pouvoit,  nous  serious  encore  dans  nos 
biens,  &  les  Anglais  eussent  ete  forces  de  se  retirer, 

"  Le  Vigilant   parut   le  vingt-huit   ou  le  vingt-neuf  da 


APPENDIX.  281 

Mai,  k  environ  une  lieue  et  demie  de  distance  de  Santarge 
[^sic].  Le  vent  etait  pour  lors  Nord-Est,  &  par  consequent 
bon  pour  entrer.  II  laissoit  la  Flotte  Anglaise  a  deux  lieues 
&  demi  sous  le  vent.  Rien  ne  pouvoit  done  Tempeclier 
d'entrer;  &  c'est  par  la  plus  grande  de  toutes  les  fatalites 
qu'il  est  devenu  la  proye  de  iios  Vainqueurs.  Temoins  de 
sa  mancBUvre,  il  n'etoit  personne  de  nous  qui  ne  donnat 
des  maledictions  a  une  manoeuvre  si  nial  concertee  &  si 
imprudente. 

"  Le  Vaisseau,  commands  par  M.  de  la  Maisonfort,  au 
lieu  de  suivre  sa  route,  ou  d'envoyer  sa  chaloupe  a  terre 
pour  prendre  langue,  ainsi  que  le  requeroit  la  prudence, 
s'amusa  a  poursuivre  un  Corsaire  monte  en  Senault  qu'il 
rencontra  malheureusement  sous  la  terre.  Ce  Corsaire, 
que  commandoit  un  nomme  Brousse  (Rous)  manoeuvre 
d'une  autre  maniere  que  le  Vaisseau  Fran^ais.  II  se  battit 
toujours  en  retraite,  for^ant  de  voiles  et  attirant  son  en- 
nemi  vers  I'Escadre  Angloise ;  ce  qui  lui  reussit ;  car  le 
Vigilant  se  trouva  tellement  engage,  qu'il  ne  lui  fut  plus 
possible  de  se  sauver,  quand  on  eut  vu  le  danger.  Deux 
Fregates  I'attaquerent  d'abord;  M.  de  la  Maisonfort  leur 
repondit  par  un  feu  tres  vif,  qui  en  mit  bien-tot  une  hors 
de  combat;  elle  fut  dematee  de  son  grand  mat,  deseraparee 
de  toutes  les  manoeuvres,  et  contrainte  de  se  retirer.  Mais 
il  vint  cinq  autres  Fregates  qui  chaufferent  le  Vigilant 
de  toutes  parts;  le  combat  que  nous  voyons  a  decouvert, 
dura  depuis  cinq  heures  du  soir  jusqu'a  dix.  Enfin  il 
fallut  ceder  a  la  force,  &  se  rendre.  Les  ennemis  ont 
beaucoup  perdu  dans  ce  combat,  &  le  commandant  Fran^ais 
eut  quatre-vingts  hommes  tues  ou  blesses;  le  Vaisseau 
n'a  ete  que  fort  pen  endommage. 

"  On  doit  dire,  a  la  gloire  de  M.  de  la  Maisonfort,  qu'il 
a  fait  preuve  d'une  extreme  valeur  dans  ce  combat ;  mais 
il  auroit  mieux  valu  qu'il  eut  suivi  sa  destination;  c'etoit 


282  APPENDIX. 

tout  ce  que  les  int^rets  du  Roi  exigeoient.  Le  Ministre  ne 
Tenvoyoit  pas  pour  donuer  la  chasse  a  aucun  Vaisseau  en- 
nemi;  charge  de  munitions  de  guerre  &  de  bouche,  son 
Vaisseau  ^toit  uniquement  destin(^  k  ravitailler  notre  mal- 
heureuse  Place,  qui  n'auroit  jamais  ^te  en  effet  emportee, 
si  nous  eussions  pu  recevoir  un  si  grand  secours;  mais 
nous  etions  des  victimes  devouees  a  la  colere  du  Ciel,  qui 
a  voulu  faire  servir  contre  nous  jusqu'k  nos  propres  forces. 
Nous  avons  s^u  des  Anglais,  depuis  notre  reddition,  qu'ils 
commen^oient  h  manquer  de  munitions  de  guerre,  &  que 
la  poudre  etoit  encore  plus  rare  dans  leur  armee  que  parrai 
nous.  lis  avoient  meme  tenu  quelques  Conseils  pour  lever 
le  Siege.  La  poudre  trouvee  dans  le  Vigilant  fit  bient6t 
dvanouir  cette  idee;  nous  nous  apper^umes  que  leur  feu 
avoit  depuis  beaucoup  augraente. 

"  Je  s9ai  que  le  Commandant  de  cet  infortund  Vaisseau 
dira,  pour  se  justifier,  qu'il  etoit  important  pour  lui  d'en- 
lever  le  Corsaire,  afin  de  se  regler  sur  les  nouvelles  qu'il 
en  auroit  appris.  Mais  cela  ne  I'excuse  point;  il  s^avoit 
que  Louisbourg  etoit  bloque,  e'en  etoit  assez;  qu'avoit-il 
besoin  d'en  sQavoir  davantage  1  S'il  craignoit  que  les 
Anglais  n'eussent  ete  maitres  de  la  Place,  il  etoit  aise  de 
s'en  instruire,  en  envoyant  son  canot  ou  sa  chaloupe,  c; 
sacrifiant  quelques  hommes  pour  sa  surete;  la  batterie 
Royale  ne  devoit  point  I'inquieter,  nous  en  aurions  agi 
comme  avec  le  Navire  Basque,  dont  nous  facilitanies 
I'entree  par  un  feu  excessif.  La  perte  d'un  secours  si 
considerable  ralentit  le  courage  de  ceux  qui  avoient  le  plus 
conserve  de  fermet^;  il  n'etoit  pas  difficile  de  juger  que 
nous  serions  contraints  d'implorer  la  clemence  des  Anglais, 
&  plusieurs  personnes  furent  d'avis  qu'il  falloit  d6s-lors  de- 
mander  k  capituler.  Nous  avons  cependant  tenu  un  mois 
au-delk;  c'est  plue  qu'on  n'auroit  pu  exiger  dans  I'abbate* 
ment  ou  venoit  de  nous  jetter  un  si  triste  spectacle. 


APPENDIX.  283 

"  L'Ennemi  s'occupa  a  noue  canoner  &  k  nous  bombarder 
toute  le  reste  du  mois,  sans  faire  des  progres  bien  sensibles, 
&  qui  lui  pussent  donner  de  I'espoir.  Comme  il  ne  nous 
attaquoit  point  dans  les  formes;  qu'il  n'avoit  pratique 
aucuns  retranchemens  pour  se  couvrir,  il  n'osoit  s'aprocher 
de  trop  pres;  tous  nos  coups  portoient;  au  lieu  que  la 
plupart  des  siens  etoient  perdus:  aussi  ne  tirons-nous  que 
lorsque  nous  le  jugions  necessaire.  II  tiroit,  lui,  plus  de 
cinq  k  six  cens  soups  de  canon  par  jour,  contre  nous  vingt ; 
a  la  verite,  le  peu  de  poudre  que  nous  avions,  obligeoit  k 
n'en  user  que  sobrement.  La  mousqueterie  etoit  peu 
d' usage. 

"  J'ai  oublie  de  dire  que,  des  les  premiers  jours  du  siege, 
les  ennemis  nous  avoient  fait  sommer  de  nous  rendre ;  mais 
nous  repondimes  selon  ce  que  le  devoir  nous  prescrivoit; 
rOflficier,  depute  pour  nous  en  faire  la  proposition,  voyant 
que  nous  rejettions  ses  ofFres,  proposa  de  faire  sortir  les 
Dames,  avec  assurance  qu'elles  ne  seroient  point  iusultees, 
et  qu'on  les  feroit  garder  dans  les  maisons  qui  subsistoient 
encore  en  petit  norabre;  car  I'ennemi,  en  debarquant,  avoit 
presque  tout  brlile  ou  detruit  dans  la  campagne.  Nous  re- 
mer9iames  cet  officier,  parceque  nos  ferames  &  nos  enfans 
etoient  surement  dans  les  logemens  que  nous  leur  avions 
faits.  On  avoit  mis  sur  les  casemates  de  longues  pieces  de 
bois,  placees  en  biais,  qui,  en  amortissant  le  coup  de  la 
bombe,  la  rejettent,  &  empgchent  I'effet  de  son  poids.  C'est 
la  dessous  que  nous  les  avions  enterres. 

"  Au  commencement  de  Juin  les  Assiegeans  parurent  re- 
prendre  une  nouvelle  vigueur;  n'etant  pas  contens  du  peu 
de  succes  qu'ils  avoient  eu  jusques-la,  ils  s'attacherent  h 
d'autres  entreprises,  &  voulurent  essayer  de  nous  attaquer 
par  le  c6te  de  la  mer.  Pour  reussir,  ils  tenterent  de  nous 
surprendre  la  batterie  de  I'entree :  un  Detachement  d'envi- 
ron  cinq  cens  hommes  s'y  etant  transporte  pendant  la  nuit 


284  APPENDIX. 

du  six  au  sept,  fut  taille  en  pieces  par  le  sieur  Daillehout, 
Capitaine  de  Compagnie,  qui  y  coramandoit,  &  qui  tira  sur 
eux  a  mitraille ;  plus  de  trois  cens  resterent  sur  la  place,  & 
11  n'y  eut  de  sauves  que  ceux  qui  deniandoient  quartier,  les 
blesses  furent  transferes  dans  nos  hopitaux.  Nous  fimes 
en  cette  occasion  cent  dix-neuf  prisonniers,  &  n'eftmes  que 
trois  hommes  de  tues  ou  blesses;  mais  nous  perdimes  un 
Canonier,  qui  fut  fort  regrette.   .  .  . 

"  Pour  sur  croit  d'infortune;  il  arrive  aux  Anglois  le  15 
une  Escadre  de  six  Vaisseaux  de  guerre,  venant  de  Londres. 
Ces  Vaisseaux  croiserent  devant  la  Ville,  avec  les  Fregattes 
sans  tirer  un  seul  coup.  Mais  nous  avons  s^u  depuis  que,  si 
nous  eussions  tardor  a  capituler,  tons  les  Vaisseaux  se  se- 
roient  embosses,  et  nous  auroient  fait  essuyer  le  feu  le  plus 
vif.  Leurs  dispositions  n'ont  point  ete  ignoree,  je  rappor- 
terai  I'ordre  qu'ils  devoient  tenir. 

"  Les  enneniis  ne  s'etoient  encore  point  arises  de  tirer  h 
boulets  rouges;  ils  le  firent  le  dix-huit  &  le  dix-neuf,  avec 
un  succes  qui  auroit  ete  plus  grand,  sans  le  prompt  secours 
qui  y  fut  apporte.  Le  feu  prit  a  trois  ou  quatre  maisons, 
mais  on  I'eut  bientAt  eteint.  La  promptitude  en  ces  sortes 
d'occasions,  est  la  seul  ressource  que  Ton  puisse  avoir. 

"  L'Arrivee  de  I'Escadre  etoit,  sans  doute,  I'objet  de  ce 
nouveau  salut  de  la  part  de  I'Armee  de  terre ;  son  General 
qui  vouloit  avoir  I'honneur  de  notre  conquete,  etant  bien 
aise  de  nous  forcer  a  nous  soumettre  avant  que  I'Escadre 
se  fut  mise  en  devoir  de  nous  y  contraindre. 

"  L'Amiral  de  son  cote  songeoit  a  se  procurer  I'honneur 
de  nous  reduire.  Un  Officier  vint  pour  cet  effet,  le  vingt-un, 
nous  proposer  de  sa  part,  que  si  nous  avions  a  nous  rendre,  il 
seroit  plus  convenable  de  le  faire  a  lui,  qui  auroit  des  egards 
que  nous  ne  trouverions  pent  etre  pas  dans  le  Commandant 
de  terre.  Tout  cela  marquoit  peu  d'intelligence  entre  les 
deux  Generaux,  &  verifie  asses  la  remarque  que  j'ai  ci-devant 


APPENDIX.  285 

faite :  on  n'eut  jamais  dit  en  effet  que  ces  troupes  fussent  de 
la  meme  Nation  &  sous  I'obeissance  du  meme  Prince.  Les 
Anglais  sont  les  seuls  peuples  capables  de  ces  bizarreries, 
qui  font  cependant  partie  de  cette  precieuse  liberte  dont  ils 
se  montrent  si  jaloux. 

"  Nous  repondiraes  a  I'Officier,  par  qui  I'Amiral  Warren 
nous  avoit  fait  donner  cet  avis,  que  nous  n'avions  point  de 
reponse  a  lui  faire,  &  que  quand  nous  en  serious  a  cette  ex- 
tremite,  nous  verrions  le  parti  qu'il  conviendroit  d'embras- 
ser.  Cette  fanfaronade  eiit  fait  rire  quiconque  auroit  ete 
temoin  de  notre  embarras  en  particulier;  il  ne  pouvoit  etre 
plus  grand:  cet  Officier  dut  s'en  apper^evoir,  malgre  la 
bonne  contenance  que  nous  affections.  II  est  difficile  que 
le  visage  ne  decele  les  mouvements  du  coeur.  Les  Conseils 
etoient  plus  frequens  que  jamais,  mais  non  plus  salutaires; 
on  s'assembloit  sans  trop  sqavoir  pourquoi,  aussi  ne  s^avoit- 
on  que  resoudre.  J'ai  souvent  ri  de  ces  assemblees,  ou  il 
ne  se  passoit  rien  que  de  ridicule,  &  qui  n'annonqat  le  trouble 
&  I'indecision.  Le  soin  de  notre  defense  n'etoit  plus  ce 
qui  occupoit.  Si  les  Anglois  eussent  sfu  profiter  de  notre 
epouvante  il  y  auroit  eru  longtems  qu'ils  nous  auroient  era- 
portes,  I'epee  en  main.  Mais  il  faut  convenir  a  leur  louange, 
qu'ils  avoient  autant  de  peur  que  nous.  Cela  m'a  plusieurs 
fois  rappelle  la  fable  du  Lievre  &  des  Grenouilles. 

"  Le  but  de  nos  frequens  Conseils  etoit  de  dresser  des 
articles  de  capitulation.  On  y  employa  jusqu'au  vingt  sept, 
que  le  sieur  Lopinot,  Officier,  sortit  pour  les  porter  au  Com- 
mandant de  terre.  L'on  se  flatoit  de  les  lui  faire  mieux  goii- 
ter  qu'a  I'Amiral.  Mais  ils  etoient  si  extraordinaires,  que 
malgre  I'envie  que  ce  General  avoit  de  nous  voir  rendre  a 
lui,  il  se  donna  a  peine  la  patience  de  les  ecouter.  Je  me 
souviens  que  nous  demandions  par  un  article,  cinq  pieces  de 
canon,  &  deux  mortiers  de  fonte.  De  pareilles  propositions 
ne  quadroient  gueres  avec  notre  situation. 


286  APPENDIX 

"  Afin  de  r^ussir  d'un  c6te  ou  d'autre,  on  cnvoya  proposer 
les  memes  conditions  k  I'Amiral.  Cette  n^gociation  avoit 
^te  confiee  au  sieur  Bonaventure,  Capitaine  de  Compagnie, 
qui  s'intrigua  beaucoup  aupres  de  M.  Warren,  &  qui,  quoique 
la  plupart  de  nos  articles  fussent  rejettez,  en  obtint  pour- 
tant  d'asses  honorables.  On  arreta  done  la  Capitulation 
telle  que  les  nouvelles  publiques  I'ont  raportee.  EUe  nous 
fut  annoncee  par  deux  coups  de  canon  tires  a  bord  de  I'Ami- 
ral, ainsi  qu'on  en  avoit  donne  I'ordre  au  Sieur  Bonaventure. 
A  cette  nouvelle,  nous  reprimes  un  peu  de  tranquillite;  car 
nous  avions  sujet  d'apprehender  le  sort  le  plus  triste.  Nous 
craignons  a  tout  moment,  que  les  ennemis,  sortant  de  leur 
aveuglement,  ne  se  presentassent  pour  nous  enlever  d'assaut. 
Tout  les  y  convioit ;  il  y  avoit  deux  breches  de  la  longueur 
d'environ  cinquante  pieds  cbacune,  I'une  a  la  porte  Dau- 
phine,  &  I'autre  a  I'Eperon,  qui  est  vis-k-vis.  lis  nous  ont 
dit  depuis  que  la  resolution  en  avoit  ete  prise,  &  I'execution 
renvoyee  au  lendemain.  Les  Navires  devoient  les  favoriser, 
&  s'embosser  de  la  maniere  suivante. 

"  Quatre  Vaisseaux  «&  quatre  Fregattes  etoient  destines 
pour  le  bastion  Dauphin :  un  egal  nombre  de  Vaisseaux  & 
de  Fregattes,  parmi  lesquels  etoit  le  Vigilant,  devoit  at- 
taquer  la  piece  de  la  Grave:  &  trois  autres  Vaisseaux  & 
autant  de  Fregattes  avoient  ordre  de  s'attacher  a  I'lsle  de 
I'entree.  Nous  n'eussions  jamais  pii  repondre  au  feu  de 
tous  ces  Vaisseaux  &  d^fendre  en  meme  tems  nos  brgches; 
de  fa^on  qu'il  auroit  fallu  succomber,  quelques  efforts  que 
nous  eussions  pu  faire,  &  nous  voir  reduits  a  recourir  a 
la  clemence  d'un  vainqueur,  de  la  generosite  duquel  il  y 
avoit  a  se  delier.  L'Armee  de  terre  n'etoit  composee  que 
de  gens  ramasses,  sans  subordination  ni  discipline,  qui  nous 
auroit  fait  eprouver  tout  ce  que  I'insolence  &  la  rage  ont  de 
plus  furieux.  La  capitulation  n'a  point  empeche  qu'ils  ne 
nous  ayent  bien  fait  du  mal. 


APPENDIX.  287 

**  C'est  done  par  une  protection  visible  de  la  Providence, 
que  nous  avons  prevenu  une  journee  qui  nous  auroit  ^te  si 
funeste.  Ce  qui  nous  y  a  le  plus  determine,  est  le  peu  de 
poudre  qui  nous  restoit:  je  puis  assurer  que  nous  n'en  avi- 
ons  pas  pour  faire  trois  decharges.  C'est  ici  le  point  cri- 
tique &  SUP  lequel  on  cherche  le  plus  a  en  imposer  au  public 
mal  instruit :  on  voudroit  lui  persuader  qu'il  nous  en  restoi ', 
encore  vingt  milliers.  Faussete  insigne!  Je  n'ai  aucuno 
interet  a  deguiser  la  verity ;  on  doit  d'autant  plus  m'en 
croire,  que  je  ne  pretends  pas  par-la  justifier  entierement 
nos  Officiers.  S'ils  n'ont  pas  capitule  trop  tot  ils  avoient 
commis  assez  d'autres  fautes,  pour  ne  les  pas  laver  du 
bl§,me  qu'ils  ont  encouru.  II  est  constant  que  nous  n'avions 
plus  que  trent-sept  barils  de  poudre,  a  cent  livres  chacun ; 
voila  ce  qui  est  veritable,  &  non  pas  tout  ce  qu'on  raconte 
de  contraire.  Nous  n'en  trouvions  mSme  d'abord  que  trente- 
cinq;  mais  les  recherches  qu'on  fit  nous  en  procurerent  deux 
autres,  caches  apparemment  par  les  Canoniers,  qu'on  s^ait 
6tre  partout  accoutumes  a  ce  larcin." 


II. 

**Lettre  de  Monsieur  Du  Chambon  au  Ministre, 

A   KOCHEFORT,    LE   2    SePTEMBRE,    1745. 

"  Archives  de  la  Marine. 

"  MONSEIGNEUR, 

"  J'ai  I'honneur  de  vous  rendre  compte  de  I'attaque  et  red- 
dition  de  Louisbourg,  ainsy  que  vous  me  I'avez  ordonne  par 
votre  lettre  du  20  de  ce  mois. 

"  Nous  etimes  connaissance  d'un  battiment  le  quatorze 
mars  dernier  parmy  les  glaces  qui  ^taient  detachees  du 
golfe;   ce  battiment  parut  a  3  ou  4  lieuea  devant  le  port 


288  APPENDIX. 

et  drivait  vers  la  partie  du  sud-ouest,   et  il  nous  disparut 
Tapr^s-midi. 

"  Le  19  du  d.  nous  vimes  encore  en  dehors  les  glaces  un 
senaux  qui  couroit  le  long  de  la  banquise  qui  dtait  etendue 
depuis  Escartary  jusques  au  St  Esprit,  plusieurs  chasseurs 
et  soldats,  hivernant  dans  le  bois,  m'inforraerent  qu'ils 
avaient  vu,  les  uns  deux  battiraents  qui  avoient  vire  de  bord 
a  Menadou,  et  d'autres  qu'ils  avoient  entendu  du  canon  du 
cote  du  St  Esprit,  ce  qui  fit  que  j'ordonnai  aux  hal)itans 
des  ports  de  I'isle,  qui  etaient  a  portee  de  la  ville,  de  se 
renger  aux  signaux  qui  leur  seroient  faits. 

"  Je  fis  en  outre  rassembler  les  habitans  de  la  ville  et 
port  de  Louisbourg,  je  formal  de  ceux  de  la  ville  quatre 
compagnies,  et  je  donnai  ordre  a  ceux  du  port  de  se  renger 
a  la  batterie  Royale,  et  k  celle  de  I'isle  de  I'entree,  au 
signaux  que  je  leur  fit  donner, 

"  Le  9  avril  nous  aperquraes  a  I'eclaircy  de  la  brume,  et 
parmi  les  glaces  vers  la  Pointe  Blanche,  quatre  battimens, 
le  premier  ayant  tire  quelques  coups  de  canon,  I'islot  lui 
repondit  d'un  coup,  et  le  battiment  I'ayant  rendu  sur  le 
champ,  cela  nous  confirma  dans  I'idee  que  c'etoient  des 
Francois  qui  cherchoient  a  forcer  les  glaces  pour  entrer  dans 
le  port.  D'ailleurs  ils  profitoient  des  eclaircis  pour  s'y  en- 
fourner  vers  le  port,  et  cela  nous  assuroit  pour  ainsi  dire, 
que  ce  n'etoit  pas  des  corsaires,  mais  bien  des  Francois. 

"  Etant  dans  le  doute  si  c'etoit  des  basttiments  FraiiQois 
ou  Anglois,  j'envoyai  ordre  a  Monsieur  Benoit,  officicr  com- 
mandant au  port  Toulouse,  de  dettacher  quelqu'un  de  confi- 
ance  a  Canceau,  pour  apprendre  s'il  y  avoit  des  basttiments, 
et  si  on  y  travailloit,  ou  s'il  y  avoit  apparance  de  quelque 
entreprise  sur  I'isle  Royale. 

"  Monsieur  Benoit  dettacha  le  nomme  Jacob  Coste,  habi- 
tant, avec  un  soldat  de  la  garnison  et  un  Sauvage,  pour  faire 
quelques  prisonniers  au  dit  lieu.     Ces  trois  envoyes  niirent 


APPENDIX.  289 

pied  h.  terre  a  la  Grande  Terre  du  cost^  de  Canceau;  ila 
eurent  le  bonheur  de  faire  quatre  prisonniers  anglois;  et 
revenant  avec  eux,  les  prisonniers  se  rendirent  maitres  de 
nos  trois  Francois,  un  soir  qu'ils  etaient  endormis,  et  nous 
n'avons  pu  apprendre  aucune  nouvelle  ni  des  envoyes  ni  de 
I'ennemy. 

"  Je  fus  informe,  le  22,  par  deux  hommes,  venus  par 
terre  du  port  de  Toulouse,  qu'on  entendait  tirer  du  canon 
a  Canceau,  et  qu'ils  travailloient  au  retablissement  de  cette 
isle,  et  un  troisieme  arrive  le  soir,  m'assura  avoir  ete  temoia 
d'un  grand  combat  sur  le  navire  St-JEsprit,  qu'il  avoit  vu 
venir  du  large  trois  vaisseaux  sur  quatre  qui  etoient  pour 
lors  a  cette  coste,  et  que  le  feu  ayant  commence  apres  la 
Jonction  de  ces  bastimens,  il  avoit  dure  bien  avant  dans  la 
nuit,  ce  qui  nous  engageoit  a  nous  flatter  que  nous  avions 
des  vaisseaux  sur  la  coste. 

"  Le  30  du  d.  nous  vimes  sept  vaisseaux  parmy  les  glaces, 
dont  il  y  avoit  quatre  vaisseaux,  deux  corvettes  et  un  bri- 
gantin,  et  ils  se  sont  tenus  ce  jour  vers  les  isles  a  Dion,  sans 
pavilion,  ni  flamme. 

"  Ces  battiments  continuerent  a  se  faire  voir  pendant 
quelques  jours,  depuis  la  Pointe  Blanche  jusques  a  Port 
de  Noue,  sous  pavilion  blanc,  et  les  glaces  s'etant  ecartees 
de  la  coste,  nous  apperqumes,  le  7  mai,  un  navire  qui  faisait 
route  pour  le  port ;  il  y  entra  heureusement ;  ce  navire  ve- 
noit  de  St  Jean  de  Luz,  commande  par  le  Sieur  Janson 
Dufoure;  il  nous  apprit  qu'il  avoit  ete  poursuivi  la  veille 
par  trois  vaisseaux,  qu'une  fregatte  de  24  canons  I'avoit 
joint,  et  qu'il  s'estoit  sauve,  apres  un  combat  de  trois  volees 
de  canon  et  de  mousquetterie. 

"  Le  8  a  la  pointe  du  jour,  nous  eumes  connaissance  de 
tous  les  vaisseaux  au  vent  du  port  dans  la  partie  du  sud- 
ouest,  ce  qui  nous  occasionna  une  alerte,  les  signaux  ayant 
ete  faits,   les  habitans  de  Lorembec  et  de  la  Baleine,   qui 

TOL.  II.  — 19 


290  APPENDIX. 

etoient  les  plus  proches  de  la  ville,  s'y  rangerent  aux  postes 
qui  leur  etoient  destines,  ainsi  que  les  liabitans  de  la  ville 
et  du  port,  le  meme  jour  ces  vaisseaux  prirent  a  notre  vue 
deux  caboteurs  frettes  par  le  Roy  et  qui  venoient  du  port 
de  Toulouse  charges  de  bois  de  corde  pour  le  chauffage  des 
troupes  et  des  corps  de  garde,  ils  prirent  aussy  une  chaloupe 
qui  venoit  des  Isles  Madame  chargee  de  gibier. 

"  Corame  nous  doutions  toujours  si  ces  vaisseaux  etoient 
anglois  ou  fran9ois  jusqu'a  ce  jour,  les  glaces  empechant 
I'entree  du  port  depuis  qu'ils  avoient  paru  ensemble,  j'avois 
eu  la  precaution  d'arreter,  conjointement  avec  monsieur  Bi- 
got, deux  battiments  pour  les  faire  partir  en  cas  de  neces- 
site  pour  la  France,  pour  porter  les  nouvellcs  a  Sa  Grandeur 
de  la  situation  ou  se  trouvoit  la  colonic,  et  sitot  que  nous 
fumes  confirmes  par  le  prise  de  ces  caboteurs  que  c'etoit  des 
vaisseaux  anglois  et  qu'il  y  en  avoit  d'autres  a  Canceau,  au 
rapport  des  equipages  qui  s'etoient  sauves,  nous  fimes  par- 
tir a  la  faveur  de  la  brume  et  de  la  nuit  obscure  du  10  mai, 
La  Societey  capitaine  Subtil,  avec  nos  lettres  pour  Monsei- 
gneur,  pour  lui  apprendre  I'etat  de  la  colonic  avec  les  circon- 
stances  de  vaisseaux  qui  bloquerent  le  port;  quand  a  I'autre 
batiraent  qui  avoit  ete  frette,  nous  avons  ete  oblige  de  la 
faire  couler,  apres  la  descente  faite  par  I'ennemy,  etant 
impossible  de  la  faire  sortir. 

"  Les  vaisseaux  ennemis  qui  etoient  au  devant  du  port,  se 
servant  de  la  chaloupe  qu'ils  avoient  prise  chargee  de  gibier 
pour  descendre  et  mettre  pied  a  terre  a  Gabarrus,  a  notre 
vue,  je  fis  partir,  le  9,  un  detacheraent  de  20  soldats  sous  le 
commandement  du  sieur  de  Lavalliere  pour  aller  par  terre 
a  Gabarrus,  et  un  autre  de  39  homines  d'habitans,  sous  le 
commandement  du  sieur  Daccarrette  dans  un  charroye  pour 
s'emparer  de  cette  chaloupe,  mais  ces  deux  detachements  ne 
purent  joindre  cette  chaloupe;  celui  de  terre  y  resta  deux 
jours  et  ne  rentra  en  ville  que  le  onze  du  soir,  et  celui  du 


APPENDIX.  291 

sieur  Daccarrette  rentra  le  12  au  matin,  ayant  4t4  oblig^ 
d'abandonner  le  charroye  a  fourche  ou  il  avoit  et6  k  la  sortie 
de  Gabarrus. 

"  Le  11,  a  trois  ou  quatre  heures  du  matin,  nous  eumes 
connoissance  de  dessus  les  remparts  de  la  ville,  d'environ 
100  voiles  qui  parurent  du  cote  de  fourche,  derriere  les 
isles  a  Dion,  les  vents  etant  de  la  partie  de  nord-ouest, 
ces  battiments  s'approchoient  k  vue  d'oeil,  je  ne  doute  pas 
que  ce  ne  fussent  des  bastiments  de  transport,  je  fis  tirer 
les  signaux  qui  avoient  ete  ordonnes,  plusieurs  habitans  et 
particuliers  n'ont  pu  s'y  rendre,  et  entr'autres  ceux  des 
havres  eloignes,  la  carapagne  etant  investie  de  I'ennemy, 
et  meme  plusieurs  ont  ete  faits  prisonniers  voulant  se  rendre 
en  ville. 

"  Je  fis  aussy  commander  un  detachement  pour  s'opposer 
a  la  descente  de  I'ennemy,  et  ce  detachement  au  nombre  de 
80  hommes  et  30  soldats,  le  surplus  habitans,  partit  sous 
le  commandement  de  Monsieur  Morpain  et  du  Sieur  Mesi- 
lac,  il  se  transporta  au-dessous  de  la  Pointe  Blanche,  §, 
I'endroit  ou  Tenneray  avoit  commence  a  faire  sa  descente, 
il  le  fit  rembarquer  dans  les  voitures,  mais  pendant  le  temps 
qu'il  etoit  en  cet  endroit  a  repousser  Tenneray,  celui-cy  fit 
faire  une  autre  descente  plus  considerable  de  troupes  de 
debarqueraent  a  I'anse  de  la  Cormorandiere,  entre  la  Pointe- 
Plate  et  Gabarrus. 

"  II  s'y  transporta  avec  ses  troupes,  sitot  qu'il  en  eut 
connoissance,  mais  I'ennemy  avoit  mis  pied  h  terre  et  s'etoit 
empare  des  lieux  les  plus  propres  qu'il  jugea  pour  sa  defense, 
celu  n'empeclia  pas  ce  detachement  d'aller  I'attaquer,  mais 
I'ennemy  etant  beaucoup  plus  superieur  en  nombre,  il  fut 
contraint  de  se  retirer  dans  le  bois ;  nous  avons  eu  a  cette 
occasion  4  ou  5  soldats  tues  ou  faits  prisonniers,  ainsy  que 
4  ou  5  habitans  ou  particuliers  du  nombre  desquels  fut 
Monsieur  Laboularderie ;  nous  eumes  encore  3  ou  4  blesses 
(jui  rentr^rent  en  ville. 


292  APPENDIX. 

"  Depuis  la  retraite  de  ce  d^tachemont  I'ennemv  achev* 
son  debarqueraent  an  noinbre  de  4  j\  a<J<)  homines,  ainsy  que 
des  planches  et  autres  mat^riaux,  an  rapport  de  ceux  du 
d^tachement  qui   rentrerent  les  demiers  en  ville, 

"  L'ennemy  ayant  avance  dans  la  campagne,  se  tit  voir 
en  grand  nombre,  mais  sans  ordre,  k  la  port^e  du  canon  de 
la  points  Dauphine  et  du  bastion  du  Roy. 

"  Les  raontagnes  qui  commandent  cetto  porte  dtoient 
couvertes  de  monde :  k  deux  hcures  apr^s-raidi  les  canons, 
qui  etoiont  sur  la  Barbette,  tirerent  sur  plusieurs  pelotons 
qui  paroissoient  detiler  du  cote  du  fond  de  la  baye,  nous 
nous  aper9umes  aussy  qu'ils  d^filoient  en  quantity?  le  long 
du  bois  vers  la  batterie  royale,  je  fis  fermcr  h's  portcs  et  je  fia 
pourvoir  sur  le  cliamp  a  la  surete  de  la  ville  et  placer  environ 
1100  hommes  qui  s'y  sont  trouv^s  pour  la  ddfendro. 

"Sur  le  soir,  monsieur  Thiery,  capitaine  de  conipagnie 
qui  commandoit  a  la  batterie  royale,  niVcrivit  une  lettre 
par  laquelle  il  me  marquoit  le  mauvois  ^tat  de  son  poste, 
que  cela  pourroit  donner  de  grande  facilites  i  l'ennemy  s'il 
s'en  emparoit,  qu'il  croyoit  pour  le  bien  du  service  qu'il 
seroit  a  propos  de  travailler  i  le  faire  sauter  apr^s  avoir 
encloue  les  canons. 

"  Je  fis  a  cette  occasion  assembler  le  conseil  de  guerre, 
monsieur  Verrier,  ingenieur  en  chef,  ayant  aussi  et4  appel^, 
fit  son  rapport  que  cette  batterie  avoit  ses  epaulements  du 
coste  de  la  terre  demolis  des  I'annee  derni^re,  que  les 
chemins  converts  n'etoient  pas  palissades,  et  qu'il  ^toit 
hors  d'etat  de  resistor  a  une  attaque  par  terre  de  trois  h, 
quatre  mille  homme  avec  400  hommes  qu'il  y  avoit  dedans 
pour  la  defense. 

"  Sur  ce  rapport  le  conseil  de  guerre  decida  unanimement 
qu'il  convenoit  pour  la  surete  de  la  ville,  manquant  de  monde 
pour  la  defendre,  de  I'abandonner  apres  en  avoir  enclou^  les 
canons  et  enlev^  le  plus  de  munitions  de  guerre  et  de  bouche 
<ju'on  pourroit. 


APPENDIX.  293 

**  Je  ne  dois  pas  oublier  de  vous  informer  que  le  meme 
conseil  de  guerre  vouloit  faire  sauter  cette  batterie;  niais 
que  monsieur  Verrier,  s'y  ^tant  oppose  fortement,  on  la 
laissa  subsister. 

"  J'envoyai  I'ordre  en  consequence  k  monsieur  Thiery 
pour  abandonner  la  dite  batterie,  apres  qu'il  auroit  enclou^ 
les  canons,  et  enleve  le  plus  de  munitions  de  guerre  et  de 
bouche  qu'il  pourroit;  cet  officier  travailla  le  soir  a  faire 
enclouer  tous  les  canons ;  il  fit  transporter  partie  des  vivres 
et  des  munitions  et  se  retira  a  la  ville  avec  sa  troupe  vers 
minuit. 

"  La  dite  batterie  n'ayant  pas  ete  entierement  Evacuee 
ce  soir,  je  fis  partir  le  lendemain  les  Sieurs  St.  Etienne, 
lieutenant,  et  Souvigny,  enseigne,  avec  une  vingtaine 
d'hommes  pour  parachever  la  dite  evacuation,  ce  qu'ils 
firent  a  rexception  de  tous  les  boulets  de  canon  et  bombes 
qui  y  sont  restes,  n'ayant  pas  pu  les  emporter. 

"  Ayant  juge  necessaire  conjointement  avec  monsieur 
Bigot  de  faire  couler  tous  les  bastiments  qui  dtoient  amies 
dans  le  port,  pour  empecher  I'ennemy  de  s'en  emparer,  je 
commandai,  le  12,  le  sieur  Verger,  enseigne,  avec  5  soldats 
et  des  matelots  pour  faire  couler  ceux  qui  etoient  vis-a-vis 
la  ville,  et  le  sieur  Bellemont,  enseigne,  avec  la  meme 
operation  au  fond  de  la  baye,  et  retirer  I'huile  de  la  tour  de 
la  lanterne,  ce  qu'ils  executerent. 

"  Le  13,  je  fis  sortir  toutes  les  compagnies  de  milice  avec 
des  hacbes  et  des  engins  pour  demolir  les  maisons  qui 
etoient  a  la  porte  Dauphine  jusqu'au  Barruchois,  et  pour 
eulever  le  bois  en  ville  pour  le  chauflfage  de  la  garnison, 
n'en  ayant  pas,  et  pour  faire  bruler  toutes  celles  qu'on  ne 
pourroit  pas  demolir,  afin  d'empecher  I'ennemy  de  s'y  loger. 

"  Je  fis  soutenir  ces  travailleurs  par  80  soldats  Francois 
et  Suisses  commande  par  monsieur  Deganne,  capitaine,  et 
Rasser,  officier  Suisse. 


294  APPENDIX- 

"  Comme  ils  finissaient  ct  (lu'ils  ^toient  au  moment  de  ae 
retirer  en  ville,  il  parut  au  Barnichois  et  dans  Ics  vallona 
des  hauteurs  plusieurs  pelotons  de  I'armf^e  ennemie,  il  y  cut 
meme  quelques  coups  do  fusils  de  tir«'s  par  ccux  qui  ^toient 
les  plus  pr^s;  nous  n'eumes  personne  de  tue  ni  do  blesse,  et 
nos  gens  virent  tomber  deux  liommes  de  renneniy. 

"  L'ennemy  s'est  empar^  de  la  batterie  Royale,  lo  13,  et 
le  lendemain  il  tira  sur  la  ville  plusieurs  coups  de  canon  do 
deux  qu'il  avoit  ddsenclou^. 

"  Le  m§me  jour  Tennemy  commenfja  avissi  k  nous  tirer 
plusieurs  bombes  de  12  pouches,  pesnnt  180  1.  et  de  9  pouces 
d'une  batterie  de  quatre  mortiers  qu'ils  avoient  estably  sur  la 
hauteur  derriere  les  plaines,  vis-i-vis  le  bastion  du  Koy. 

"  Cette  batterie  de  mortiers  n'a  pas  cess^  do  tirer  de  dis- 
tance en  distance,  ainsi  que  douzo  mortiers  h  grenades 
royales  que  l'ennemy  y  avoit  places,  et  deux  autres  canons 
qu'ils  ont  d^sencloues  k  la  batterie  royale,  mais  ce  feu 
n'a  fait  aucun  progr^s  jusqu'au  18,  et  n'a  tu^  ni  bless^ 
personne. 

"  Le  16,  je  fis  partir  un  expres  en  chaloupe  pour  porter 
une  lettre  a  monsieur  Marin,  otticier  de  Canada,  qui  com- 
mandoit  un  detacheraent  de  Canadiens  et  des  Sauvages  k 
I'Acadie,  avec  ordre  de  partir  pour  se  rendre  en  toute 
diligence  a  Louisbourg,  avec  son  detachement ;  c'etoit  une 
course  de  20  k  25  jours  au  plus,  s'il  avoit  ete  aux  mines, 
ainsi  que  Ton  m'avoit  assur^ ;  mais  ce  detachement  etoit  parti 
pour  le  port  Royal  lorsque  I'expres  y  arriva. 

"Get  expres  fut  oblige  d'y  aller:  il  lui  remit  la  leltre 
dont  il  etoit  charge,  il  tint  conseil,  plusieurs  de  son  party 
ne  voulurent  pas  le  suivre,  mais  lui  s'etant  mis  en  chemin 
avec  ceux  de  bonne  volonte  qui  voulurent  le  suivre,  il  eut 
toutes  les  peines  imaginables,  k  ce  qu'on  m'a  assure,  de 
trouver  des  voitures  dans  toute  rAcadie,  propres  pour  son 
transport. 


APPENDIX.  293 

"  lis  s'y  embarquerent  environ  3  a  400  dans  un  "bateau 
^e  25  tonneaux  et  dans  environ  une  centaine  de  canots. 
Comme  ils  etoient  dans  la  baie  a  doubler  une  pointe,  ils 
furent  attaques  par  un  bateau  corsaire  de  14  canons  et 
autant  de  pierriers;  cet  officier  soutint  I'attaque  avec 
vigueur,  et  dans  le  temps  qu'il  etoit  au  moment  d'aborder 
le  corsaire  pour  I'enlever,  un  autre  corsaire  de  la  meme  force 
vint  au  secours  de  son  caraarade,  ce  qui  obligea  le  dit  Sieur 
Marin  d'abandonner  la  partie  et  de  faire  cote. 

"  Cette  rencontre  lui  a  fait  perdre  plusieurs  jours  et  il  n'a 
pu  86  rendre  sur  les  terres  de  I'lsle  Royale  qu'au  commence- 
ment de  juillet,  apres  que  Louisbourg  a  ^te  rendu;  si  ce 
detachement  s'etoit  rendu  quinze  ou  viugt  jours  avant  la 
reddition  de  la  ville,  je  suis  plus  que  persuade  que  I'ennemy 
auroit  ete  contraint  de  lever  le  si^ge  de  terre,  par  la  terreur 
qu'il  avoit  de  ce  detachement  qu'il  pensoit  etre  au  nombre  de 
plus  de  2500. 

"  Je  dois  aussi  informer  Sa  Grandeur  que  ce  detachement 
a  tue  et  pris,  corame  il  se  retiroit  du  passage  de  Fronsac, 
pour  aller  a  I'Acadie,  apr^s  notre  depart,  treize  hommes 
d'un  corsaire  anglois  qui  etoit  a  leur  passage  pour  les  em- 
pecher  de  passer,  ces  hommes  ayant  ^te  avec  leurs  canots 
pour  faire  de  I'eau,  ils  sont  tombcs  entre  les  mains  de  ceux 
de  ce  detachement. 

"  Le  18,  messieurs  les  gen^raux  anglois  me  somra^rent  de 
rendre  la  ville,  forteresses  et  terres  en  dependant,  avec  I'ar- 
tillerie,  les  amies  et  les  munitions  de  guerre  qui  en  depen- 
dent sous  I'obeissance  de  la  Grande  Bretagne,  en  consequence 
de  quoy,  promettoient  de  traiter  humainement  tons  les  su- 
jets  du  Roy  mon  maitre  qui  y  etoient  dedans,  que  leurs 
biens  leur  seroient  assures,  et  qu'ils  auraient  la  liberte  de  se 
transporter  avec  leurs  efFets  dans  quelque  partie  de  la  domina- 
tion du  Roy  de  France,  en  Europe,  qu'ils  jugeroit  a  propos. 

"  Je  repondis  sur  le  champ  a  cette  sommation  que  le  Roy 


296  APPENDIX. 

mon  maitre  m'ayant  confie  la  defense  de  la  place,  je  n» 
pouvois  qu'apres  la  plus  rigoureuse  attaque  ^couter  une 
semblable  proposition,  et  que  je  n'avois  d'autre  reponse  a 
faire  a  cette  demande  que  par  les  bouches  des  canons. 

"  L'ennemy  commen^a  a  etablir,  le  19,  une  batterie  de 
sept  pieces  de  canon  dans  les  plaines  et  derriere  un  petit 
etang,  vis-a-vis  la  face  du  bastion  du  Roy,  laquelle  batterie 
n'a  pas  cesse  de  tirer  des  boulets  de  12,  18  et  24  depuis  ce 
jour  jusqu'a  la  reddition  de  la  place,  sur  le  casernes,  le  mur 
du  bastion  du  Roy  et  sur  la  ville ;  cette  batterie  ^toit,  Mon- 
seigneur,  la  plus  dangereuse  de  l'ennemy  pour  detruire  le 
monde;  tous  les  boulets  entiloient  toutes  les  rues  jusqu'k  la 
porte  Maurepas  et  au  mur  crenele ;  personne  ne  pouvoit  rester 
dans  la  ville,  soit  dans  les  maisons  ou  dans  les  rues. 

"  Aussy  pour  eteindre  le  feu  de  l'ennemy,  je  fis  etablir 
deux  pieces  de  canon  de  18  sur  le  cavalier  du  dit  Bastion 
du  Roy :  on  fit  pour  cet  eflfet  deux  coffres  en  planches  qu'on 
remplit  de  fascines  et  de  terres  qui  formoient  deux  embra- 
sures par  le  moyen  desquelles  les  canonniers  et  ceux  qui 
servirent  ces  canons  etoient  a  Fabry  du  feu  de  l'ennemy. 

"  Je  fis  aussy  percer  en  meme  temps  deux  embrasures  au 
mur  du  parapet  de  la  face  droite  du  dit  bastion;  on  y  mit 
deux  autre  canons  de  24. 

"  Ces  quatre  canons  ont  ^te  si  bien  servis  que  le  feu  de 
l'ennemy  de  la  dite  batterie  de  la  plaine  a  ete  eteint,  puis- 
qu'ils  ne  tiroient  lors  de  la  reddition  de  la  place  qu'un 
canon,  et  qu'ils  ont  eu  les  autres  demontes  a  la  dite  bat- 
terie, ainsy  que  ceux  de  nos  gens  qui  ont  ete  voir  cette  bat- 
terie, apres  la  reddition  de  la  place,  m'en  ont  rendu  compte. 

"  Le  matin  du  20,  je  fis  assembler  messieurs  les  capitaines 
des  compagnies  pour  prendre  un  party  s'il  convenoit  de  faire 
des  sorties  sur  l'ennemy.  II  fut  resolu  que  la  ville  etoit  en- 
ti^rement  denuee  de  monde,  qu'il  etoit  prejudiciable  d'en  faire, 
qu'^  peine  on  pourroit  garder  les  remparts  avec  les  1300 


APPENDIX.  297 

hommes  qu'il  y  avoit  dans  la  ville  y  compris  les  deux  cent 
de  la  batterie  royale. 

"  Je  fis  masquer  la  porte  Dauphine  en  pierre  de  taille, 
fascines  et  terre  de  I'epaisseur  d'environ  dix-huit  pieds, 
ainsi  que  les  deux  corps  de  garde  qui  sont  joints.  Sans  cet 
ouvrage  I'ennemy  auroit  pu  entrer  en  ville  des  le  lendemain 
qu'il  auroit  tire  de  la  batterie  de  Francoeur;  cette  porte 
n'etoit  pas  plus  forte  que  celle  d'une  porte  cochere,  les  murs 
de  la  dite  porte  et  des  corps  de  garde  n'avoient  que  trois 
pieds  ou  environ  d'epaisseur.  La  dite  porte  n'etoit  pas  non 
plus  flanquee  et  n'avoit  pour  toute  defense  que  quelques 
creneaux  aux  corps  de  garde,  desquels  on  ne  pouvoit  plus 
86  servir  sitot  qu'on  etoit  oblige  de  garnir  les  dits  corps 
de  garde  de  pierres,   de  terre. 

"  J'ordonnai  qu'on  fit  des  embrasures  de  gazon  et  de  terre, 
n'ayant  pas  le  temps  d'en  faire  de  pierre,  aux  quatre  canons 
qui  etoient  sur  la  batterie  du  bastion  Dauphin,  sur  le  corps 
de  garde  des  soldats,  joignant  la  porte  du  dit  bastion,  afin 
d'empgcher  I'ennemy  en  ses  travaux  sur  les  hauteurs  qui 
etoient  devant  la  dite  porte  3  lesquelles  embrasures  furent 
faites. 

"  Tous  les  flancs  des  bastions  de  la  ville  furent  aussy 
garnis  des  canons  des  corsaires  et  autres  qui  se  sont  trouves 
en  ville. 

"  L'ennemy  ayant  calfeutre  une  goelette  qui  etoit  echouee 
au  fond  de  la  baye  depuis  I'annee  derniere,  il  I'a  remplit  de 
bois,  goudron  et  autres  matieres  combustibles,  et  a  la  faveur 
d'une  nuit  obscure  et  d'un  vent  frais  du  nord-nord-est  qu'il 
fit  le  24,  il  nous  I'envoya  en  brulot  sur  la  ville. 

"  Tout  le  monde  passoit  toutes  les  nuits  sur  les  remparts, 
nous  attendions  de  pied  ferme  I'ennemy,  plustot  que  des 
artifices  de  cette  nature,  et  ce  brulot  ayant  ete  s'^chouer  au 
dehors  de  la  ville  vis-a-vis  du  terrain  du  S'  Ste  Marie  ne  fit 
pas  TefTet  que  i'ennemy  s'attendoit. 


298  APPENDIX. 

"L'ennemy  s'^tant  empare  de  la  hauteur  de  Francoeur 
qui  est  a  la  queue  du  glacis  de  la  porte  Dauphine,  il  a 
commence  a  ouvrir  des  boyaux  et  former  deux  batteries 
malgre  le  feu  continuel  de  nos  canons  de  la  barbette  et  du 
bastion  Dauphin  et  du  fianc  droit  du  bastion  du  Roy  et  de 
la  mousqueterie,  et  ces  deux  batteries  n'oiit  point  cesse  de 
tirer  depuis  le  29  jusqu'a  la  reddition  de  la  place  des  boulets 
de  18,  24,  36  et  42,  pour  battre  en  br^che  la  porte  Dauphine 
et  la  flanc  droit  du  bastion  du  Roy. 

"  L'ennemy,  faisant  plusieurs  mouvements  au  fond  de  la 
baye  et  a  la  hauteur  de  la  Lanterne,  monsieur  Valle,  lieu- 
tenant de  la  Compagnie  des  Canonniers,  vint  m'avertir  que 
l'ennemy  pourroit  faire  ces  mouvements  a  I'occasion  de 
plusieurs  canons  de  dix-huit  et  de  vingt-quatre  qui  avoient 
ete  mis  au  carenage  pour  servir  de  corps  de  garde  depuis 
environ  dix  ans.  Que  parmy  ces  canons  11  y  en  avoit  plusi- 
eurs en  etat  de  servir,  qu'il  avoit  informe  les  Gouverneurs 
de  cy-devant  plusieurs  fois  que  l'ennemy  pourroit  les  trans- 
porter a  la  tour,  etablir  une  batterie  pour  battre  I'isle  de 
I'entree  et  les  vaisseaux  qui  voudroient  entrer. 

"  Sur  un  avis  aussy  important,  et  l'ennemy  ayant  abore 
pavilion  d  la  tour  de  la  Lanterne,  je  fis  faire  un  detachement 
de  cinq  cent  jeunes  gens  du  pays  et  autres  de  la  milice  et 
des  flibustiers,  sous  les  ordres  du  Sieur  de  Beaubassin,  pour 
aller  voir  si  cela  etoit  vrai,  tacher  de  suprendre  l'ennemy  ou 
empecher  de  faire  leurs  travaux  en  cet  endroit. 

"  Ce  detachement  partit  en  trois  chaloupes  le  27  may  avec 
chacun  douze  jours  de  vivres  et  les  munitions  de  guerre 
necessaires  qui  leur  furent  fournies  des  magasins  du  Roy ;  il 
mit  pied  a  terre  au  grand  Lorembcc. 

"  Le  lendemain,  faisant  son  approche  k  la  tour,  il  fut 
decouvert  par  l'ennemy  qui  etoit  au  nombre  d'environ  300. 

"  lis  se  tirerent  quelques  volees  de  mousqueterye,  et  se 
sdpar^rent,  ce  detachement  ne  voyant  pas  son  avantage  et 


APPENDIX.  299 

plusieurs  ayant  lachd  le  pied,  il  fut  contraint  de  se  retirer 
dans  le  bois,  pour  bruler  s'il  lui  etoit  possible  les  raagasins 
qu'il  y  avoit,  on  I'avoit  assure  que  cela  etoit  aise,  que  I'ennemy 
dorinoit  avec  securite  en  cet  endroit. 

"  Koller  qui  etoit  second  du  dit  Sieur  de  Beaubassin, 
venant  de  St.  Pierre  par  terre,  quelques  jours  auparavant, 
avait  ete  dans  une  des  barraques  du  dit  camp  et  avoit  em- 
port(-  une  chaudiere  sans  etre  decouvert,  ce  detachement, 
dis-je,  etoit  a  un  demi  quart  de  lieue  a  I'liabitation  du  dit 
Koller,  il  avoit  envoye  des  decouvreurs  en  attendant  la 
nuit,  mais  ils  eurent  le  malheur  detre  decouverts  par  une 
douzaine  d'Anglois  qui  se  trouverent  aux  environs,  ce  qui 
fit  que  I'ennemy  detacha  un  party  considerable  qui  fut  pour 
les  attaquer.  Le  sieur  de  Beaubassin  fut  encore  oblige 
de  se  retirer  apr^s  quelques  coups  tires  de  part  et  d'autre: 
I'ennemy,  depuis  lors  cherclioit  partout  ce  detacbement,  et 
plusieurs  de  ceux-ci  ayant  ete  obliges  de  jeter  leurs  vivres 
pour  se  sauver,  ils  ^toient  sans  vivres  pour  passer  leur  douze 
jours,  et  plusieurs  qui  ^toient  des  havres  voisins  I'avoient 
abandonn6  et  s'etoient  retires  chez  eux;  il  se  trouvoit 
par  consequent  sans  vivres  et  trop  faibles  pour  resister  h. 
I'ennemy, 

"  II  fut  done  oblige  d'aller  au  petit  Lorembec  pour  prendre 
des  cbaloupes  afin  de  rentrer  dans  la  ville ;  il  se  trouva  en  ce 
Havre  environ  40  Sauvages  de  la  colonic  qui  avoient  detruit, 
il  y  avoit  deux  ou  trois  jours,  18  a  20  Anglois  qu'ils  avoient 
trouves  qui  pillaient  ce  Havre. 

"  Comma  ils  etaient  k  meme  d'embarquer  dans  les  cba- 
loupes, il  leur  tomba  un  detacbement  de  2  a  300  Anglois. 
Les  Sauvages  se  joignerent  a  ce  detacbement  et  ces  deux 
corps  faisaient  environ  120  hommes  qui  tinrent  pied  ferme  k 
I'ennemy. 

"  Le  feu  commenga  de  part  et  d'autre  vers  les  deux  berures 
«»t  dura  pendant  plus  de  quatre,  les  Anglois  avoient  mgme 


300  APPENDIX. 

ete  repousses  deux  fois  et  ils  auroient  4t4  ddfaits  si  d^s 
le  commencement  de  Faction,  ceux-ci  n'avoient  pas  envoy^ 
avertir  de  leurs  gens  qui  etoient  h  la  batterie  royale  et  a  la 
tour  et  s'il  ne  leur  etoit  pas  venu  a  I'entree  de  la  nuit  un 
party  considerable  qui  commen9a  a  vouloir  I'entourer. 

"  Notre  detachement  voyant  qu'il  n'y  avoit  pas  moyen  de 
r^sister  et  manquant  de  munitions,  plusieurs  ayant  tire  jus- 
qu'a  leur  dernier  coup,  il  se  retira  dans  les  bois,  I'ennemy, 
superieur  corame  il  etoit,  les  poursuivit  une  partie  de  la 
nuit,  notre  detachement  fut  contraint  de  se  retirer  a  Mire  et 
de  passer  la  riviere. 

"  Nous  avons  eu  en  cette  occasion  deux  hommes  de  tu^s  et 
environ  20  de  blesses  ou  prisonniers.  Monsieur  de  Beau- 
bassin  fut  du  nombre  des  blesses,  il  re9ut  une  balle  au  gras 
de  la  jambre  et  apres  une  lieure  et  demie  de  combat,  ne 
pouvant  resister  a  sa  blessure,  il  se  retira.  Le  sieur  Koller 
continua  le  combat  jusqu'a  la  fin. 

"  Le  dit  sieur  de  Beaubassin,  s'etant  rendu  en  ville  quel- 
ques  jours  apres  sixieme  dans  une  pirogue,  m'inforraa  de  ce 
qui  s'etoit  passe  a  I'occasion  de  son  detachement,  que  le 
surplus  etoit  refugie  a  Mire  ou  il  I'avait  laiss^  sous  la  con- 
duite  de  Koller,  qu'il  lui  manquoit  des  vivres  et  des  muni- 
tions de  guerre  ainsy  qu'aux  SauVages. 

"  Sur  ce  rapport  je  fis  partir  une  chaloupe  avec  20  quarts 
de  farine  et  autres  vivres  et  des  munitions,  tant  pour  ce 
detachement,  celui  de  monsieur  Marin  que  j'attendois  tous 
les  jours,   que  pour  les  Sauvages. 

"  On  trouva  Koller  avec  ses  gens,  monsieur  Marin  n'y  etoit 
pas  et  les  Sauvages  s'etoient  retires  k  leur  village. 

"  Koller  rentra  en  ville  le  14  juin  en  chaloupe  avec  ceux 
de  son  detachement  et  les  quelques  autres  qu'il  trouva  a 
Mire,  il  eut  bien  de  la  peine  a  passer  la  nuit  parmy  bati- 
ments  de  I'ennemy  qui  croisoient  depuis  Gabarrus  jusqu'i 
Escatary. 


APPENDIX.  801 

"  Nous  avons  appris  depuis  la  reddition  de  la  place,  par 
dea  personnes  de  probite,  que  I'ennemy  avoit  eu  au  moins 
150  homme  de  tues,  et  90  de  blesses  au  choc  du  petit 
Lorembec. 

"  Les  canons  de  la  porte  Dauphin  et  ceux  du  flanc  droit 
du  Bastion  du  Roy,  ne  joignant  pas  bien  la  batterie  que  I'en- 
nemy avoit  fait  sur  les  hauteurs  de  Francoeur  a  la  porte  Dau- 
phine,  on  perqa  trois  embrasures  a  la  courtine  de  la  grave 
pour  battre  a  revers  la  batterie  de  I'ennemy  de  la  hauteur 
de  Francoeur.  Ces  trois  embrasures  ou  on  avoit  place  du 
canon  de  3G  furent  ouvertes  les  30  mai,  et  firent  un  effet 
merveilleux ;  le  premier  jour  on  leur  demonta  un  de  leurs 
canons,  et  leurs  embrasures  furent  toutes  labourees,  cela 
n'erapecha  pas  le  feu  continuel  de  I'ennemy,  et  quant  a  la 
batterie  ce  que  nous  defaisions  le  jour,  ils  le  refaisoit  la  nuit. 

"  Le  m^me  jour,  sur  les  trois  heurs,  nous  eumes  connois- 
sance  d'un  gros  vaisseau  qui  donnoit  chasse  a  un  senau  et 
ensuite  qui  se  battoit  avec  le  dit  senau  et  une  fregatte  k  en- 
viron 4  lieues  du  fort  vers  le  sud-est,  en  meme  tems  trois 
vaisseaux  ennemis,  qui  etoient  en  passe  vers  le  Cap  Xoir 
et  la  pointe  Blanche,  courrurent  dessus;  le  gros  vaisseau 
apr^s  s'etre  battu  longtems  prit  la  chasse  sans  doute  quand 
il  eut  connoissance  des  trois  qui  courroient  sur  liii,  et  nous 
avons  entendu  tirer  du  canon  j  usque  vers  les  9  k  10  lieures 
du  soir,  nous  avons  appris  depuis  que  ce  vaisseau  etoit  le 
Viffilant. 

"  J'ordonnai  qu'on  tirat  de  la  poudriere  du  Bastion  Dau- 
pliin  les  poudres  qui  y  etoient  et  les  fis  transporter  sous  la 
poterne  de  la  courtine  qui  est  entre  le  Bastion  du  Roy  et 
celui  de  la  Reine. 

"  Comme  I'ennemy  avait  coupe  par  les  boulets  de  la  bat^ 
terie  de  Francoeur,  les  chaines  du  pont  levi  de  la  porte  Dau- 
phine,  j'ordonnay  aussy  de  couper  le  pont  de  la  dite  porte. 

"  Le  canon  de  I'ennemy  de  la  batterie  de  Francoeur  qui 


802  APPENDIX. 

battoit  le  flanc  droit  du  bastion  du  Roy,  faisant  beaucoup 
de  progres  et  entr'autres  aux  embrasures,  je  fis  commeucer  k 
faire  percer  le  mur  de  la  face  du  bastion  Dauphin  de  deux 
embrasures,  pour  y  mettre  deux  canons,  cet  ouvrage  malgr^ 
la  mousqueterie  que  I'ennemy  tiroit  toujours,  fut  mis  en  etat 
et  notre  canon  a  tire  et  fut  servi  autant  qu'on  pouvoit  d^sirer 
sur  celui  de  I'ennemy. 

"  L'ennemy  a  aussi  etably  une  batterie  de  cinq  canons  sur 
les  hauteurs  des  Mortissans  et  a  commence  k  tirer  le  2  juin 
des  boulets  de  36  et  42,  en  br^che  sur  le  bastion  Dauphin  et 
sur  I'eperon.  La  guerite  a  ete  jetce  k  bas,  et  une  partie 
de  Tangle  saillant,  le  m§me  jour.  Cette  batterie  a  deboule 
I'eperon  de  la  porta  Dauphine  en  ses  embrasures,  lesquelles 
ont  ete  racommodees  plusieurs  fois,  autant  bien  qu'on  pouvoit, 
k  pierre  seche,  avec  des  pierres  de  taille  et  des  sacs  de  terra. 

"  Le  meme  jour  I'escadre  ennemye  s'augmenta  par  I'ar- 
riv^e  d'un  vaisseaux  d'environ  40  a  50  canons,  et  nous  vismes 
aussy,  parmy  cette  escadre,  un  vaisseau  desempare,  qu'on 
nous  a  dit  depuis  §tre  celui  que  nous  avions  vu  se  battre  le 
30  may. 

"  Le  5  I'ennemy  a  envoye  vers  les  deux  heuras  du  matin 
de  la  batterie  royale,  un  brulot  qui  s'est  ^chou^  k  la  calle 
Frederic  ou  il  a  brule  sur  une  goelette,  il  n'a  pas  fait  d'autra 
mal,  quoiqu'il  fut  charge  de  matierfes  combustibles  et  da 
bombes  qui  firent  leur  effet;  toutes  les  batteries  de  I'ennemy 
ne  cesserent  point  de  tirer,  pendant  ce  temps  nos  gens  etoient 
corame  de  coutume  tout  le  long  des  remparts  et  du  quay,  k 
essuyer  ce  feu  avec  intrepidite. 

"  La  nuit  du  6  au  7  nous  eumes  une  alarme  generale  de 
Tisle  de  I'entree;  I'ennemy,  voulant  enlever  cette  batterie, 
s'embarqua  au  nombre  de  1000  sur  35  barques,  800  autres 
venant  derriere  devoient  les  soutenir.  La  nuit  etoit  tr^s 
obscure  et  faisoit  une  petite  brume. 

"  Ces  premiers  furent  mettre  pied  a  terre,   les  una  k   la 


APPENDIX.  303 

Pointe  k  Peletier,  les  autres  vis-k-vis  le  corps  des  casernes, 
et  le  surplus  au  debarquoment  de  la  dite  isle ;  I'ennemy  en 
debarquant  commen(;a  ^  crier  hoiirrah  par  trois  fois;  ils 
attacherent  merae  environ  12  echelles  aux  embrasures  afin 
de  les  escalader,  niais  Monsieur  D'Aillebout,  qui  com- 
inandoit  a  cette  batterie,  les  re^ut  h.  raerveille ;  le  canon  et 
ia  mousqueterie  de  ceux  de  I'isle  fut  servi  au  mieux,  toutes 
les  barques,  furent  toutes  brisees  ou  coulees  a  fond ;  le  feu 
fut  continuel  depuis  environ  minuit  jusqu'k  trois  heures  du 
matin. 

"  Le  dit  S  D'Ailleboust  ainsy  que  les  S"  Duchambon,  son 
Lieutenant,  et  Eurry  de  la  Perrelle,  son  enseigne,  ^toient 
les  premiers  a  monter  sur  les  embrasures  et  faire  feu  sur 
les  ennemis  pour  montrer  a  leurs  soldats  I'exemple,  et  aux 
autres  qui  etoient  avec  eux  a  la  dite  batterie. 

"  Les  soldats  firent  menie  plusieurs  fois  descendre  leurs 
officiers  des  embrasures,  leur  alleguant  qu'ils  ne  devoient 
point  ainsi  s'exposer,  qu'ils  n'avoient  qu'k  les  commander  et 
qu'ils  en  viendroient  a  bout ;  a  la  fin  I'ennemy  fut  contraint 
de  demander  quartier.  Les  huit  cents  qui  devoient  soutenir 
les  premiers  n'oserent  pas  s'approcher  et  s'en  furent:  on  fit 
119  prisonniers,  plusieurs  blesses  sont  morts  la  meme  jour- 
nee,  et  I'ennemy  a  eu  plus  de  250  de  tues,  noyes  ou  de 
blesses,  ne  s'etant  sauves,  au  rapport  de  nos  prisonniers 
qui  etoient  k  la  batterie  royale,  que  dans  deux  barges  qui 
pouvoient  contenir  environ  30  hommes,  parmy  lesquels  il 
y  avoit  plusieurs  de  blesses. 

"  L'ennemy  pouvant  attaquer  la  villa  avec  des  barges 
par  le  quay,  j'ordonnay  une  estacade  de  mats  qui  prenoit 
depuis  I'eperon  du  bastion  Dauphin  jusques  k  la  piece  de 
grave,  et  cette  estacade  a  ete  parachevee  le  11  juin.  L'en- 
nemy qui  s'etoit  aper^u  de  cet  ouvrage,  n'a  pas  cesse  de 
tirer  des  canons  de  ses  batteries,  sur  les  travaillants,  mais 
inutilement. 


304  APPENDIX. 

"Les  ennemis  ay  ant  toujo\irs  continue  leurs  travaux  k 
la  tour  de  la  Lanterne,  malgre  le  feu  continuel  de  bombes 
et  de  canons  de  la  batterie  de  I'isle  de  L'entree,  il  fut 
decide  qu'il  etoit  necessaire  de  blinder  les  casernes  et  la 
boulangerie  de  la  dite  isle,  et  le  bois  mauquant  pour  cet 
ouvrage  le  magasin  du  Sieur  Dacarrette  fut  demoli  pour 
cela. 

"  Le  feu  continuel  des  batteries  de  I'ennemy  ayant  de- 
moly  les  embrasures  du  flanc  droit  du  bastion  du  Roy,  oil 
nous  avions  six  canons  de  dix-huit  et  de  vingt-quatre  qui 
tiroient  continuellement,  et  ces  canons  ne  pouvant  pas  etre 
servis,  j'ordonnay  qu'on  fit  aussy  des  contremerlons  et  des 
embrasures  en  bois,  k  quoi  on  y  travailla  avec  toute  la  dili- 
gence possible,  et  ces  embrasures  etant  paracbevees  le  19 
juin,  le  canon  tira  toujours;  mais  ces  meraes  embrasures 
n'ont  pas  laisse  d'etre  demantib\il^es  aussy  par  le  canon 
de  I'ennemy. 

"  Depuis  que  la  batterie  de  martissan  a  ete  etablie,  elle 
n'a  pas  cesse  de  tirer  en  breche  sur  la  porte  Daupbin  et 
sur  I'eperon.  L'eperon  a  ete  tout  demantibule  et  racom- 
modee  plusieurs  fois,  ainsy  que  je  I'ai  dit  ci-devant;  les 
embrasures  qui  battent  le  long  du  quay  ont  aussy  ete 
demantelees,  par  cette  batterie  et  celle  de  Francoeur,  et 
personne  ne  pouvoit  rester  derri^re  le  mur  du  quay  qui  a 
ete  tout  crible,  les  boulets  de  24,  36  et  42  le  pergant  d'outre 
en  outre. 

"  Le  18,  messieurs  les  generaux  anglois  m'envoy^rent 
un  officier  avec  pavilion,  portant  une  lettre  de  monsieur 
Warren  chef  de  I'escadre  et  une  autre  de  Monsieur  de  la 
Maisonfort,  capitaine  de  vaisseau.  Par  la  premiere  ce 
general  se  plaignait  des  cruautes  que  nos  Frangois  et  Sau- 
vages  avoient  exercees  sur  ceux  de  sa  nation,  et  que  si,  a 
I'avenir,  pareille  chose  arrivoit,  il  ne  pourroit  pas  empecher 
ses  gens  d'en  agir  de  meme. 


APPENDIX.  805 

"Monsieur  de  la  Maisonfort  m'apprenoit  sa  prise,  le  30 
mai,  et  qu'il  avoit  tout  lieu  d'etre  satisfait  du  traitement 
qu'on  lui  faisoit,  ainsy  qu'a  ses  officiers  et  matelots,  et  de 
punir  severement,   etc. 

"  Je  repondis  a  celle  de  monsieur  Warren  qu'il  n'y  avoit 
point  de  Francois  parmy  les  Sauvages  qui  avoient  use  ainsi 
qu'il  disoit  de  cruaute,  comme  de  fait  il  n'y  en  avoit  pas, 
qu'il  devoit  gtre  persuade  que  je  negligeray  rien  pour 
arreter  le  cours  des  cruautes  des  Sauvages  autant  qu'il 
me  seroit  possible  de  communiquer  avec  eux,   etc. 

"  A  celle  de  monsieur  de  la  Maisonfort,  que  je  ferai 
defendre  aux  Sauvages,  lorsque  je  pourrai  avoir  communi- 
cation avec  eux,  d'en  user  raieux  [^sic'j  par  la  suite,  qu'il  n'y 
avoit  aucun  des  Frangois  avec  eux  lorsqu'ils  out  use  de 
cruautes,  etc.,  et  I'officier  porteur  de  ces  lettres  partit  sur 
le  champ. 

"  Le  21,  la  batterie  que  les  ennemis  ont  etablie  a  la  tour 
de  la  Lanterne  de  7  canons  et  un  mortier  a  commence  a 
tirer  sur  celle  de  I'isle  de  L'entree  avec  des  boulets  de  18 
et  un  mortier  de  12  pouces,  pesant  180  1.  et  le  feu  de  la 
dite  batterie  n'a  pas  cesse  de  tirer  jusqu'k  la  reddition  de 
la  place,   malgre  le  feu  continuel  de  celle  de  I'isle. 

"  Les  batteries  de  I'ennemy  faisant  un  progres  conside- 
rable, malgre  notre  feu  des  canons  du  bastion  du  Roy, 
bastion  Dauphin,  de  la  piece  de  la  grave,  et  de  la  mous- 
queterie  a  la  breche  de  la  porte  Dauphine  et  aux  corps  de 
garde  joignants,  j'ordonnai  h  Monsieur  Verrier,  ingenieur, 
de  faire  un  retranchement  dans  le  bastion  Dauphin  pour 
defendre  I'assaut  que  I'ennemy  pourrait  donner  par  la 
breche.  Get  ouvrage  qui  prenoit  depuis  le  quay  jusqu'au 
parapet  de  la  face  du  bastion  Dauphin,  fut  mis  en  ^tat 
le  24  apres  bien  des  travaux  de  nuit. 

"  II  se  fit  le  merae  jour  une  jonction  de  4  vaisseaux,  dont 
deux  de  60,  un  de  50  et  I'autre  de  40  canons,  avec  ceux  qui 

TOL.  II.  —  20 


306  APPENDIX. 

bloquoient  le  port.  Ces  vaisseaux  sitot  qu'ils  eurent  th:4 
les  signaux  de  reconnaissance  s'assemblerent  et  apres  s'etre 
paries,  ils  furent  vers  la  baye  de  Gabarrus. 

"  Le  lendemain  les  vaisseaux  ennemis  au  nombre  de  13 
mouillerent  en  ligne  vers  la  Pointe  Blanche  a  environ  2 
lieues  du  port  de  Louisbourg.  L'eunemy  fit  faire  en  meme 
temps  et  le  lendemain  trois  piles  de  bois  pour  des  signaux 
sur  les  hauteurs  qui  sont  k  I'ouest  du  port  de  Louisbourg. 

"  Je  ne  puis  pas  m'empecher  d'informer  Sa  Grandeur 
et  de  lui  dire  avec  verite  que  toutes  les  batteries  de  I'en- 
nemy  soit  de  mortier  ou  de  canon  n'ont  pas  cesse  de  tirer 
depuis  les  jours  qu'ils  les  ont  etablis,  de  meme  que  la 
mousqueterie,  sans  discontinuer,  de  la  batterie  de  Fran- 
ccBur;  que  toutes  les  maisons  de  la  ville  ont  toutes  ete 
ecrasees,  criblees  et  mises  hors  d'etat  d'etre  logees;  que 
le  flanc  du  bastion  du  Roy  a  et^  tout  demoli,  ainsy  que 
les  embrasures  en  bois  qu'on  y  avoit  remplacees;  qu'ils 
ont  fait  breche  a  la  porte  Dauphine,  le  corps  de  garde 
joignant,  et  qu'il  etoit  praticable  au  moyen  des  fascines 
qu'ils  avoient  transporte  pendant  deux  jours  a  la  batterie 
de  Francoeur;  que  I'eperou  joignant  le  corps  de  garde  de 
I'officier  de  la  porte  Dauphine  etoit  tout  demantele,  ainsi 
que  les  embrasures  du  quai,  malgre  le  feu  continuel  de  tons 
les  canons,  mortiers  et  mousqueterie  que  nous  tirions  de  la 
ville  et  qui  etoient  servis  avec  toute  la  vigueur  et  I'activite 
qu'on  pouvoit  esperer  en  pareille  occasion. 

"  La  preuve  en  est  assez  evidente,  Monseigneur,  puisque 
de  67  milliers  de  poudre  que  nous  avions  au  commencement 
du  siege,  il  nous  n'en  restoit,  le  27  juin,  que  47  barils  en 
ville,  laquelle  quantite  m'etoit  absolument  necessaire  pour 
pouvoir  capituler;  nous  avons  aussi  tire  toutes  les  bombes 
de  12  pouces  que  nous  avions  et  presque  toutes  celles  de 
9  pouces. 

"  Je  dois  rendre  justice  a  tons  les  officio rs  de  la  garnison, 


APPENDIX.  307 

aux  soldats  et  aux  habitans  qui  ont  defendu  la  place,  ils  ont 
tons  en  general  supporte  la  fatigue  de  ce  siege  avec  une  in- 
trepidite  sans  egale,  pendant  les  116  [  ?]  jours  qu'il  a  dure. 

"  Passant  toutes  les  nuits  au  chemin  couvert  de  la  porte 
Dauphine,  depuis  que  I'ennemy  avoit  commence  k  battre  en 
breche  cat  endroit,  a  soutenir  les  travaillants  qui  otoient  les 
decorabres  sur  les  remparts  aux  portes  qui  leur  etoient  des- 
tinees,  sans  se  reposer  aucune  nuit  et  pour  le  jour  n'ayant 
pas  un  seul  endroit  pour  sommeiller  sans  courir  risque  d'etre 
emporte  par  les  canons  de  I'ennemy  qui  commandoient  toute 
la  ville. 

"  Aussy  tout  le  monde  etoit  fatigue  de  travail  et  d'insom- 
nie,  et  de  1300  que  nous  etions  au  commencement  du  siege, 
50  ont  ete  tues,  95  blesses  bors  d'etat  de  rendre  service, 
plusieurs  etoient  tombes  malades  par  la  fatigue,  aussy  les 
remparts  qui  n'etoient  au  commencement  du  siege  garnis 
que  de  5  a  5  pieds,  se  trouvoient  presque  tons  degarnis  le 
26  de  juin  lorsque  les  babitans  de  la  ville  me  presenterent 
leur  requete  tendant  k  ce  que  les  forces  de  I'ennemy  soit  de 
terre  et  de  mer,  augmentant  tous  les  jours,  sans  qu'ils  nous 
parvint  aucun  secours  ni  apparence  d'en  avoir  d'assez  fort 
•pour  forcer  I'ennemy,  il  me  plut  capituler  avec  les  generaux 
afin  de  leur  conserver  le  peu  qu'il  leur  restoit. 

"  Cette  requete,  Monseigneur,  me  toucba  jusqu'au  i)lus 
vif  de  mon  ame.  D'un  cote  je  voyois  une  place  telle  que 
Louisbourg  et  qui  a  coute  bien  des  sommes  au  Roi,  au  mo- 
ment d'etre  enlevee  par  la  force  de  I'ennemy  qui  avoit  une 
brecbe  assez  practicable  pour  cela  et  des  vaisseaux  en  ligne 
qui  s'installoient  depuis  deux  jours. 

"  D'autre  cote,  il  me  paroissoit  un  nombre  d'habitans,  tous 
ebarges  de  families,  au  moment  de  perir,  perdre  par  conse- 
quent le  fruit  de  leurs  travaux  depuis  le  commencement  de 
I'etablissement  de  la  colonie. 

"  Dans  une  conjoncture  aussy  delicate,  je  fis  rendre  compte 


308  APPENDIX. 

a  monsieur  Verrier,  ingenieur  en  chef,  de  I'^tat  des  forti- 
fications de  la  Place,  et  a  monsieur  de  Ste  Marie,  capitaine 
charge  de  I'artillerie,  de  celui  des  munitions  de  guerre ;  I'un 
et  I'autre  me  firent  leur  rapport,  je  fis  tenir  conseil  de  guerre 
qui  decida  unanimement  que  vu  les  forces  de  I'ennemy  et 
I'etat  de  la  Place  il  convenoit  de  capituler. 

"  J'ecrivis  une  lettre  h  le  sortie  du  Conseil  a  messieurs  les 
generaux  anglois,  je  leur  demanday  une  suspension  d'arraes, 
pour  le  temps  qu'il  me  seroit  convenable  pour  leur  faire 
des  articles  de  capitulation  aux  conditions  desquelles  je  leur 
remettrois  la  Place. 

"  Monsieur  de  Laperelle ,  fils,  qui  etoit  porteur  de  cette 
lettre,  me  rapporta  le  meme  soir  leur  reponse  par  laquelle 
ils  me  donnoient  le  temps  jusques  au  lendemain  a  huit 
heures  du  matin,  et  que  si  pendant  ce  temps,  je  me  deter- 
minois  h  me  rendre  prisonnier  de  guerre,  je  pouvois  compter 
que  je  serois  traite  avec  toute  la  generosite  possible. 

"  Je  ne  m'attendois  pas  a  une  telle  reponse,  aussy  le  lende- 
main 27,  je  leur  envoyai  par  Monsieur  de  Bonnaventure 
les  articles  de  capitulation  avec  une  seconde  lettre,  par 
laquelle  je  leur  mandai  que  les  conditions  faites  la  veille 
etoient  trop  dures,  que  je  ne  pouvois  les  accepter  et  que 
c'etoit  a  ceux  que  je  faisois  par  mes  propositions  que  je 
consentirois  k  leur  remettre  la  place   [sic]. 

"  Messieurs  les  generaux  ne  voulurent  pas  repondre  par 
apostille  a  ces  propositions,  mais  ils  me  renvoyerent  leur 
reponse  separee  par  le  dit  Sieur  de  Bonnaventure;  cette 
reponse  m'accordoit  partie  des  articles  que  j'avois  de- 
maudes,  mais  ceux  qui  m'etoient  le  plus  sensible  et  glorieux, 
qui  etoient  ceux  de  sortir  de  la  Place,  avec  les  honneurs 
de  la  guerre,  avec  arme  et  bagage,  tambour  battant  et  dra- 
peaux  deployes,  ne  s'y  trouvoient  pas  inseres,  aussy  je  leur 
ecrivis  sur  le  champ  deux  lettres,  I'une  au  chef  d'escadre 
et  I'autre  au  general  de  terre,  que  je  ne  pouvois  consentir 


APPENDIX.  309 

k  laisser  sortir  les  troupes  de  la  place  sans  ces  articles  qui 
etoient  des  honneurs  dlis  a  des  troupes  qui  avoient  fait  leur 
devoir,  que  cela  accorde  je  consentois  aux  articles. 

"  Messieurs  les  generaux  m'ecrivirent  en  reponse  qu'ils 
accordoient  cet  article  et  monsieur  Warren  augraenta  des 
conditions  pour  la  reddition  de  I'lsle  et  de  la  Place. 

"  Les  ratifications  ont  ete  signees  de  part  et  d'autre,  niais 
messieurs  les  generaux  Anglois  bien  loin  d'avoir  execute  de 
leur  part  la  dite  capitulation,  ainsy  que  j'ai  fait  du  mien  en 
tout  son  contenu,  ils  ont  manque  en  plusieurs  articles. 

"  Au  premier  article  il  est  dit  que  tons  les  eifets  mobiliera 
de  tous  les  sujets  du  Koy  de  France  qui  etoient  dans  Louis- 
bourg  leur  seroient  laisses  et  qu'ils  auroient  la  liberie  de  les 
emporter  avec  eux  dans  tels  ports  d'Europe  de  la  domination 
de  leur  Roy  qu'ils  jugeront  a  propos. 

"  Tous  les  battiments  qui  etoient  dans  le  port  appartenant 
aux  particuliers,  faisaient  partie  de  leurs  eifets  mobiliers, 
cependant  les  Anglois  s'en  sont  empares  et  les  ont  garde 
pour  eux. 

"  Tous  les  particuliers  generalement  quelconques  qui  ont 
passe  en  France  n'ont  pu  emporter  aucune  armoire,  chaise, 
fauteuil,  table,  bureau,  chenets  et  autres  meubles  de  cette 
nature,  ny  meme  aucune  grosse  marchandise,  messieurs  les 
generaux  n'ayant  point  fourni  des  battiments  pour  cela  ne- 
cessaires,  ils  n'ont  pas  ete  pilles,  mais  h  bien  examiner  la 
chose,  ne  pouvant  pas  emporter  le  peu  de  meubles  qu'ils 
avoient  faute  de  battiments,  ils  ont  ete  obliges  de  les  laisser, 
ce  qu'ils  ont  laisse  a  Louisbourg  est  tout  comme  si  on  leur 
avait  pille,  a  moins  que  Sa  Grandeur  ne  fasse  faire  raison 
par  la  cour  d'Angleterre. 

"  lis  ont  encore  manque  a  cet  article,  pendant  le  temps 
que  j'etois  a  la  colonic;  ils  ont  fait  partir  a  mon  insu  436 
matelots  et  particuliers  pour  Baston;  ils  etoient  embarques 
ainsi   que  les  troupes  sur  des  vaisseaux  de  guerre  jusqu'^ 


310  APPENDIX. 

leur  embarquement  pour  la  France,  raais  un  matin  le  vais 
seau  dans  lequel  ils  etoient  eut  ordre  de  partir  pour  Baston, 
et  fit  voile. 

"J'en  fus  informe,  j'en  portai  ma  plainte,  mais  cela 
n'aboutit  a  autre  chose  sinou  qu'ils  n'avoient  pu  fairs  autre- 
ment  faute  de  vivres  et  de  battinieiit  et  (ju'on  les  feruit 
re  passer  de  Baston  en  France. 

"  Ces  matelots  n'ont  pas  et^  les  seuls,  j'ai  ete  inform^  que 
depuis  mon  depart,  ils  ont  agi  de  ra?me  a  I'egard  des  families 
qui  n'avoient  pu  etre  placees  sur  les  batiments  de  transport 
qu'ils  avoient  destine  pour  la  France,  si  les  generaux  anglois 
avoient  voulu,  les  batiments  qui  ont  transporte  ces  families 
a  Boston  les  auroient  transportees  pour  France,  ils  avoient 
des  vivres  en  magaziu  beaucoup  plus  que  pour  la  traversee ; 
mais  ils  n'ont  agi  ainsi  qu'afin  de  disperser  la  colonic. 

"  Le  2®  article  regarde  les  battiments  qui  etoient  dans  le 
port  et  ceux  qu'ils  devoient  fournir  en  cas  que  les  premiers 
ne  fussent  pas  suffisants  pour  faire  le  transport. 

"  J'ay  fait  mes  remarques  a  ceci  au  precedent  article,  c'est 
un  des  plus  considerables  par  rapport  a  la  valeur  des  choses, 
y  ayant  quantite  de  battiments  dans  le  port  qui  etoient 
coules  ou  echoues,  et  dont  I'ennemy  ne  pouvoit  en  faire 
sortir  aucun  du  port  ny  faire  aucun  usage  tant  que  uos 
batteries  auroient  existe. 

"  Au  surplus  si  plusieurs  particuliers  de  la  ville  n'avoient 
pas  achete  des  battiments  les  Anglois  auroient  profite  de  tous 
les  efifets  qu'ils  y  ont  charges,  ainsi  qu'ils  ont  fait  de  ceux 
qui  n'avoient  pas  le  moyen  d'en  acheter,  ces  families  auroient 
ete  contraintes,  ainsi  que  celles  qui  se  sont  embarquees  en 
payant  de  gros  frets,  de  passer  a  Boston. 

"  A  regard  du  dernier  article  des  armes,  tous  les  habitans 
avoient  les  leurs  et  les  ont  remises  en  depot  sitot  la  reddi- 
tion  de  la  place ;  ces  armes  etoient  partie  de  leurs  effets,  les 
ennemis  n'ont  pas  voulu  les  rendre,  je  m'en  suis  plaint,  ils 


APPENDIX.  311 

m'ont  fait  reponse,  lorsqu'ils  ont  envoye  les  436  matelots, 
qu'ils  leur  enverroient  leurs  armes,  les  autres  habitans  sont 
dans  le  mgme  cas. 

"  Je  crois  devoir  vous  informer,  Monseigneur,  qu'ils  se 
sont  aussy  empares  de  tons  les  effets  et  ustensils  de  I'hopital 
et  des  magasins  du  Roi :  par  la  reddition  de  la  Place  ils  n'out 
que  la  ville  avec  les  fortifications  et  batteries,  avec  toute 
I'artillerie  armes  et  ustensils  de  guerre  qui  y  etoient  et  non 
pas  les  autres  effets ;  cependant  ils  s'en  sont  empares,  disant 
que  c'etoit  au  Roy,  Monsieur  Bigot  leur  a  fait  ses  represen- 
tations qui  n'ont  eu  aucun  fruit,  il  vous  rendra  compte  a  ce 
sujet. 

"  Monsieur  Bigot  a  bien  voulu  se  charger  lorsqu'il  est  parti 
de  I'isle  d'Aix  pour  vous  rendre  compte  de  ma  lettre  du  15 
de  ce  mois  avec  tous  les  originaux  des  papiers,  concernant 
tout  ce  qui  s'est  passe  a  I'occasion  du  siege  de  Louisbourg ; 
je  suis  persuade  qu'ils  les  aura  remis  a  sa  grandeur  et  qu'a- 
pres  I'examen  qu'elle  en  a  fait,  elle  me  rendra  assez  de  jus- 
tice que  j'ay  fait  tout  mon  possible  pour  la  defense  de  cette 
place,  et  que  je  ne  I'ay  rendue  qu'a  la  derniere  extremite. 

"  J'oubliois  d'informer  monseigneur,  que  messieurs  de  la 
Tressilliere  et  Souvigny,  enseignes,  et  Lopinot,  fils  cadet, 
sont  du  nombre  de  ceux  qui  ont  ete  tues  pendant  le  siege. 

"  La  garnison  de  Canceau  avoit  ete  faite  prisonniere  au  dit 
lieu  le  24  may  de  I'annee  derniere ;  elle  ne  devoit  pas  por- 
ter les  armes  contre  le  Roy  pendant  I'an  et  jour;  monsieur 
Duquesnel  donna  la  liberie  a  tous  les  officiers  de  cette  garni- 
son d'aller  sur  leur  parole  d'honneur  a  Baston  et  de  passer  au 
dit  lieu  le  temps  porte  par  leur  capitulation. 

"  Le  Sieur  Jean  Blastrick,  officier,  etoit  du  nombre,  il 
A.  manque  a  sa  parole,  puisqu'il  les  a  prises  au  mois  de 
mars  dernier,  c'etoit  un  des  cliefs  de  ceux  qui  ont  brtile 
Toulouse-Port  et  qui  ont  fait  la  descente  a  Gabarrus  le 
11  may. 


312  APPENDIX. 

"  II  etoit  colonel  general  de  la  milice  de  Baston,  et  il  est 
entre  en  ville  a  la  tete  de  cette  milice,  le  lendemain  de  la 
reddition  de  la  place." 


c. 

CHAPTER  XXII.     SHIRLEY  AND  THE 
ACADIAXS. 

All  the  following  correspondence  is  from  the  Public 
Record  Office:  America  and  West  Indies. 

Shirley  to  Newcastle,  14  Dkc,  1745. 
(Extract.) 

"...  Having  lately  procur'd  from  Fort  INIajor  Phillips 
of  Annapolis  Royal  the  late  Lieutenant  Governour  Arm- 
strong's Original  Instrument  mention'd  in  my  late  State 
of  the  Province  of  Nova  Scotia  to  be  given  by  him  to  the 
Prench  Inhabitants  of  that  Province,  by  virtue  of  which  and 
of  another  of  the  same  tenour  given  'em  by  him  in  1730, 
they  claim  an  Exemption  from  bearing  Arms  in  defence  of 
his  Majesty's  Government,  I  inclose  your  Grace  a  Copy  of 
it.  Mr.  Phillips  in  his  letter  inclosing  this  Instrument  to 
me  observes  that  the  '  Inhabitants  of  Nova  Scotia  at  the 
first  news  of  Louisbourg's  being  surrendred  were  in  great 
Consternation  and  at  Minas  in  particular  they  appear'd  in 
Tears  in  the  Publick  Places,  where  nine  months  before  tliey 
had  assisted  in  singing  Te  Deum,  on  a  false  report  that 
Annapolis  Royal  was  surrendred  to  Monsieur  Duvivier.' 
He  goes  on  to  say  that  a  report  was  spread  there  that  Mon- 
sieur Duvivier  was  arriv'd  at  Canada  with  rigging  for  two 
Men  of  War,  and  the  Renommee  a  French  thirty  gun  Ship 


APPENDIX  313 

with  two  Prizes  at  Quebec.    And  all  the  Nova  Scotia  Priests 
were  gone  to  Canada  for  Instructions;    and  give  out  that 
there  are  2000  Canadeans  at  Chignecto  waiting  ready  for 
another  attempt  against  his  Majesty's  Garrison.     To  which 
I  would  beg  leave  to  subjoin  that  it  seems  to  me  far  from 
being  improbable  that  the  French  will  Attempt  the  reduction 
of  Nova  Scotia  early  in  the  Spring,  by  gaining  which  tliey 
will  have  a  fine  provision  Country  to  assemble  8  or  10,000 
fighting  men  and  all  the  tribes    of    Indians  ready  to  join 
in  an  attempt  against  Louisbourg  at  a  few  days  Warning 
as  I  observ'd  to  your  Grace  in  a  late  Letter ;  But  if  they 
should  not  attempt  Louisbourg  they  would  irresistably  break 
up  all  the  Eastern  Settlements  of  this  Province  and  I  doubt 
not  the  whole  Province  of  New  Hampshire  it  self,  which 
would  make  'em   masters  of  all  Mast  Country  and  Naval 
Stores  and  of  a  rich  Soil  for  Corn  as  well  as  Cattle  and  this 
would  also  enable  'em  to  make  deep  impressions  on  all  the 
"Western  frontier  of  this  Province,  New  York  and  Connecti- 
cut, and,  how  far  they  might  penetrate  is  not  Certain  but  so 
far  at  least  as  might  make  it  very  difficult  to  dislodge  'em 
and  give  'em  such  an  hold  of  the  Continent  as  to  make  'em 
think  in  time  of  pushing  witli  the  assistance  of  the  Indians 
for  the  Mastery  of  it,  which  is  richly  worth  contending  for 
with  all  their  might  as  it  would  in  their  hands  lay  the  surest 
foundation  for   an   Universal  Monarchy  by  Sea  and  Land 
that  ever  a  people  had.     This  train  of  Consequences  from 
the  Enemies  being  Masters  of  Nova  Scotia  may  seem  remote, 
my  Lord,  but  they  are  not  impossible,  and  it  may  be  very 
difficult  for  the  French  to  regain  Louisbourg  at  least  with- 
out being  Masters  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  that  seems  under  the 
present  Circumstances  of  the   Garrison   where   no   recruits 
are  yet  Arriv'd  from  England  and  the  Inhabitants  of  tlie 
Country   Surrounding  it  are  Enemies  in    their   hearts    no 
difficult  acquisition  and  to  be  made  with  a  small  Train  of 


314  APPENDIX. 

Artillery  in  three  weeks  at  farthest.  I  would  submit  it  to 
your  Grace's  consideration  whether  the  Garrison  should  not 
be  reinforc'd  as  soon  as  may  be.  And  the  Inhabitants  should 
not  be  forthwith  put  upon  a  good  foot  of  Suly'ection  and 
fidelity.  Thus  in  obedience  to  your  Grace's  Direction  I 
have  troubled  you  with  ray  whole  sentiments  concerning 
the  Province  of  Nova  Scotia  which  as  I  can't  tliink  it  prob- 
able that  the  French  will  sleep  the  next  year  after  the  blow 
we  have  given  'em  at  Louisbourg  (which,  if  they  don't  re- 
cover it  soon  by  retaking  Cape  Breton  or  getting  Nova  Scotia 
will  prove  their  Death  wound  in  North  America)  seems  to 
be  most  likely  to  be  attack'd  by  'em  of  any  place  in  these 
parts,  and  I  hope  your  Grace  will  excuse  my  Repetition  of 
the  Danger  of  it. 

"  I  am  with  the  most  Dutiful  Regards 
"  My  Lord  Duke, 

"  Your  Grace's  most  Obedf 
"  and  most  Devoted  Servant 

"  W.  Shirley." 

Shirlbt  to  Newcastle,  11  Feb.  1746, 

{Extract.) 

"  My  Lord  Duke. 

"  Since  my  last  to  your  Grace  I  have  received  the  Inclos'd 
packett  from  Mr.  Mascarene  Containing  a  Representation  of 
the  State  of  Nova  Scotia  from  himself  and  his  Majesty's 
Council  of  that  Province  with  a  copy  of  a  Letter  from  him 
to  me,  Showing  the  reasons  of  his  late  Conduct  towards 
the  French  Inhabitants;  Your  Grace  will  perceive  that  this 
representation  is  drawn  up  in  Stronger  Terms  against  the 
Inhabitants  than  mine;  I  could  wish  the  Gentlemen  liad 
been  more  Explicit  in  what  they  would  Recommend  as  the 
most  adviseable  Method  of  Securing  his  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment within  the  Province  and  against  the  French  Inhabit- 


APPENDIX.  315 

ants —  But  as  that  is  not  done  except  in  Short  hints,  And 
Mr.  Little,  to  whom  both  Mr.  Mascarene  and  Mr.  Secretary 
Shirreff  referr  me  for  a  Larger  Account  of  the  Sentiments  of 
the  Gentlemen  of  the  Garrison  concerning  these  Matters, 
Offers  his  Service  to  go  with  my  dispatches  to  England  and 
return  directly  with  any  Orders  his  Majesty  may  be  pleased 
to  give  thereupon,  I  have  sent  him  to  wait  upon  your  Grace, 
and  it  is  possible  that  when  he  is  upon  the  Spot  ready  to 
Answer  any  Questions,  it  may  be  of  Service  —  Having  be- 
fore troubled  your  Grace  So  Largely  upon  this  head,  I  will 
beg  leave  to  referr  to  my  former  Letters,  Mr.  Little  Mr. 
Agent  Kilby  and  Mr.  BoUan,  which  two  last  can,  I  believe, 
give  Considerable  Light  on  the  affiiir;  And  shall  only  add 
that  the  Spring  before  last  the  Garrison  was  very  narrowly 
Saved  from  the  Enemy  by  the  Arrival  of  the  New  England 
Auxiliaries,  and  the  last  Spring,  by  the  Expedition  against 
Cape  Breton,  tliat  tlie  preservation  of  it  this  Spring  will  be 
of  the  Utmost  Importance  to  his  Majesty's  Service  in  Amer- 
ica, and  that  nntliing  will  more  effectually  Secure  that  than 
putting  the  Inhabitants  upon  a  proper  foot  of  Subjection,  in 
the  most  Speedy  ^Manner,  to  prevent  their  Revolt,  which 
Cannot  be  done  without  his  Majesty's  Special  directions  for 
that  purpose;  for  the  procuring  of  which,  I  find  Mr.  Mas- 
carene,  and  his  whole  Council  have  a  dependance  upon  me; 
the  Language  of  their  Several  Letters  being  that  they  Cottv- 
mit  themselves  to  my  Care;  and  will  take  no  step  without 
my  Advice  or  approbation,  which  has  been  the  Case  for 
above  these  last  two  years,  And  I  mention  to  your  Grace 
in  Excuse  for  my  being  So  importunate  in  the  Affairs  of 
another  Government,  which  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Garrison 
lay  me  Under  a  Necessity  of  being;  And  I  am  further 
Urg'd  to  this  by  the  late  Accounts,  w*=^  Mr.  Mascarene  and 
the  other  Gentlemen  have  sent  me  of  the  Appearance  of 
four  hundred  Indians  well  Cloathed,  Arm'd,  and  Supply'd 


316  APPENDIX. 

with  Stores  from  Canada  near  St.  Johns  River,  Seventeen 
French  Officers  being  Seen  among  'era,  and  another  Body  of 
French  in  the  Neighbourhood  of  the  Province,  and  Reports 
that  Mr.  Duvivier  in  tlie  ]\irfaite  Man  of  Warr,  and  another 
Ship  of  Force  were  at  Qubec  with  Stores,  and  anotljer  was 
seen  to  put  into  St.  Johns  Island;  That  the  Priests  who 
went  to  Canada  for  Instructions  are  returned  with  SuppHes 
and  large  promises  to  the  Indians  (before  well  dispos'd  and 
upon  the  point  of  putting  themselves  under  Our  protection 
on  the  taking  of  Louisbourg)  and  Encouragements  for  the 
Inhabitants  to  depend  upon  a  powerfull  force  against  the 
Fort  at  Annapolis  Royal  this  Spring.  These  alarms  indeed 
have  been  Something  AUay'd  by  Letters  from  the  Deputies 
of  Minas  and  other  Di.stricts  to  Mr.  Ma.scarene,  wliich  for 
my  own  part  I  have  no  great  dependance  upon. 

"  But  it  seems  plain  upon  the  whole,  that  the  French  are 
making  the  Utmost  Efforts  to  retain  the  Indians  of  those 
parts  in  their  Interest,  and  gaining  over  the  Inhabitants  of 
Nova  Scotia,  So  that  the  Taking  of  Speedy  measures  for 
Securing  these  last  and  gaining  over  the  former  which  will 
depend  upon  that,  as  the  preservation  of  Nova  Scotia  does 
upon  both,  is  a  Matter  of  the  Highest  Consequence. 

"  Upon  this  Occasion  it  seems  necessary  for  me  to  apprise 
your  Grace,  that  Mr.  Mascarene  and  his  Council  have  not 
So  good  an  harmony  Subsisting  between  them  as  could  be 
wish'd,  and  tliat  all  the  Officers  have  of  late  differ'd  in  Sen- 
timents with  him  particularly  upon  the  Behaviour  of  the 
French  Inhabitants,  Concerning  whom  he  indeed  has  himself 
alter'd  his  Opinion  in  Some  measure ;  But  I  think  there  may 
be  Still  danger  of  too  much  tenderness  towards  'em  on  his 
part,  and  perhaps  rigour  on  theirs  in  carrying  any  Orders  of 
his  Majesty's  into  Execution;  So  that  by  their  Jarring,  the 
Execution  of  the  Orders  may  possibly  be  Obstructed,  if  they 
are  left  to  themselves ; 


APPENDIX.  817 

"  Wherefore  if  their  Chief  Govemour's  Age  and  health, 
and  other  Circumstances  would  have  permitted  him  to  have 
been  Upon  the  Spott,  and  Assisted  in  this  Service,  it  would 
I  believe  have  been  for  the  Advantage  of  it,  for  liim  to  have 
made  'em  a  short  Visit  at  least  this  year,  And  if  it  could 
have  been  repeated  for  the  two  or  three  proceeding  years  it 
would  have  been  still  more  so.  .  .  ." 

Shirley  to  Nkwcastlb,  10th  Mat,  1746. 
(Extract.) 

"...  I  think  it  my  indispensable  duty  to  suggest  again 
to  Your  Grace  my  Fears  that  the  Enemy  will  soon  find  an 
opportunity  of  snatching  Accadie  by  some  Sudden  Stroke 
from  his  Majesty's  Government  unless  the  danger  is  remov'd 
out  of  the  Heart  of  it  there  by  a  Removal  of  the  most  dan- 
gerous of  the  french  Inhabitants  from  thence,  &  transplant- 
ing English  Families  there  in  tlieir  room,  which  I  think  very 
practicable  from  hence,  having  lately  found  means  of  trans- 
planting upwards,  I  believe,  of  an  hundred  Families  from 
the  Province  to  Louislxjurg  towards  the  Settlement  of  it, 
which  yet  I  dont  esteem  of  such  Importance  to  be  immedi- 
ately done  as  the  Settlement  of  Nova  Scotia  with  faithful 
Subjects. 

"  In  the  meanwhile  'till  this  can  be  happily  effected  &  the 
Indians  in  those  parts  secur'd  in  the  English  Interest,  I  have 
propos'd  to  Mr.  Warren  that  a  Detachment  of  100  Men 
should  be  sent  from  Louisbourg  to  reinforce  the  garrison  at 
Annapolis  Royal,  since  the  late  Miscarriage  of  182  out  of 
302  of  the  Recruits  designed  for  Annapolis  in  tlieir  Passage 
from  England  to  the  garrison  there.  Ninety-six  of  the  Re- 
mainder of  'em,  which  came  in  here,  I  with  difficulty  have 
got  recovered  in  his  Majesty's  Castle  William  &  at  the  Hos- 
pital in  Boston,  &  sent  a  month  ago  to  Annapolis  where  I 
hear  they  are  safely  arriv'd,  and  twenty  more  who  are  in  a 


818  APPENDIX, 

fair  way  of  being  serviceahlo,  I  shall  send  from  the  Hospital 
within  three  days;  Hut  the  Garrison  will  still  he  weak  as 
Mr.  Mascarene  has  disniiss'd  most  of  the  New  England  Aux- 
iliaries, and  they  have  not,  I  am  informed,  L'L'O  effective 
private  Men  left  besides  their  Artihcers  &  Workmen :  I 
liave  also  recommended  to  Mr.  Warren  the  frequent  Sending 
of  a  Ship  of  War  to  look  into  the  Bason  of  Annapolis  & 
make  the  Garrison  there  a  short  Visit  in  order  to  prevent  a 
Surprise ;  &  by  his  Opinion  in  Concurrence  with  Sir  Will™ 
Pepperrell's,  ^fr.  Mascart'iie's  &  my  own  a  Sloop  has  Ix^en 
hir'd  &  employed  for  about  these  last  four  Months  to  attend 
upon  that  garrison,  &  carry  Intelligence  between  Annapolis 
Royal,  Louisbourg  &  Boston  concerning  tlie  State  of  it  & 
the  Enemy's  Motions  which  we  conceiv'd  necessary  to  be 
done  for  its  Security,  and  hope  your  Grace  will  not  dis- 
approve of. 

"  Wliat  Mr.  Frontenac  observed  some  years  ago  to  M'  Pont- 
chartrain  concerning  the  french  King's  recovering  of  Accadie 
&  making  himself  absolute  Master  of  the  great  Bank  [of 
Newfoundland]  as  in  the  inclos'd  Extract  of  his  Letter, 
seems  so  seasonable  to  be  consider'd  at  this  time,  that  I  would 
beg  leave  to  observe  to  your  Grace  upon  it,  that  his  Maj''' 
holding  the  Possession  of  Annapolis  Royal  &  Newfoundland 
(already  conceded  to  his  Crown  by  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht) 
Avith  his  late  Acquisition  of  Cape  Breton,  will  put  the  whole 
Cod  Fishery  more  in  his  Power  than  M'  Frontenac's  Scheme 
could  have  put  it  into  the  French  Kings,  and  that  besides 
what  M'  Frontenac  calls  a  Commerce  more  advantageous  than 
the  Conquest  of  the  Indies,  and  computes  the  Returns  of  at 
twenty  Millions  (I  suppose  frencli  Livres)  per  annum,  it 
would  furnish  his  Majesty  with  as  good  a  Nursery  of  Seamen 
for  the  Royal  Navy  as  the  Colliery  in  England  does,  not  to 
mention  the  great  consumption  of  British  Manufactures 
which  must  be  occasioned  in  carrying  the  Fishery  on ;  —  that 


APPENDIX.  319 

the  holding  of  Annapolis  Royal  in  particular  will  be  estalv 
lishing  to  his  Majesty  the  Mastery  of  tlie  Northern  Part  of 
this  Continent  against  the  French,  Secure  to  him  inexhausti- 
ble Nurseries  of  Masts,  Yards,  Bowsprits  &  other  Stores  for 
his  Navy,  &  Timber  for  Sliip  building  within  his  Northern 
Colonies  independent  of  any  foreign  State  to  be  purchased 
with  British  Manufactures  &  transported  in  British  Vessels 
—  tliat  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Northern  Colonies  would  in 
time  make  such  an  Addition  of  Subjects  to  the  Crown  of 
Great  Britain  as  would  make  their  number  Superior  to  that 
of  any  Prince's  upon  the  Continent  of  Europe ;  and  in  the 
meanwhile  the  Vent  of  Woolen  &  other  British  Manufac- 
tures, &  all  Kinds  of  European  Commodities  imported  into 
the  Colonics  from  Great  Britain  must  increase  in  proportion 
to  the  Increase  of  their  Inhabitants :  by  all  which  means  the 
main  Sources  of  Wealtli,  &  a  larger  Extent  of  Power  by  Sea 
&  Land  than  any  State  in  Christendom  at  present  enjoys, 
seems  capable  of  being  secur'd  to  his  Maj''*  Dominions  ;  But 
which  will  in  the  End  otherwise  be  in  all  human  Probability 
the  Lot  of  tlie  french  Dominions ;  And  I  would  in  particular 
observe  to  your  Grace  the  most  practicable  Step  the  Enemy 
can  attempt  making  towards  their  obtaining  tliat  seems 
clearly  to  be  their  rendring  themselves  Masters  of  Nova 
Scotia,  the  Consequences  of  w'^  would  give  'em  so  strong  an 
hold  upon  this  Continent  as  would  make  it  difficult  to  dis- 
lodge 'em  &  put  it  very  much  in  their  Power  to  harrass  & 
annoy  his  Maj''"  Colonies  both  by  Land  &  Sea,  in  such  man- 
ner as  to  weaken  'em  extremely,  if  not  by  degrees  finally 
subdue  'em. 

"  I  am  witli  the  most  dutiful  Regards, 
"  My  Lord  Duke, 

"  Your  Grace's  most  devoted 
"  and  obedient  Servant 

"W.  Shirley." 


320  APPENDIX, 

Shirlbt  to  Nbwcabtle,  31  Mat,  1746. 
(Extract.) 

"...  I  would  beg  Leave  to  observe  to  your  Grace,  y'  the 
Danger  to  liis  Majesty's  garrison  arises  chiefly  from  within 
the  heart  of  the  government  itself,  the  Inliabitants  &  neigh- 
boring Indians  whose  Numbers  are  sufficient  of  themselves 
with  a  small  assistance  from  Canada  &  the  help  of  a  proper 
Train  of  Artillery,  slipt  up  the  Bay  in  small  Vessells  (w'^'* 
would  give  'em  great  Encouragement  to  take  up  Armsag'  the 
garrison)  to  reduce  it.  However  while  the  Attempt  against 
Canada  is  depending,  tliat  will  certainly  go  far  towards  hold- 
ing the  Inhabitants  of  Nova  Scotia  in  suspense,  till  the  suc- 
cess of  it  is  known;  &  I  hope  by  next  Spring  they  may 
either  be  put  upon  a  better  foot  of  Subjection,  or  the  most 
dangerous  among  'em  removed.  ..." 

Shirley  to  Newcastle,  18  Ji'ne,  1746. 
(Extract.) 

*' .  .  .1  may  assure  your  Grace  y'  one  of  the  principal 
motives  I  had  to  desire  I  might  succeed  General  Phillips 
in  his  Command,  was  the  hopes  I  have  of  it's  putting  it  in 
my  power  to  promote  his  Majesty's  Service  in  his  Province 
of  Acadie,  or  Nova  Scotia  by  securing  the  fidelity  &  Alle- 
giance of  the  Inhabitants  there  to  his  Majesty's  Government 
in  the  best  manner,  and  thereby  preventing  the  French  from 
making  themselves  masters  of  it,  the  Acquisition  of  w".**  to 
them  with  the  help  of  the  Indians  would  likewise  endanger 
the  Loss  of  the  Province  of  New  Hampshire  &  the  Mast 
Country  to  his  Majesty  with  the  Fishery  of  the  Acadie  or 
Cape  Sable's  Shoar,  including  that  of  Canso,  to  his  Subjects 
here  in  present,  &  should  not  Canada  be  reduc'd,  would  en- 
able the  enemy  to  harrass  &  Diminish  all  his  Majesty's  Colo- 


APPENDIX.  321 

nies  &  on  the  Continent,  &  have  an  inevitable  Tendency  to 
make  themselves  masters  of  tlie  whole  of  it  in  time ;  not  to 
mention  the  Continual  Danger,  w"^  their  possession  of  Nova 
Scotia  would  at  the  same  time  expose  Cape  Breton  &  even 
Newfoundland  to. 

"  The  Considerations  have  induc'd  me  to  take  the  Liberty 
of  submitting  it  to  your  Grace,  whether  it  might  not  be  for 
his  Majesty's  Service,  that  before  the  six  Regiments  to  be 
employ'd  ag'  Canada  return  to  England,  orders  may  be  sent 
that  such  part  of  'em  as  shall  be  thought  necessary  to  assist 
in  removing  the  most  obnoxious  of  the  French  Inliabitants 
of  Nova  Scotia  from  thence,  should  be  employ'd  in  that 
Service,  w*.*"  would  not  take  up  much  time;  I  am  not  cer- 
tain whether  a  sufficient  Strength  might  not  be  spar'd  from 
the  Garrison  at  Louisbourg  a  short  time  for  this  purpose, 
w***  if  it  could,  would  make  the  Assistance  of  any  other 
Troops  needless. 

"And  I  would  particularly  submit  it  to  your  Grace's 
Consideration,  whether  in  case  of  any  Disappoinment  in 
tlie  present  Attempt  for  the  reduction  of  Canada,  the  imme- 
diate removal  of  some  at  least  of  the  French  Inhabitants  of 
Nova  Scotia,  &  securing  the  province  in  the  best  manner 
would  not  be  .   .   .  adviseable  and  even  necessary. 

"If  your  Grace  should  think  this  deserves  so  much  of 
your  Attention  there  will  be  time  enough  for  transmitting 
liis  Majesty's  Commands  to  me  upon  it  before  the  present 
Expedition  is  over. 

"  I  am  with  the  most  DutifuU  Regard 

"  My  Lord  Duke 

"  Your  Grace's  most  Devoted 

"  &  most  obedient  Servant 

"  W.  Shirley." 


VOL.  II.— 21 


322  APPENDIX. 

Shirley  to  Newcastle,  28  July,  1746. 
(Extract.) 

"  I  must  acknowledge  I  should  rather  apprehend  the 
french  Pleet  (if  it  is  design'd  for  North  America)  is  order'd 
to  Canada;  or  else  to  Annapolis  Royal,  where  the  Enemy 
may  depend  that  upon  the  Apperance  of  such  an  Armament 
the  french  Inhabitants  of  Nova  Scotia  (to  the  Amount  of 
between  5  &  6000  fighting  men)  and  a  considerable  Num- 
ber of  Indians  &  some  Canadeans,  would  immediately  join 
'em,  and  they  would  have  a  most  convenient  Country  to 
rendezvous  in  within  a  very  few  days  sail  of  Chappeaurougo 
Bay  at  Cape  Breton,  and  be  not  far  from  Canada,  than  that 
they  should  attempt  to  enter  Louisbourg  Harbour  with 
their  Ships;  and  I  am  the  more  inclin'd  to  this  Opinion 
from  the  Accounts  I  have  receiv'd  lately  from  M''  Mascarene, 
and  the  Officers  of  the  Garrison  at  Annapolis  Royal  which 
inform  me  that  the  french  Inhabitants  at  Menis  &  Schieg- 
neto  (in  Nova  Scotia)  have  cut  off  all  communication  with 
the  garrison  for  these  last  five  Weeks,  and  have  stop'd  the 
Messengers  sent  from  thence  by  M""  Mascarene  for  Intelli- 
gence ;  being  in  Expectation  of  an  Armament  from  France ; 
And  indeed  it  seems  probable  that  this  will  for  ever  be  the 
Case;  and  that  the  Province  of  Nova  Scotia  will  never  be 
out  of  Danger,  whilst  the  french  Inhabitants  are  suffer'd 
to  remain  in  Nova  Scotia  upon  their  present  Foot  of 
Subjection." 

Shirley  to  Newcastle,  15  Ado.  1746. 
(Extiact.) 

"  I  shall  finish  my  troubleing  your  Grace  upon  the  Afi'airs 
of  Nova  Scotia  with  this  Letter  after  having  once  more 


APPENDIX.  323 

Submitted  it  to  your  Grace's  Consideration  as  a  proper 
Scheme  for  better  securing  the  Subjection  of  the  French 
Inhabitants  and  Indians  there;  that  the  Governour  & 
Council  or  such  other  Person  or  Persons  as  his  Majesty 
shall  think  fitt  to  join  with  'em,  should  have  a  special 
authority  and  directions  from  his  Majesty,  forthwith  to 
Apprehend  &  Examine  a  convenient  number  of  such  of 
the  Inhabitants,  as  shall  be  by  them  judg'd  to  be  most 
obnoxious  &  Dangerous  to  his  Majesty's  Government,  & 
upon  finding  'em  guilty  of  holding  any  treasonable  Corre- 
spondence with  the  Enemy  &c  to  dispose  of  them  &  their 
Estates  in  such  manner,  as  his  Majesty  shall  order  by  his 
Commissions  and  to  promise  his  Majesty's  Gracious  Pardon 
&  a  general  Indemnity  to  the  Rest  for  what  is  past  upon 
their  taking  the  Oaths  of  Allegiance  to  his  Majesty;  And 
to  Cause  either  two  strong  Blockhouses  (or  small  Forts) 
capable  of  holding  100  Men  each  to  be  Built,  one  in  Menis 
&  the  other  in  Schiegnecto,  which  may  be  Garrison 'd  out 
of  Phillip's  Regiment  when  Compleated,  or  else  that  at 
least  one  Blockhouse  (or  small  Fort)  should  be  Built  at 
Menis  capable  of  holding  150  men;  and  a  trading  house 
be  kept  at  the  Fort  at  Menis  or  some  other  part  of  the 
Province  well  Stock'd  with  all  proper  Supplies  for  the 
Indians  to  be  sold  or  barter'd  to  'em  for  Furrs  &c  at 
the  most  reasonable  Rates,  and  some  presents  annually 
distributed  to  'em:  by  which  means  and  removing  the 
Romish  Priests  out  of  the  Province,  &  introducing  Protest- 
ant English  Schools,  and  French  Protestant  Ministers, 
and  due  encouragement  given  to  such  of  the  Inhabitants, 
as  shall  Conform  to  the  Protestant  Religion,  and  send  their 
Children  to  the  English  Schools,  the  present  Inhabitants 
might  probably  at  least  be  kept  in  Subjection  to  his 
Majesty's  Government,  and  from  treasonable  correspond- 
encies with  the  Canadians;  and  the  next  Generation  in  a 


824  APPENDIX. 

great  measure  become  true  Protestant  Subjects;  and  the 
Indians  there  soon  Reclaim'd  to  an  entire  dependance  upon 
&  subjection  to  his  Majesty ;  which  might  also  have  an 
happy  Influence  upon  some  of  the  Tribes  now  in  the  French 
Interest. 

"  Your  Grace  will  be  pleas'd  to  Excuse  all 
"  Incorrectness  in  this  rough  Sketch. 
"  I  am  with  the  most  Dutifull  Regard, 
"  My  Lord  Duke, 

"  Your  Grace's  most  Devoted  & 
"  Most  Obedient  Servant 

"  W.  Shirley." 


Shirley  to  Mascarene,  Boston,  Sept?   16,  1746. 

"  Sir, 

"  Having  been  inform'd  that  the  french  Inhabitants  of 
Nova  Scotia  entertain  some  Jealousy  of  a  Design  in  the 
English  Government  to  remove  them  with  their  Families 
from  their  Settlements,  &  transport  them  to  France  or  else- 
where; I  desire  (if  you  think  it  may  be  for  his  Majesty's 
Service)  that  you  would  be  pleas'd  to  signify  to  'em,  that 
it  is  probable  if  his  Majesty  had  declar'd  such  Intention  I 
might  have  heard  of  the  same,  but  that  I  am  perfectly  una- 
quainted  with  any  such  Design,  and  am  perswaded  there  is 
no  just  Ground  for  tliis  Jealousy ;  And  be  pleas'd  to  assure 
'em  that  I  shall  use  my  best  Endeavours  by  a  proper  Repre- 
sentation of  their  Case  to  be  laid  before  his  Majesty,  to 
obtain  the  Continuance  of  his  Royal  Favour  &  Protection 
to  such  of  them,  as  shall  behave  dutifully,  &  refuse  to  hold 
any  Correspondence  with  his  Enemies;  and  I  doubt  not 
but  that  all  such  of  'em  will  be  protected  by  his  Majesty 
in  the  Possession  of  their  Estates  &  Settlements  in  Nova 
Scotia. 


APPENDIX.  325 

**  And  I  desire  you  would  also  be  pleas'd  to  inform  them 
that  it  is  expected  from  his  Maj*''^  french  Subjects  in  that 
Province,  who  have  for  so  long  time  enjoyed  the  same 
Privileges  with  his  natural  born  Subjects  there,  &  have 
been  under  a  much  easier  Government  than  any  of  the 
french  King's  Subjects  are  in  the  neighbouring  Province 
of  Canada  &  other  Parts  of  the  french  King's  Dominions, 
that  their  Interest  as  well  as  their  Duty  and  Gratitude 
should  bind  them  to  a  strict  Fidelity  &  Obedience  to  his 
Majesty  and  His  Government;  But  on  the  contrary  if  any 
of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  said  Province  shall  join  with  the 
Enemy  (especially  those  that  have  been  sent  from  Canada 
to  seduce  them  from  their  Duty  to  his  Majesty  &  Attach- 
ment to  the  English  Interest)  they  must  expect  to  be  treated 
in  the  same  manner  as  his  Majesty's  English  Subjects 
would  be  under  the  like  Provocations. 
**  I  am  with  great  regard 
«  Sir, 

"  Your  most  obedient 
"  humble  servant 

"W.  Shirley." 


Shirlet  to  Newcastle,  Boston,  September  19,  1746. 

"My  Lord  Duke, 

"  I  express'd  some  hopes  in  my  last  but  one  to  your 
Grace,  that  I  should  not  be  oblig'd  to  add  to  my  former 
Accounts  of  the  imminent  danger,  his  Majesty's  Province 
of  Nova  Scotia  was  in  of  being  surpriz'd  by  the  Enemy; 
But  find  my  self  under  a  Necessity  of  doing  it  from  the 
Advices  which  I  have  since  receiv'd  from  M'  Mascarene, 
and  the  Intelligence  contain'd  in  three  Declarations  upon 
Oath,  Copies  of  all  which  are  inclos'd. 

"  Upon  the  Receipt  of  M'  Mascarene's  Letter,  the  Con' 


326  APPENDIX. 

tents  of  which  are  confirm'd  to  me  hy  other  authentick 
Accounts,  it  appear 'd  to  me  that  there  was  no  room  to 
doubt  but  that  a  considerable  Body  of  French  and  Indians 
from  Canada  was  assembled  in  Nova  Scotia,  with  Expec- 
tations of  a  Reinforcement  from  France;  and  if  they  fail'd 
of  that  this  Year  a  Design  of  at  least  wintering  in  Minas 
or  some  other  Part  of  the  Country,  by  which  means  they 
would  have  an  Opportunity  of  fortifying  themselves  in  it, 
transporting  their  great  artillery  (which  there  was  then  the 
utmost  reason  to  believe  they  had  landed  either  at  Bay 
Verte  or  Chebucto  Harbour)  to  Annapolis,  and  work  upon 
the  French  Inhabitants  already  ripe  for  a  Revolt  to  join 
'em  in  attacking  his  Majesty's  Garrison  there  so  early  in 
the  Spring  that  it  would  be  extremely  difficult  if  not 
impracticable  to  relieve  it  by  any  Succours  either  from 
Louisbourg  or  the  Colonies  on  the  Continent.  Where- 
upon I  immediately  sent  M^  Mascarene  an  Assurance  that  I 
would  send  him  as  soon  as  possible  300  of  the  new  Levies 
from  this  Province,  200  of  'era  (which  seems  to  be  as  many 
as  the  Garrison  can  hold  at  present  besides  the  Troops 
already  there)  for  the  Reinforcement  of  it,  and  100  of  'em 
to  be  employ'd  in  two  Sloops  up  the  Bay  in  the  manner 
M^  Mascarene  proposes  in  his  Letter  to  me,  and  that  I 
would  do  the  utmost  in  my  Power  to  make  the  number  up 
2000  soon  afterwards,  in  order  to  dislodge  the  Enemy,  & 
prevent  'em  from  wintering  in  the  Province ;  And  in  the 
mean  time  upon  my  advising  with  Rear  Admiral  Warren 
(who  is  still  here)  he  immediately  sent  his  Majesty's  Ship 
Chester  a  50  Gun  Ship  to  Annapolis  Royal  for  the  further 
Countenance  &  Protection  of  the  Garrison  there. 

"  Some  Days  after  this  I  receiv'd  Information  that  a 
Fleet  of  upwards  of  30  Sail  were  discover'd  about  15 
Leagues  to  the  Westward  of  Chibucto  Harbour,  which  lies 
upon  the  Cape  Sable  Shoar  (the  Coast  of  Accadie  or  Nova 


APPENDIX.  827 

Scotia)  about  150  Leagues  to  the  Eastward  of  Boston,  and 
about  60  Leagues  Westward  of  Louisbourg,  &  about  80  dis- 
tant from  Annapolis  Royal  according  to  Champions  inclos'd 
Deposition,  which  was  confirm'd  by  another  of  the  same 
Tenour  made  by  one  Thornton  sent  me  from  Piscataqua, 
upon  which  I  dispatched  an  arm'd  Brigantine  with  orders 
to  look  into  Chibucto  Harbour,  &  if  the  Master  should  dis- 
cover any  thing  to  proceed  directly  to  Louisbourg,  &  give 
Vice  Admiral  Townsend  &  Govern^  Knowles  Intelligence 
of  it,  &  to  send  me  Advice  of  it  Express  by  some  fishing 
Vessel  taken  up  at  Sea;  But  the  Brigantine  return'd  in  less 
than  24  hours  with  one  Stan  wood  a  Fisherman  on  board, 
whose  Vessel  fell  in  with  the  Fleet  on  the  9'."  day  of  Sept^ 
about  10  Leagues  to  the  Westward  of  Chibucto,  the  partic- 
ulars of  which  are  contain'd  in  his  inclos'd  Deposition; 
and  the  day  after  Stanwood's  falling  in  with  this  Fleet, 
Haskell  another  Master  of  a  fishing  Vessel  discover'd  it 
standing  a  right  course  for  Chibucto  about  8  Leagues  to 
the  Westw*?  of  it,  &  was  chas'd  by  one  of  'em  according  to 
the  inclos'd  Deposition;  which  Series  of  Intelligence,  as 
no  Vessel  has  arriv'd  here  yet  from  this  Fleet  (which  must 
in  all  probability  have  happen 'd  had  it  come  from  England) 
compar'd  with  the  Accounts  in  the  English  News  Papers 
of  the  Brest  Fleet's  sailing,  &  the  Intelligence  gain'd 
from  a  french  Prize  lately  taken  by  one  of  M^  Townsend's 
Squadron  near  the  Mouth  of  S*  Lawrence,  that  she  came 
out  with  the  Brest  Squadron  &  sail'd  in  Company  with  it 
eight  days;  the  Account  we  had  of  two  large  french  Ships 
being  seen  to  go  into  Chibucto  Harbour  about  two  Months 
ago;  the  behavior  of  the  French  in  Nova  Scotia,  &  their 
declar'd  Expectations  of  a  large  French  Armament  about 
this  time,  seems  to  make  it  very  probable  that  these  Ships 
may  be  part  of  the  Brest  Squadron,  &  that  they  have  an 
immediate  design  upon  Nova  Scotia  at  least.  — Hereupon 


828  APPENDIX. 

I  sent  an  Express  Boat  to  Louisbourg  to  apprize  Admiral 
Townsend  &  M'  Knowles  of  it,  &  another  to  Annapolis 
Royal  to  give  M'  Mascarene  Advice  of  it,  &  to  let  him 
know  that  I  was  embarking  300  Men  for  the  Reinforce- 
ment of  the  Garrison  under  his  Command  (which  is  done 
&  part  of  'em  sail'd)  with  a  Promise  of  farther  Succours, 
and  to  apprize  him  that  from  the  publick  Accounts  in  the 
English  Prints  we  had  reason  to  depend  upon  the  speedy 
Arrival  of  Lieut*.  General  S'  Clair  with  the  British  Troops 
under  his  Command,  &  a  Squadron  of  his  Majesty's  Ships 
with  'em  at  Louisbourg;  And  as  I  have  reason  to  think 
that  an  Apprehension  generally  prevails  among  the  french 
Inhabitants  of  Nova  Scotia,  that  they  shall  all  of  'em  soon 
be  remov'd  from  their  Settlements  there  without  Distinc- 
tion, which  may  have  a  bad  Influence  upon  'em  in  favour 
of  the  Enemy  at  this  critical  Time.  I  have  wrote  Mt 
Mascarene  a  Letter  (a  copy  of  which  I  inclose  to  your 
Grace)  which  is  translated  into  French,  &  printed,  in 
order  to  be  dispers'd  among  the  french  inhabitants,  if  M^ 
Mascarene  (to  whose  Discretion  I  have  submitted  it  either 
to  make  Use  of  or  suppress  the  printed  Copies)  shall  be  of 
Opinion  that  the  Publication  of  it  among  'em  may  be  for 
his  Majesty's  Service. 

"  If  the  Fleet  discover'd  on  the  Cape  Sable  Coast  should 
be  Part  of  that  from  Brest,  doubtless  their  visit  to  Nova 
Scotia  has  been  encourag'd  by  the  general  Disposition  of 
the  Inhabitants,  &  the  strength  they  will  add  to  'em  for 
the  Reduction  of  that  Province,  &  afterwards  for  an  Attempt 
upon  Louisbourg  (if  they  should  think  it  adviseable  to  make 
one)  as  also  for  the  defence  of  Canada.  Should  they  suc- 
ceed in  an  immediate  Attempt  upon  Nova  Scotia  (which  I 
should  not  be  surpriz'd  at)  &  General  S*  Clair  with  the 
Squadron  expected  fronj  England  should  arrive  in  time  for 
that  purpose,  I  should  propose  attempting  the  immediate 


APPENDIX.  329 

recovery  of  it  out  of  the  Enemy's  hands  this  Year;  For 
their  holding  that  Province  till  they  can  fortify  it  and 
farther  strengthen  themselves  there  must  be  attended  with 
very  bad  Consequences  to  his  Majesty's  Service,  worse  than 
may  be  immediately  apprehended,  &  create  no  inconsider- 
able Perplexities ;  at  least  it  seems  a  clear  point  to  me,  that 
if  the  French  should  hold  the  Possession  of  Xova  Scotia  in 
Addition  to  Canada,  the  fate  of  Affairs  in  his  Majesty's 
Northern  Colonies  will  be  suddenly  alter'd  in  a  surprizing 
manner  &  it  will  then  soon  be  discern 'd  that  the  Mastery 
of  the  Northern  Parts  of  this  Continent,  together  with  the 
Sources  of  Wealth  &  Power  depending  upon  it,  will  be  in 
a  very  fair  way  of  being  finally  transfer'd  to  the  Enemy. 

"  Upwards  of  two  Months  ago  upon  receiving  Intelli- 
gence of  the  Appearance  of  two  large  French  Ships  being 
seen  to  go  into  Chibucto  Harbour,  M""  Warren  &  I  sent  M^ 
Townsend  notice  of  it;  But  as  we  had  not  learn 'd  whether 
any  Vessell  had  been  sent  from  Louisbourg  to  look  into 
that  Harbour,  I  sent  an  arm'd  Brigantine  to  make  Dis- 
coveries there,  which  was  hinder 'd  from  proceeding  thither 
as  is  before  mention'd;  &  I  have  now  sent  a  Schooner 
thither  with  a  Person  who  has  undertaken  to  go  into  it  in 
a  Whale  boat  high  enough  to  make  an  exact  discovery  of 
the  Enemy's  strength  (if  any  of  their  Ships  are  there)  & 
to  carry  the  Account  to  Louisbourg;  But  it  seems  possible 
if  any  of  'em  have  been  there,  that  after  landing  some 
Troops  and  Stores  at  Chibucto,  &  getting  what  Intelligence 
they  can  from  the  Nova  Scotians,  their  Ships  may  be  gone 
to  Canada;  for  which  Place  we  have  been  inform'd  that 
sixteen  french  Vessels,  some  of  'em  Ships  of  War,  had 
some  time  ago  pass'd  up  the  River  of  S'  Laurence;  &  since 
that  six  other  Vessels  with  Stores ;  so  that  it  is  very  prob- 
able that  Quebec  is  much  better  prepar'd  to  receive  a  Visit 
from  his  Majesty's  Land  &  Sea  Forces  now  than  it  was  a 
little  time  ago." 


330  APPENDIX. 

Shirley  to  Newcastle,  23  Oct.  1746. 
(Extract.) 

"  It  is  agreed  by  all  the  Prisoners  that  the  French  have 
not  fortify 'd  at  Chebucto,  nor  sent  any  Troops  from  tlicuct' 
by  Land  to  join  the  Canadeans;  as  also  that  M^  Destoniicl 
the  chief  D'escadre  &  Commandant  upon  the  Death  of  the 
Duke  D'Anville,  who  was  of  Opinion,  to  return  to  France 
after  the  Admiral's  Death  without  attempting  any  thing, 
upon  being  over  rul'd  in  a  Council  of  War  &  having  his 
Flagg  struck,  fell  upon  his  Sword,  &  dy'd  of  his  Wound 
as  all  of  'em  say,  except  Sanders. 

"  It  seems  very  observable  from  Sander's  Declaration 
how  ready  a  Disposition  the  Nova  Scotians  show'd  to  afford 
Refreshm'.^  &  Pilots  to  the  Enemy,  &  that  they  had  signi- 
fied to  the  french  Ministry  their  readiness  to  join  with  any 
force  they  should  send  for  the  Reduction  of  his  IMajes*'''' 
Garrison  at  Annapolis  Eoyal.  Also  from  the  number  of 
Engineers  the  French  had  with  'em  that  their  Scheme  was 
to  hold  &  fortify  Annapolis,  for  w'^.''  Purpose  it  seems  to  be 
that  the  50  brass  Cannon  were  brought,  rather  than  for 
raising  Batteries  against  the  Fort :  and  that  from  the  Num- 
ber of  their  small  Arms,  which  they  had  with  'em  to  arm 
the  Nova  Scotians  (doubtless)  as  well  as  the  Indians,  they 
had  a  dependance  upon  being  join'd  by  them.  Likewise 
the  Apprehensions  which  prevail  among  the  Nova  Scotians 
that  they  are  at  present  rather  Neutrals  than  Subjects  to 
the  Crown  of  Great  Britain.  And  I  think  it  is  not  to  be 
doubted  now  but  that  the  principal  Part  of  the  french 
Scheme  was  the  Reduction  of  Nova  Scotia  in  the  first 
Place. 

"  Upon  the  whole  the  sickly  State  of  the  French  Fleet, 
w".  is  extremely  ill  mann'd,  the  hurry  &  Uneasiness  they 


APPENDIX.  331 

discover*d  upon  seeing  the  Contents  of  the  Packets  which 
fell  into  their  hands,  &  precipitate  departure  from  Chebucto, 
with  their  detaining  the  Flag  of  Truce  &  English  Prisoners 
'till  they  were  got  30  Leagues  from  Chebucto,  &  then  dis- 
missing 'em  with  a  Notion  that  their  Fleet  was  going  up 
the  Bay  of  Fundy  to  Annapolis  (instead  of  carrying  'em  up 
there  with  'em  to  prevent  that's  being  known  to  us)  makes 
it  seem  probable  that  the  Enemy  is  making  the  best  of  their 
way  to  France  or  the  West  Indies,  &  was  afraid  of  even 
M.  Townsend's  following  'em. 

"  I  am  with  the  most  dutiful  Regard 
"My  Lord  Duke, 

"  Your  Grace's  most  Devoted 
"  and  most  Obedient  Servant 

"W.  Shiklet." 


Shihlet  to  Newcastle,  Bostox,  21  Nov.  1746. 
(Extracts.) 

"My  Lord  Duke, 

"I  am  afraid  your  Grace  will  think,  from  my  incessant 
Representations  of  the  State  of  Nova  Scotia,  that  I  imagine 
that  Province  should  be  the  sole  Object  of  your  Attention: 
Nothing  could  induce  me  to  be  so  importunate  with  your 
Grace  upon  this  Subject,  but  the  fullest  perswasion  of  the 
very  great  Importance  of  that  Place  to  the  Crown,  &  the 
British  Subject,  of  the  immediate  bad  Consequences  of 
the  Loss  of  it  to  his  majesty's  Service,  &  the  imminent 
danger  of  its  being  lost,  unless  something  is  forthwith  done 
for  the  effectual  Security  of  it. 

"  The  inclos'd  Extract  from  M^  Mascarene's  Letter  & 
Copy  of  Lieut^  Colonel  Gorham's  will  disclose  in  a  great 
Measure  to  your  Grace  their  Apprehensions,  &  the  Condi- 
tion of   the   Province:    The   number  of   the   Enemy,  are 


332  APPENDIX. 

increas'd  at  Menis;  they  have  again  stop't  all  Communica- 
tion between  the  Inhabitants  &  the  Garrison,  &  are  likely 
to  keep  footing  there  this  Winter;  and  particularly  from 
Col?  Gorham's  Letter  your  Grace  will  perceive  •what  Pains 
the  Canadeans  and  Malcontents  among  the  Inliabitants  take 
to  prevent  my  Letter  lately  dispers'd  among  'em,  in  order 
to  setle  the  Minds  of  the  Inhabitants,  (a  Copy  of  which  I 
have  before  sent  your  Grace)  from  having  its  proper  Influ- 
ence; &  how  the  Nova  Scotians  are  alarm'd  at  the  Rumour 
of  a  design  to  remove  'em  from  their  Settlements;  And  it 
appears  to  me  by  what  I  farther  learn  from  Captain  Fother- 
ingham  to  whom  M^  Mascarene  refers  me  in  his  Letter, 
that  unless  something  vigorous,  as  that  Letter  intimates, 
is  done  by  the  Middle  of  April  at  farthest,  the  greatest 
Part  of  the  Province  at  least  will  be  in  the  hands  of  the 
Canadeans,  and  it  will  be  too  late  then  to  attempt  to  reclaim 
the  Inhabitants. 

•         ••••••••• 

"  For  the  securing  Nova  Scrtia  from  its  present  dangers 
1  would  further  humbly  propose  it  as  my  Opinion  to  be 
consider'd  by  your  Grace,  that  if  his  Majesty  should  be 
pleas'd  as  soon  as  possibly  might  be  after  the  Receipt  of 
this,  to  cause  it  to  be  signified  to  the  Inhabitants  of  Nova 
Scotia,  that  the  Assurances  lately  given  'em  by  me  of  his 
Royal  Protection  to  such  of  'em  as  should  behave  dutifully 
and  avoid  all  traiterous  Correspondence  with  the  Enemy  at 
this  Juncture  (or  to  that  Effect)  were  approv'd  of  by  him, 
and  should  be  made  good  to  'em,  it  would  have  a  great 
Tendency  to  remove  their  present  Apprehensions  of  being 
sent  off  with  their  Families  from  their  Settlements  in  Nova 
Scotia,  which  seems  to  distress  &  perplex  'em;  &  effec- 
tually to  prevent  'em  from  being  drawn  over  to  take  up 
Arms  against  his  Majesty,  unless  it  should  be  some  of  the 
most  obnoxious  of  'em;   which  if  his  Majesty  would   be 


APPENDIX.  333 

pleas'd  to  send  over  at  the  same  time  his  special  directions 
to  apprehend,  and  proceed  against,  such  a  Proceeding  against 
the  Delinquents  and  gracious  Declaration  towards  the  others, 
would,  I  dare  say,  have  a  proper  Effect  for  securing  the 
general  Fidelity  of  the  Inhabitants,  at  least  so  far  as  to 
keep  'em  from  joining  with  the  Enemy;  And  least  the 
Succours  now  sent  to  Annapolis  should  not  be  a  sufficient 
force  to  dislodge  the  Enemy  this  Winter,  I  would  farther 
humbly  propose  it  for  your  Graces'  Consideration,  that  his 
Majesty's  Orders  should  be  forthwith  sent  to  myself  and 
the  other  three  Governments  of  New  England,  that  in  case 
the  Canadeans  should  not  be  withdrawn  out  of  Nova  Scotia, 
they  should  immediately  cause  the  Soldiers  rais'd  in  their 
respective  Colonies  &  Provinces  for  his  Majesty's  Service 
in  the  Expedition  against  Canada  to  be  transported  to 
Annapolis  Royal,  as  their  Place  of  Rendezvous  istead  of 
Louisbourg,  &  to  be  employed  in  driving  the  Canadeans 
out  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  be  farther  subjected  to  such  Orders 
as  his  Majesty  shall  be  pleas'd  to  signify  in  those  Direc- 
tions ;  and  if  this  Order  was  to  extend  to  the  Governour  of 
New  York,  it  might  not  be  an  unnecessary  Caution.  I  am 
apprehensive  if  such  Orders  are  not  sent,  that  the  Atten- 
tion of  the  several  GovernmV  to  the  Reduction  of  Crown 
Point  might  very  much  interfere  with  the  Preservation  of 
Nova  Scotia,  which  is  of  infinitely  more  Consequence. 

"  These  are  the  things  which  occur  to  me  at  present,  & 
which  I  would  submit  to  your  Grace's  Consideration,  as 
what  seems  to  require  more  immediate  Dispatch;  As  to  the 
danger  of  the  french  Fleet's  early  Return  from  the  West 
Indies  to  Nova  Scotia  and  what  Strength  of  Ships  may  be 
necessary  to  protect  that  Province,  Cape  Breton,  and  the 
other  Colonies  against  that  Fleet,  or  any  other  french 
Armament  which  may  be  sent  from  Europe  in  the  Spring 
to  visit  these  Parts,  I  leave  to  Admiral  Warren,  who  now 


384  APPENDIX. 

goes  to  England  in  the  Chester,  and  with  whom,  pursuant 
to  the  Directions  of  your  Grace's  two  Letters  to  me  in 
March  &  April  last,  I  have  acted  in  Concert  upon  all  such 
Occasions  as  requir'd  my  consulting  him  with  the  greatest 
Satisfaction  and  Harmony,  having  had  the  Pleasure  to  find 
my  own  Sentiments  agreable  to  his  in  all  Matters  of  Con- 
sequence, and  a  most  hearty  Disposition  in  him  for  his 
Majesty's  Service,  and  to  whom  I  have  often  talk'd  over 
the  Affairs  of  Nova  Scotia. 

"  I  will  avoid  repeating  what  I  have  particularly  men- 
tion'd  to  your  Grace  in  late  Letters  concerning  fortifying 
of  Chebucto  Harbour  and  building  a  Blockhouse  or  small 
Fort  for  150  Men  at  Menis,  with  a  Trading  House  there 
for  the  Indians,  and  a  Blockhouse  only  at  Canso  for  100 
Men,  instead  of  new  building  and  enlarging  that  at  Annap- 
olis Royal,  and  erecting  a  larger  Fortification  at  Canso; 
which  in  my  humble  Opinion  would  greatly  strengthen 
that  Province,  and  together  with  the  introducing  of  french 
Protestant  Ministers,  and  English  Schools,  &  some  small 
Encouragement  by  Privileges  to  such  as  should  conform  to 
the  Prtestant  Religion,  or  send  their  Children  to  the 
English  Schools,  and  Presents  to  the  Indians  with  Sup- 
plies of  all  necessaries  for  'em  at  the  most  reasonable  Rates, 
in  Exchange  for  their  Furrs  &*;  ;  the  Disallowance  of  the 
publick  Exercise  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Religion,  at  least 
after  a  short  Term  of  Years,  &  forbidding  Romish  Priests 
under  severe  Penalties  to  come  into  the  Country  either 
among  the  Inhabitants  or  Indians;  and  if  it  might  be  con- 
sistent with  his  Majesty's  Pleasure,  a  Civil  Government 
to  be  in  due  time  introduc'd  among  the  Inhabitants;  These 
things,  I  say,  my  Lord  together  with  making  Examples 
of  the  most  obnoxious  among  the  Inhabitants,  and  liis 
Majesty's  extending  his  Clemency  and  the  Continuance  of 


APPENDIX.  335 

his  Protection  to  the  rest  upon  taking  the  proper  Oath  of 
Allegiance,  seem  to  me  to  have  the  most  promising  Aspect 
for  making  good  Subjects  of  the  present  Generation  of 
Inhabitants,  at  least  better  than  they  are  now  and  good 
Protestants  of  the  next  Generation  of  'em;  especially  if 
there  was  to  be  a  Mixture  of  English  or  other  Protestants 
introduc'd  among  'em,  which  the  Invitation  of  a  Civil 
Government  to  be  set  up  among  'em  would  bid  fair  for 
doing :  and  the  Trading  House  would  create  in  the  Indians 
a  firm  Dependance  upon,  and  Attachment  to  his  Majesty's 
Government,  especially  if  a  proper  Protestant  Missionary 
or  two  was  supported  to  live  among  'em  at  their  head 
Quarters,  as  is  the  Method  of  the  french  Priests;  by  w'=^ 
means  they  gain  so  great  an  Ascendency  over  them. 

"  Just  as  I  had  finished  the  last  Paragraph  a  Letter  from 
Governor  Knowles  to  Admiral  Warren  &  myself,  dated  the 
10'*^  Instant,  was  deliver'd  to  me,  in  which  he  informs  me 
that '  he  has  given  his  Opinion  in  his  Letters  to  your  Grace, 
that  it  will  be  necessary  to  drive  all  the  French  (I  suppose 
he  means  Inhabitants)  out  of  Accadie  (Nova  Scotia)  in  the 
Spring,  and  that  he  hopes  he  shall  have  Orders  to  assist 
in  doing  it,   if  Admiral   Warren    does   not   go   upon   the 
Expedition  to  Quebeck,  which  he  apprehends  is  rendred 
more  difficult  than  it  was,  by  such  a  Number  of  Ships  be- 
ing got  safe  up  to  Quebeck  this  Year,  as  no  doubt  they 
have  carried  all  manner  of  warlike  Stores.'      And  in  his 
Letter  to  me  of  the  24'?  of  October  he  says  'if  his  Majesty 
should  be  pleas'd  to  transport  the  Rebels  who  are  Objects 
of  his  Mercy,   &  encourage  other  Highland  Families  to 
come  over,  he  thinks  the  Colony  of  Nova  Scotia  would 
soon  be  repeopled;  '  which  it  is  possible  he  may  have  also 
propos'd  to  your  Grace  as  in  his  Opinion  the  best  Method 
for  peopling  that  Colony,  after  the  present  french  Inhab- 
itants are  drove  off. 


336  APPENDIX. 

"As  the  Sentiments,  which  T  have  taken  the  Liberty  to 
offer  to  your  Grace  upon  this  Suhjpct,  happen  to  be  some- 
thing different  from  M^  Knowles's,  I  think  it  may  not  only 
be  proper  but  my  Duty  to  mention  the  Reasons  of  my  pre- 
ferring the  Scheme  for  attempting  to  make  the  present 
french  Iiiliabitants  good  Subjects  to  his  Majesty,  and  keep- 
ing 'em  in  the  Country,  to  that  of  driving  'em  off  &  intro- 
ducing some  of  tlie  Rebels  and  other  Highlanders  in  their 
Room. 

"It  seems  very  difficult  to  drive  all  the  Inhabitants  of 
Accadie  out  of  so  large  a  Province  as  that  is,  and  whicli 
consists  chiefly  of  Woods;  It  is  most  probable  that  many 
of  the  hardiest  Men  would  retire  (for  some  time  at  least) 
with  their  Cattle  into  the  Woods,  &  form  Parties  with  the 
Indians;  and  the  remainder  would  doubtless  retreat  with 
their  Families  to  Canada:  Those,  who  are  acquainted  with 
the  Indian  Manner  of  Life  &  making  War  know  that  one 
hundred  of  'em  under  Cover  of  the  Woods  can  confine  a 
very  large  Frontier  within  their  Garrisons,  even  tho'  they 
have  Companies  continually  scouting  between  one  Garrison 
and  another:  this  is  at  present  the  Case  of  this  Province  & 
the  other  Colonies  of  New  England  &  New  York,  tho'  the 
People  there  are  us'd  to  the  Woods,  &  the  Skulking  of  the 
Indians  behind  the  Bushes  &  in  Ditclies  with  their  other 
Wiles,  &  have  large  numbers  of  the  Militia  constantly 
upon  Guard  for  their  Protection;  their  Cattle  is  continually 
destroy 'd;  if  any  of  'em  venture  out  into  their  Fields,  they 
are  frequently  kill'd  &  scalp'd;  and  sometimes  not  only 
single  Families  or  Garrisons  are  surpriz'd  and  cut  off,  as 
has  happen'd  lately  in  this  Province,  but  even  whole  Vil- 
lages, as  was  the  Case  of  Sarahtoga  in  New  York  a  few 
Months  ago;  so  that  those  of  the  french  Inhabitants,  who 
should  mix  with  the  Indians  in  the  Woods,  would  have  it 
in  their  Power  to  put  his  Majesty's  Garrison  under  such 


APPENDIX.  337 

Circumstances  as  that  it  could  not  possibly  subsist  longer 
m  the  Country  than  they  could  do  it  without  fresh  Pro- 
visions, Wood  &  other  Materials  &  Supplies  from  thence; 
from  all  which  they   would  be  wholly  cut  off,   when   the 
Inhabitants  were  drove  away ;  And  as  to  such  of  the  Inhab- 
itants, who  should  go  with  their  Families  to  Canada,  it 
must  be  expected  that  a  very  large  Body  of  the  Men  would 
return  arm'd  next  Spring  with  some  Canadeans  to  join  the 
Indians;  from  all  which  it  seems  justly  to  be  apprehended 
that  an  Attempt  to  drive  all  the  french  Inhabitants  from 
their   Settlements,  should  it  succeed,  would  in  Effect  be 
driving   5   or   6000    Men    to    take    up   Arms   against   his 
Majesty's  Government  there  every  Year  during  the  War; 
make  the  reclaiming  of  the  Indians  of  Nova  Scotia  imprac- 
ticable, &  render  it  impossible  for  his  Majesty's  Garrison 
there  to  subsist  long  in  the  Country  in  time  of  War  even 
with  the  Indians   only;   Besides,  the    Addition  of   about 
6000  fighting  Men  with  their  Families  to  Canada,  which 
would  greatly  strengthen  the  French  upon  this  Continent, 
and  would  entail  upon  the  Posterity  of  those  who  are  thus 
expell'd  (for  several  Generations  at  least)  a  Desire  of  re- 
covering their  former  Possessions  in  Nova  Scotia,  seems  to 
be  no  inconsiderable  Matter,  but  what  next  to  the  Loss  of 
the  Country  itself  should  be  avoided  on  the  Part  of  his 
Majesty,  &  is  I  dare  say  an  Event,  which  the  French  next 
to  their  Acquisition   of  this  Colony   would  desire :  It  is 
indeed  now  to  be  wish'd  that  General  Nicholson  had  upon 
the  first  Reduction 'of  the  Colony  to  the  Obedience  to  the 
Crown  of  Great  Britain,  remov'd  the  french  Inhabitants, 
when  they  were  but  a  few,  out  of  the  Country,  as  was  done 
at  Louisbourg ;  and  that  during  the  Interval  of  Peace  the 
Colony  had  been  planted  with    Protestant  Subjects;    But 
after  their  having  remain'd  so  long  in  the  Country  upon 
the  foot  of  British  Subjects  under  the  Sanction  of  the  treaty 
VOL.  n.  —  22 


338  APPENDIX. 

of  Utrecht,  and  making  Improvements  on  their  Lands  fttr 
one  or  two  Generations,  and  being  grown  up  into  such  a 
Number  of  Families,  to  drive  'em  all  off  their  Settlements 
without  farther  Inquiry  seems  to  be  liable  to  many  Objec- 
tions. Among  others  it  may  be  doubted  whether  under  the 
Circumstances  of  these  Inhabitants  it  would  clearly  appear 
to  be  a  just  Usage  of  'em ;  it  is  true  that  the  Notion  of 
their  Neutrality  (which  seems  to  have  been  entertain'd  for 
some  time  by  the  English  as  well  as  themselves)  is  ill- 
grounded,  and  does  not  comport  with  the  Terms  of  their 
Allegiance  to  his  Majesty,  to  which  such  of  'em  as  chose  to 
remain  in  the  Province  are  bovmd  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht; 
whereby  the  french  King  yielded  up  the  Inhabitants  as 
well  as  the  Soil  of  Accadie,  and  together  with  their  Per- 
sons transferred  their  Allegiance  to  the  Crown  of  Great 
Britain;  But  if  it  is  consider'd  that  this  Notion  was 
founded  upon  an  Act  of  the  late  Lieut*  Governour  Arm- 
strong then  the  residing  Commander  in  Chief  of  the 
Province,  whereby  he  took  upon  himself  to  grant  'em  by  a 
Writing  under  his  Hand  an  Exemption  from  bearing  Arms 
upon  any  Account  whatever,  on  their  consenting  to  take  an 
Oath  of  Allegiance  to  his  present  Majesty,  which,  whether 
it  was  done  by  him  with,  or  without  Authority,  appear 'd 
at  least  to  them  to  be  authentick;  it  may  perhaps  be  deem'd 
too  rigorous  a  Punishment  for  their  behavior  grounded  on 
such  a  Mistake,  to  involve  the  innocent  with  the  Guilty 
in  the  Loss  of  their  Estates,  and  the  Expulsion  of  their 
Families  out  of  the  Country ;  it  is  not  improbable  but  that 
there  may  be  many  among  'em  who  would  even  prefer  his 
Majesty's  Governm*.  to  a  french  one,  &  have  done  nothing 
to  deserve  such  a  Forfeiture;  Some  Allowances  may  like- 
wise be  made  for  their  bad  Situation  between  the  Canadeans, 
Indians  &  English,  the  Ravages  of  all  which  they  have 
felt  by  Turns  in  the  Course  of  the  War ;  during  which  they 


APPENDIX.  S39 

seem  to  have  been  continually  plac'd  between  two  fires,  the 
force  and  Menaces  of  the  Canadeans  &  Indians  plundering 
'em  of  whatever  they  wanted,  &  deterring  'em  in  the 
strongest  manner  from  having  any  Communication  with  his 
Majesty's  Garrison,  on  the  one  hand;  and  the  Resentm*" 
of  the  Garrison  for  their  withholding  their  Intelligence  & 
Supplies  on  the  other,  tho'  at  the  same  time  it  was  not  in 
a  Condition  to  protect  'em  from  the  Enemy;  Wherefore 
it  seems  a  Matter  Avorthy  of  your  Grace's  Consideration, 
whether  under  such  doubtful  Circumstances  the  driving 
all  the  French  Inhabitants  of  Nova  Scotia  off  their  Settle- 
ments, and  thereby  very  greatly  strengthening  the  Enemy 
upon  this  Continent,  not  only  against  the  Garrison  in 
present,  but  finally  against  all  the  British  Colonies  there, 
and  depopulating  one  of  his  Majesty's  Provinces  for  some 
time  (how  long  may  be  uncertain)  is  more  eligible  than 
treating  'em  as  Subjects,  confining  their  Punishm*  to  the 
most  guilty  &  dangerous  among  'em,  &  keeping  the  rest  in 
the  Country,  and  endeavouring  to  make  them  &  their  Pos- 
terity useful  Members  of  Society  under  his  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment: I  can't  omit  likewise  observing  to  your  Grace, 
that  it  would  be  exceeding  difficult  to  fill  up  the  Chasm 
which  driving  off  the  Inhabitants  would  make  in  the  Coun- 
try ;  During  the  Rupture  with  France  it  would  certainly 
be  impracticable,  and  I  doubt  whether  it  would  not  be  so 
when  Peace  shall  be  made  with  France,  if  the  Indians 
should  continue  at  War  with  us;  For  what  Number  of 
Families  can  be  propos'd  to  begin  a  Settlem^  in  the  Coun- 
try, after  the  Expulsion  of  the  French  Inhabitants,  with 
safety  against  the  Indians,  &  which  would  be  continually 
expos'd  to  be  destroyed  by  'em,  whilst  they  were  carrying 
on  their  Settlements;  They  must  expect  no  Protection 
against  the  Indians  from  within  the  Garrison,  out  of  the 
Reach  of  their  great  Guns;  the  Company  of  Rangers,  which 


S40  APPENDIX. 

live  without  the  Walls  of  the  Fort,  would  afford  more  of 
that  than  a  thousand  Garrison  Soldiers  would  do :  Whereas 
if  the  Stock  of  french  Inhabitants  was  continued  in  the 
Country,  an  Accommodation  with  the  Indians  would  be 
more  easily  brought  about  and  preserv'd,  they  would  be 
a  Cover  for  any  Number  of  Families  that  might  be  intro- 
duc'd  among  'em  whilst  they  were  carrying  on  Settlements; 
&  secure  to  the  Garrison  its  necessary  Supplies  of  fresh  Pro- 
visions, Fuel,  Materials  for  repairing  the  Works,  &  Stores 
of  Sorts  that  the  Country  affords. 

"  As  to  repeopling  the  Province  with  some  of  the  late 
Rebels  and  other  Highland  Families,  it  seems  much  to  be 
doubted  whether  it  might  not  be  too  hazardous  to  fill  that 
Colony,  w".*^  should  be  the  Barrier  of  all  his  Majesty's 
Colonies  upon  this  Continent,  with  a  Set  of  poor,  igno- 
rant, deluded  Wretches  just  come  out  of  a  most  unnatural 
Rebellion ;  that  from  their  Neighbourhood  to  Canada  would 
be  continually  expos'd  to  the  Artifices  and  Attempts  of 
french  Romish  Priests  upon  'em  who  it  is  reasonable  to 
think  would  not  fail  to  instill  the  same  Notions  into  'em 
in  America,  which  seduc'd  'em  from  their  Allegiance  in 
Great  Britain,  with  a  Promise  of  more  effectual  Support 
&  Protection  from  the  French  here,  than  they  had  in  the 
Highlands;  Indeed,  my  Lord,  this  seems  to  be  a  danger- 
ous experiment,  and  what  might  produce  the  worst  of 
Consequences. 

"  I  beg  leave  to  submit  it  to  your  Grace's  Consideration, 
whether  the  most  staunch  Protestants,  &  Families  the  most 
zealously  affected  to  his  Majesty's  Government,  a  Number 
at  least  of  such,  should  not  rather,  if  possible,  be  trans- 
planted there  as  soon  as  may  be;  I  could  wish  four  or  five 
hundred  of  'em  could  be  induc'd  to  go  from  some  Part  of 
New  England;  I  think  from  the  Experience  I  had  of  the 
Inhabitants  of  this  Province  at  least  upon  the  late  Alarm 


APPENDIX.  341 

given  by  the  french  Fleet,  I  might  safely  venture  to  be 
answerable  to  his  Majesty,  that  if  I  had  suggested  in  my 
late  Orders  for  assembling  a  Body  of  'em  under  Arms  in 
Boston  from  all  Parts  of  this  Province  to  oppose  any 
Attempt  of  the  Enemy,  that  there  was  a  design  of  landing 
a  Son  of  the  Pretender's  here,  it  would  not  have  been  pos- 
sible to  have  kept  any  one  ^lan,  who  was  capable  of  march- 
ing hither,  from  appearing  under  Arms  with  the  most 
determin'd  Resolution  of  hazarding  his  Life  to  the  utmost 
in  defence  of  his  Majesty's  Governm'  ;  And  as  the  late 
Appearances  of  a  fondness  for  removing  from  hence  to  Cape 
Breton  seem  to  be  quite  vanished  at  present,  I  should  not 
be  without  hopes  of  some  families  removing  from  these 
Parts  to  !Nova  Scotia  upon  due  Encouragement ;  Protestants 
likewise  from  among  the  Swiss  Cantons,  &  other  Northern 
Parts  in  Germany,  who  are  generally  bred  up  in  the  Exer- 
cise of  arms,  and  make  sober  and  industrious  Settlers,  might 
be  safely  trusted  in  Accadie;  Great  Numbers  of  'em  yearly 
flock  into  Pensilvania,  whereby  the  Inhabitants  of  that 
Province  are  almost  incredibly  increas'd  within  these 
twenty  Years ;  And  from  the  behavior  of  the  Irish  coming 
out  of  the  Northern  Parts  of  Ireland  hither,  a  Number  of 
which  is  setled  in  the  Eastern  Parts  of  this  Province,  I 
should  think  they  too  might  be  safely  trusted  in  Nova 
Scotia;  and  it  is  certain  that  these  poor  unhappy  High- 
landers (I  mean  such  of  'em  as  may  be  design'd  to  be  trans- 
ported into  the  Plantations)  would  be  more  safely  dispos'd 
of  among  the  four  Governm'^  of  New  England,  or  in  New 
York  &  the  Jerseys,  where  they  would  not  be  in  danger 
either  of  corrupting  the  Inhabitants,  or  being  again  seduc'd 
themselves,  but  might  make  useful  Subjects  to  his  Majesty. 
"I  hope,  my  Lord,  I  shall  be  excus'd  if  I  have  gone 
beyond  my  Line  in  submitting  these  Observations  to  your 
Grace,   at  a   time  when  the  fate  of  one  of  his  Majesty's 


342  APPENDIX. 

Northern  Colonies,  the  most  important  of  'em  all  to  the 
Crown  in  many  respects,  as  I  apprehend,  and  which  will 
be  in  the  hands  of  the  french  the  Key  to  all  the  other 
British  Colonies  upon  this  Continent,  &  even  to  Cape 
Breton,  And  in  his  Majesty's  Possession  the  Barrier  of 
'em  against  the  Enemy  seems  to  come  to  a  Crisis." 

Shirley  to  Newcastle,  Boston,  New  England,  27  February, 

1747. 
"  My  Lord  Duke, 

"  I  am  sorry  that  I  am  now  to  Acquaint  your  Grace  with 
the  Advices  I  receiv'd  last  night  by  Express  from  Nova 
Scotia  giving  me  an  Account  that  the  Detachment  of  Troops 
under  the  Command  of  Lieu'  Colonel  Noble,  which  I  In- 
form'd  your  Grace  in  my  last  of  the  21'.'  instant  had  taken 
possession  of  Minas,  and  had  kept  it  near  two  months,  was 
for  want  of  a  proper  Security  for  the  Men  and  Intelligence 
from  the  Inhabitants  surpriz'd  on  the  SI*".'  of  January  last  at 
three  o'Clock  in  the  morning  by  between  5  &  600  Canadeans 
&  Indians  in  which  Lieu*.  Col?  Noble  with  four  Officers  more 
and  about  80  men  were  killed,  and  three  Officers  and  about 
60  Men  were  wounded  and  taken  prisoners  before  it  was 
light  enough  for  our  people  to  get  together;  they  however 
obliged  the  Enemy,  upwards  of  20  of  whom  were  kill'd,  and 
about  15  wounded,  to  allow  'em  an  honourable  Capitulation, 
a  Copy  of  which  I  inclose  to  your  Grace  together  with  the 
Accomit  given  of  this  Affair  by  the  Officer  who  was  Com- 
mandant of  the  Detachment  at  the  time  of  the  Capitulation, 
&  Extracts  from  Lieu'  Governour  Mascarene's  Letter  to  me 
upon  this  Subject,  from  whence  I  choose  your  Grace  should 
receive  the  Acco'  in  the  same  light  it  has  been  Conveyed  to 
me  in,  and  which  upon  the  best  Inquiry  I  can  make,  seems 
to  be  a  just  one.  I  also  Inclose  to  your  Grace  an  Extract 
from  Col.  Noble's  Letter  to  me  dated  two  days  before  his 


APPENDIX.  348 

death,  giving  me  an  Account  of  the  Situation  of  Affairs  then 
at  Minas;  from  whence  your  Grace  will  perceive  that  even 
then  he  was  in  Expectation  of  being  Join'd  by  the  Rhode 
Island  Forces  &  the  Company  from  this  Province,  which  had 
the  Misfortune  to  be  Shipreck'd ;  and  that,  had  they  arriv'd 
at  Annapolis,  and  the  New  Hampshire  Companies  had  not 
return'd  home  without  acting,  the  Enemy  would  in  all  proba- 
bility have  been  drove  out  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  every  good 
purpose,  which  I  had  propos'd,  been  answer'd  before  this 
time.  As  it  is  I  shall  use  my  best  Endeavours  forthwith  to 
fit  out  a  sufficient  force  by  Sea  to  destroy  My  Ramsay's  Ves- 
sels at  Schiegnecto,  and  recover  our  own  by  Spring,  &  to  send 
Mr  Mascarene  such  a  Reinforcement  of  Troops  as  may  still 
drive  the  Enemy  out  of  Nova  Scotia  by  the  same  time  and 
prevent  any  bad  Consequences  from  the  late  Accident  there, 
■which  seems  necessary  to  be  done  (if  possible)  and  I  shall 
hope  to  succeed  in,  if  the  neighbouring  Governments  of 
New  England  will  assist  in,  which  I  shall  urge  'em  to  do. 

"  I  likewise  inclose  the  Answer  of  the  Inhabitants  of 
Minas  to  the  French  Letter  which  I  some  time  ago  Inforra'd 
your  Grace  I  sent  M^  Mascarene  last  Fall,  and  a  Paragraph 
out  of  one  of  his  Letters  to  me  upon  the  same  matter; 
whereby  your  Grace  will  perceive  that  that  Letter  seems  to 
have  had  an  happy  Effect  upon  the  Inhabitants  at  a  most 
critical  Conjuncture. 

"  The  late  Secresy  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Minas  with  regard 
to  the  Enemys  Motions,  and  the  very  certain  Intelligence 
which  the  Enemy  gain'd  of  the  particular  Quarters  of  the 
English  Officers,  notwithstanding  their  Supplying  the  King's 
Troops  with  Provisions,  and  the  Curtesy  of  their  Behavior 
to  'em  before  this  Surprize,  and  their  professions  of  being 
sorry  for  it  afterwards  seems  to  shew  the  necessity  of  his 
Majesty's  Keeping  a  strong  Blockhouse  there  with  a  Garri- 
son of  150  men;  And  the  constant  ill  behavior  of  the  In- 


344  APPENDIX. 

habitants  of  Schiegnecto  seems  to  make  another  Blockhouse 
■with  a  like  Garrison  there  equally  necessary,  as  I  at  first 
propos'd  to  your  Grace  from  Louisbourg ;  and  these  two  with 
a  Fort  and  Garrison  at  Chebucto  of  300  Men  at  least,  and 
the  continuance  of  a  Garrison  of  300  at  Annapolis  Koyal  as 
it  is  at  present,  with  a  strong  Blockhouse  at  Canso  garrison'd 
with  100  Men  would  through  the  constant  Correspondence 
that  might  be  kept  up  between  the  several  Garrisons  be  an 
effectual  Security  to  the  Province  against  the  Enemy,  and 
oblige  the  Inhabitants  in  a  little  time  to  contribute  towards 
the  protection  &  Expence  of  tlie  Government,  and  for  ever 
frustrate  any  hopes  the  French  could  Entertain  of  making 
themselves  Masters  of  it,  by  their  constant  Endeavours  to 
Seduce  the  Inhabitants  from  their  Allegiance;  all  which 
would  make  Nova  Scotia  really  His  Majesty's  which  it  seems 
scarcely  to  have  been  yet:  And  I  would  Submit  it  to  your 
Grace's  Consideration  whether  a  Company  of  Rangers  con- 
sisting of  100  Indians,  or  rather  two  Companies,  consisting 
of  50  each,  one  to  be  posted  at  the  Blockhouse  at  Minas, 
and  the  other  in  Schiegnecto  would  not  be  of  the  greatest 
Service,  in  Scouting  thro'  every  part  of  the  Provmce  and 
in  the  Woods  upon  all  Emergencies  (for  which  the  Kegular 
Troops  are  by  no  means  fit)  and  particularly  in  preventing 
the  French  from  Introducing  Men  from  Canada  into  the 
Province  by  the  Bay  Vert;  I  think  the  great  Service  Avhich 
Lieu*  Colonel  Gorham's  Company  of  Rangers  has  been  of 
to  the  Garrison  at  Annapolis  Royal,  is  a  demonstration  of 
the  Usefulness  of  such  a  Corps,  besides  that  it  may  be  a 
means  of  bringing  Indians  out  of  the  French  Interest  into 
his  Majesty's  Service,  and  go  far  towards  reclaiming  'em 
in  general ;  especially  if  (as  I  have  before  propos'd  for 
your  Grace's  Consideration)  two  Trading  or  Truck  Houses 
were  to  be  maintain'd  one  at  Minas,  and  the  other  at 
Chiegnecto,  for  supplying  the  Indians  with  all  necessaries 


APPENDIX.  345 

m  Exchange  for  furrs,  and  proper  presents  were  made  to 
'em  in  the  manner  which  the  French  use  to  Keep  'em  in 
their  Interest. 

"  And  if  your  Grace  would  allow  me  the  Freedom  to  offer 
my  Sentiments  concerning  what  appears  to  me  to  be  farther 
necessary  for  putting  this  important  Province  of  Nova  Scotia 
(I  think  I  may  justly  call  it  the  most  important  to  the 
Crown  of  any  upon  this  Continent)  in  Security,  I  sho'd 
propose  one  of  His  Majesty's  Arm'd  Sloops  (or  Snows)  with 
a  Tender  to  be  constantly  employ'd  in  the  Bay  of  Fundy  for 
visiting  all  parts  of  it  upon  every  occasion,  as  well  as  the 
several  Harbours  on  the  Cape  Sable  Coast;  and  one  of  his 
Majesty's  Frigates  to  be  employ'd  for  the  protection  of  the 
Fishery  at  Canso  (as  was  always  usual  in  time  of  peace) 
Avhich  together  with  a  Tender  would  also  be  of  great  Service 
in  duly  attending  the  Bay  Verte,  upon  every  Occasion,  and 
likewise  visiting  the  Coast  of  Accadie  (or  Cape  Sables)  be- 
sides protecting  the  Fishery. 

"  Since  writing  the  last  Paragraph  I  have  heard  of  some 
other  particular  circumstances,  which  make  it  very  suspicious 
that  several  of  the  Inhabitants  at  least  of  Minas  knew  of  the 
Enemy's  Motions,  &  I  find  that  it  is  the  general  Opinion  of 
the  Officers  that  they  did. 

"  I  am  with  the  most  dutiful  Regard, 
"  My  Lord  Duke, 

"  Your  Grace's  most  devoted, 
"  &  most  humble  Servant 
"W.  Shirley" 

Shirley  to  Newcastle,  Boston,  April  29^?,  1747. 

(Extract.) 
"  ]My  Lord  Duke, 

"  Since  finishing  Governour  Knowles's,  &  my  joint  Letter 
to  your  Grace,  I  have  learn'd  from  one  of  the  English  Pria- 


346  APPENDIX. 

oners  just  Arriv'd  from  Schiegnecto  in  Exchange  for  one 
of  the  French  Prisoners  sent  by  me  from  Boston,  and  who 
was  carry'd  Captive  from  Minas,  where  he  was  taken  by  the 
Enemy  in  the  late  Surprize,  that  when  the  Canadeans  went 
from  Minas  to  Schiegnecto  they  march'd  out  of  the  Grand 
Pre  about  500,  but  were  reduc'd  to  about  350  before  they 
reach'd  Schiegnecto,  by  several  of  their  party's  leaving  'em 
at  every  great  Village  in  Minas,  thro'  which  they  pass'd 
which  makes  it  Evident  that  150  of  the  Inhabitants  of  that 
District  had  Join'd  the  Canadeans  in  their  late  Attack  upon 
the  English  at  Grand  Pre,  and  may  Serve  farther  to  shew 
your  Grace  the  imminent  Danger  of  all  the  Inhabitants  of 
Minas's  still  Joining  the  Enemy,  unless  speedy  measures  are 
taken  for  driving  the  Canadeans  out  of  the  Country,  and  Se- 
curing the  fidelity  of  the  Inhabitants  in  some  better  manner 
than  it  is  at  present;  and  how  opportunely  the  forces  sent 
last  Winter  from  hence  to  Annapolis,  and  the  Assurances  I 
took  the  liberty  of  sending  the  Kova  Scotians  that  those,  who 
behav'd  as  good  Subjects,  sho'd  have  His  Majesty's  protec- 
tion in  their  Estates,  arriv'd  there  for  saving  the  whole  Dis- 
trict of  Minas  from  an  open  Revolt. 

"  This  fluctuating  State  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Accadie 
seems,  my  Lord,  naturally  to  arise  from  their  finding  a 
want  of  due  protection  from  His  Majesty's  Government; 
and  their  Apprehensions  that  the  French  will  soon  be 
Masters  of  the  Province,  which  their  repeated  Attempts 
every  year  for  the  Reduction  of  His  Majesty's  Fort  at 
Annapolis  Royal,  and  the  Appearance  of  the  late  Duke 
D'Anville's  Squadron  from  France  upon  their  Coast  with 
that  View  strongly  Impress  upon  'em,  as  does  also  the 
Residence  of  the  Enemy  in  the  Province,  and  the  Sollici- 
tations  of  their  own  Priests;  and  to  this,  I  believe,  may  be 
added  some  Jealousy,  which  the  Enemy  and  Priests  are  for 
ever  instilling  into  'em,  that  the  English  want  only  a  safe 


APPENDIX.  347 

Opportunity  of  driving  all  the  French  Inhabitants  off  their 
Settlements;  which  tho'  M^  Mascarene  assures  me  that  his 
communicating  to  'em  my  printed  Letter  promising  'em 
His  Majesty's  protection,  had  so  far  allay 'd  as  together 
with  the  Arrival  of  the  late  Detachment  of  Soldiers  sent 
from  hence  in  the  Winter  for  the  Defence  &  protection  of 
the  Province,  to  disappoint  M":  de  Ramsay's  Attempt  upon 
the  Inhabitants  of  Minas  for  bringing  'em  to  an  open 
Revolt,  and  to  make  him  retire  from  Minas  to  Schiegnecto, 
yet  as  the  hopes  my  Letter  may  have  made  'em  entertain 
have  not  been  yet  Confirm'd  by  Assurances  of  His  Majesty's 
Royal  protection  directly  from  England  I  cant  but  think, 
there  is  a  most  apparant  danger  of  Nova  Scotia's  being  soon 
lost,  if  the  Expedition  against  Canada  should  not  proceed 
this  year,  nor  any  Measures  be  taken,  or  particular  Orders 
be  sent  by  His  Majesty  for  Securing  the  Province  against 
the  Enemy  &  strengthening  his  Government  among  the 
Inhabitants,  For  I  perceive  that  the  General  Assembly  of 
this  Province,  from  whence  only  the  Succours  &  Support 
which  His  Majesty's  Garrison  at  Annapolis  Royal  has 
hitherto  received  for  the  Protection  &  Defence  of  Nova 
Scotia,  have  been  sent,  are  tir'd  of  having  'em  drawn 
wholly  from  their  own  people,  and  despair  of  its  being 
effectual  without  His  Majesty's  more  immediate  Interposi- 
tion for  the  protection  of  that  province ;  And  I  look  upon 
it  as  a  very  happy  Incident,  that  I  had  it  in  my  power  to 
send  M^  Mascarene  the  Support,  I  did  the  last  Winter, 
and  beginning  of  the  Spring,  out  of  the  Levies  rais'd  for 
the  Expedition  against  Canada,  which  I  insisted  upon 
doing  as  they  were  in  His  Majesty's  Pay  (tho'  rais'd  for 
another  Service)  but  should  not  have  been  able  to  do  it  (T 
believe)  had  it  depended  wholly  upon  the  Consent  of  the 
Assembly,  tho'  generally  well  dispos'd  for  His  Majesty's 
Service." 


348  APPENDIX. 

Newcastle  to  Shirley,  30  Mat,  1747. 

(Extract.) 

"  As  you  and  M'  Warren  have  represented,  That  an 
Opinion  prevailed  amongst  the  Inhabitants  of  Nova  Scotia, 
That  It  was  intended  to  remove  Them  from  their  Settle- 
ments and  Habitations  in  that  Province;  And  as  that 
Report  may  probably  have  been  artfully  spread  amongst 
Them  in  order  to  induce  Them  to  withdraw  Themselves 
from  their  Allegiance  to  His  Majesty,  and  to  take  Part 
with  the  Enemy;  His  Majesty  thinks  it  necessary,  That 
proper  measures  should  be  taken,  to  remove  any  such  ill- 
grounded  Suggestions;  and,  for  that  Purpose,  It  is  the 
King's  Pleasure,  That  you  should  declare  in  some  publick 
and  authentick  manner  to  His  Majesty's  Subjects,  Inhab- 
itants of  that  Province,  That  there  is  not  the  least  Founda- 
tion for  any  Apprehension  of  that  nature;  But  That,  on 
the  contrary.  It  is  His  Majesty's  Resolution  to  protect, 
and  maintain,  all  such  of  Them  as  shall  continue  in  their 
Duty,  and  Allegiance  to  His  Majesty,  in  the  quiet  &  peace- 
able Possession  of  their  respective  Habitations,  and  Settle- 
ments And  That  They  sliall  continue  to  enjoy  the  free 
Exercise  of  their  Religion. 

"  His  Majesty  did  propose  to  have  signed  a  Proclamation 
to  the  purport  above  mentioned  and  to  have  transmitted  it 
to  you,  to  have  been  published  in  Nova  Scotia;  But  as  the 
Advices,  that  have  been  received  here,  of  a  Body  of  the 
New  England  Troops,  which  were  advanced  to  Menis  hav- 
ing been  surprised  by  a  Party  of  the  French  Canadeans 
and  their  Indians,  and  having  been  either  cut  off,  or  taken 
Prisoners;  And  the  great  Probability  there  is.  That  this 
Misfortune  could  not  have  happened  to  that  Body  of  Troops, 
without  the  Assistance  or,  at  least,  Connivance  of  the 
Inhabitants  of  Nova  Scotia;  make  it  very  difl&cult  to  fix 


APPENDIX.  349 

the  Terms  of  the  intended  Proclamation;  His  Majesty 
thinks  it  more  advisable  to  leave  it  to  you  to  make  such 
a  Declaration  in  His  Name,  as  you  shall  be  of  Opinion, 
the  present  Circumstances  of  the  Province  may  require." 

Shirley  to  Newcastle,  8  June,  1747. 
{Extract.) 

"I  have  nothing  to  add  to  my  Letters,  which  I  have 
lately  transmitted  to  your  Grace,  except  that  M";  de  Ramsay 
is  still  at  Chiegnecto  with  his  party  in  Expectation  of  a 
Reinforcement  from  Canada,  and  the  Arrival  of  an  Arma- 
ment from  France,  and  that  he  has  not  thought  fit  to  ven- 
ture again  to  Manis  [_3Iines],  but  insists  in  his  Messages 
to  the  Inhabitants  there  that  they  should  look  upon  them- 
selves as  Subjects  to  the  French  King  since  the  New 
England  Troops  were  oblig'd  to  retire  out  of  their  District 
by  Capitulation,  but  that  this  has  had  no  Effect  upon  the 
Inhabitants,  the  Reinforcement,  which  I  sent  there  after- 
wards, having  taken  repossession  of  Manis,  and  hoisted 
the  King's  Flagg  there,  and  the  Deputies  of  Manis  having 
thereupon  renew'd  their  Oaths  of  Fidelity  to  His  Majesty 
at  Annapolis  Royal ;  I  continue  the  last  Reinforcement  at 
tlie  Garrison  still  for  the  Security  of  that  and  Manis ;  But 
it  is  not  strong  enough  to  drive  the  French  from  Schieg- 
necto,  it  being  suspected  that  the  Inhabitants  of  that  Dis- 
trict, who  were  ever  refractory  to  His  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment, would  not  scruple  to  Join  the  Enemy  in  case  of  an 
attack  upon  'em;  And  I  could  not  think  it  adviseable  for 
me  to  send  all  the  Forces,  which  I  had  rais'd  for  the  Expe- 
dition against  Canada  within  this  Government  upon  another 
Service  (as  I  must  have  done  to  have  been  strong  enough 
to  force  the  Enemy  out  of  Schiegnecto  after  the  Action  at 
Minas)  when  I  was  in  daily  Expectation  of  receiving  His 


350  APPENDIX. 

Majesty's  Commands  concerning  the  prosecution  of  the 
intended  expedition,  and  besides,  the  Assembly,  which  has 
been  at  a  great  Expence  for  the  raising  of  the  men  for  the 
service  of  the  Expedition  only,  strongly  insisted  upon  my 
reserving  1500  of  'em  to  go  against  Crown  Point,  as  your 
Grace  will  perceive  by  the  inclos'd  Copy  of  their  Answer 
to  my  Message;  However  the  several  Reinforcements,  which 
I  did  send  to  Annapolis,  have  preserv'd  the  Garrison  and 
province  from  falling  into  the  Enemy s  hands  the  last  year, 
and  not  only  made  the  Enemy  quit  Manis,but  still  Con- 
fine 'em  to  Schiegnecto;  and  had  the  Rhode  Island  &  New 
Hampshire  Troops  Join'd  the  Massachusetts  Forces  at 
Manis,  as  was  propos'd,  and  both  those  Governments 
promis'd  me  they  should,  and  one  of  the  Massachusetts  Com- 
panies had  not  been  lost  in  their  passage,  we  should  have 
been  strong  enough  (I  am  perswaded)  to  have  drove  the 
Enemy  the  last  Winter  quite  out  of  the  Province  of  Nova 
Scotia :  As  it  is,  I  doubt  not,  if  no  Armament  arrives  from 
France,  we  shall  be  able  to  keep  'em  out  of  Annapolis  and 
Manis  till  I  receive  His  Majesty's  Commands,  which  I  am 
in  daily  Expectation  of,  and  will,  I  hope.  Enable  me  to 
take  effectual  Measures  for  getting  rid  of  the  Enemy  and 
Securing  the  Province  against  their  Attempts  for  the 
future." 


Shirley  to  Newcastle,  Boston,  25  June,  1747. 
(Extract.) 

"My  Lord  Duke, 

"Since  my  last  to  your  Grace,  I  have  Accounts  from 
Nova  Scotia,  that  the  French  have  rais'd  a  Battery  of  Nine 
Guns  on  the  back  of  Schiegnecto  to  oppose  the  landing  of 
Forces  from  Bay  Verte,  that  they  were  also  building  a  Fort 
&  had  landed  Cannon  &  Mortars  there,  which  they  were 


APPENDIX.  351 

now  bawling  by  Land,  and  may  use  eitber  for  Fortifying 
that  District,  or  transport  from  tbence  to  Annapolis  Royal 
for  the  Reduction  of  bis  Majesty's  Garrison;  Tbere  bas 
been  likewise  furtber  Accounts  from  thence  that  the  Inhab- 
itants were  in  Expectation  of  1000  Men  from  Canada, 
which  together  with  the  Indians  &  People  of  Schiegnecto, 
&  some  of  Manis,  it  is  said,  would  make  up  M^  De 
Ramsay's  Party  5000,  who  were  then  to  proceed  against 
Annapolis ;  and  that  three  large  French  Ships  of  Force  had 
been  seen  in  Bay  Verte,  viz'  two  from  Canada  &  one  from 
France  and  landed  Troops  &  Stores.  These  Accounts  gain 
Credit  the  more  easily  as  it  seems  not  to  be  doubted,  but 
that  the  French  have  the  Reduction  of  Nova  Scotia  ex- 
tremely at  heart,  and  will  be  continually  making  some 
Attempt  or  other  against  it,  whilst  the  Warr  lasts;  and  I 
am  sorry  to  find  by  a  Message  lately  sent  me  from  the 
Assembly  desiring  I  would  recall  the  Soldiers,  I  last  sent 
to  Annapolis,  that  they  seem  out  of  heart  about  the  effec- 
tual Preservation  of  it  from  the  Enemy.  Should  the 
French  gain  it  by  any  sudden  Stroke,  I  am  perswaded,  they 
would  be  so  strong  there  by  the  Addition  of  all  the  Inhab- 
itants to  their  other  Forces,  as  well  as  the  Numbers  they 
would  draw  from  Canada,  &  by  immediate  Fortifications  of 
it,  that  it  would  require  a  very  considerable  Armament  & 
Number  of  Troops  to  recover  it  from  'em ;  which  makes  me 
think  it  my  Indispensable  Duty  to  trouble  your  Grace  with 
so  frequent  a  Repetition  of  my  Apprehensions  concerning 
it.  Tlie  enemy  may  indeed  be  now  look'd  upon  as  Masters 
of  Scheignecto  which  Place  it  is  evident  they  are  busy  in 
fortifying ;  &  would  have  been  so  likewise  of  Manis  by  this 
time,  had  they  not  been  oblig'd  to  withdraw  their  Troops 
from  thence  last  Fall  by  the  Arrival  of  the  Detachments,  I 
sent  there." 


362  APPENDIX. 

Shirley  to  Newcastle,  8  Jult,  1747. 
{Exti-act.) 

"1  shall  now  take  the  Liberty  to  submit  to  your  Grace's 
Consideration  the  most  practicable  Scheme,  that  occurs  to 
me  at  present  for  effectually  driving  &  keeping  the  Cana- 
deans  out  of  Nova  Scotia;  viz^  if  M^  Knowles  when  the 
Season  is  too  far  advanc'd  for  the  French  to  make  an 
Attempt  from  France  against  Louisbourg,  should  detach 
1000  Men  out  of  that  Garrison  to  be  join'd  by  2000  from 
New  England  at  Annapolis  Royal,  and  from  thence  to  pro- 
ceed to  Schiegnecto;  that  Force  would,  I  apprehend,  drive 
the  Enemy  off,  and  easily  make  us  Masters  of  all  the  In- 
habitants of  that  District,  who  seem  to  have  ever  been  so 
deeply  engaged  on  the  Side  of  the  Enemy  as  to  make  'em 
forfeit  all  pretence  of  right  to  hold  their  Possessions ;  and 
if  the  2000  New  England  Men  were  to  share  among  'em 
that  District  upon  Condition  of  their  setling  there  with 
their  Families  in  such  a  defensible  manner  as  they  should 
be  directed  to  do,  and  the  french  Inliabitants  of  that  Dis- 
trict were  to  be  transplanted  into  New  England,  and 
distributed  among  the  four  Governments  there ;  That  I 
apprehend  might  be  a  Settlement  of  the  District  of  Schieg- 
necto  strong  enough  to  keep  the  Canadeans  out,  and  to 
defend  themselves  against  the  Indians ;  and  the  Inhabitants 
of  the  two  other  Districts  of  Nova  Scotia,  viz'  Menis  & 
Annapolis,  being  thus  lock'd  up  between  the  Settlement 
in  Schiegnecto  at  one  End,  and  his  Majesty's  Garrison  at 
the  other,  and  aw'd  by  the  removal  of  the  french  Inhab- 
itants of  Schiegnecto  from  off  their  Lands,  would  be  con- 
stantly held  to  their  good  behaviour,  and  by  Intermarriages 
&  the  spreading  of  the  English  Settlement  from  Schieg- 
necto, the  whole  Province,  or  at  least  the  greatest  part  of 
it,  might   in   two   or   three   Generations   become  English 


APPENDIX.  353 

Protestants  —  I  would  add  that  such  an  Exchange  of  the 
present  Inhabitants  of  Schiegnecto  for  New  England  Men, 
would  make  up  to  the  four  Colonies  of  New  England  the 
Loss  of  the  Families  propos'd  to  be  remov'd  from  thence 
to  Nova  Scotia  upon  this  Occasion  hinder  Canada's  being 
strengthened  by  the  Expulsion  of  the  French  from  their 
Possessions,  &  prevent  the  English  Settlement  at  Schieg- 
necto from  being  harrass'd  by  their  continual  Attempts  to 
recover  their  former  Lands ;  And  the  Encouragement  given 
to  the  New  England  Men  by  the  propos'd  Distribution  of 
the  Lands  among  'em  would  besides  make  the  raising  of 
2000  Men  for  this  Service  much  more  practicable,  &  less 
expensive  to  the  Crown. 

"  Upon  the  whole,  my  Lord,  if  the  War  continues,  unless 
some   measures   are    very   suddenly    taken   for   the    better 
Security  of  Nova  Scotia,   there  seems  to  be  great  danger 
that  that  Province  will  not  long  remain  his  Majesty's. 
"  I  am  with  the  most  dutiful  regard, 
"My  Lord  Duke, 
**  Your  Grace's  most  devoted  and 
"  most  Obedient  Servant 

"  W  Shirley." 


Shihlet  to  Newcastle,  24  August,  1747. 

"  My  Lord  Duke, 

"The  French  Declaration,  of  which  the  inclos'd  is  a 
Copy,  did  not  come  to  my  hands  till  I  had  finished  the 
letter,  w'^.'*  accompanies  it:  And  I  send  it  your  Grace,  as  it 
may  serve  to  shew  the  Views  of  the  French  with  respect 
to  Accadie,  the  Dependance  they  have  upon  the  Disposi- 
tions of  the  Inhabitants,  what  advantage  they  propos'd  to 
themselves  from  the  New  England  Levies  under  the  Com- 
voL.  II.  — 23 


354  APPENDIX. 

mand  of  the  late  Lieuten*.  Col.  Noble's  quitting  Menis  by 
Capitulation,  and  the  necessity  there  was  of  my  sending 
the  last  Detachment  of  soldiers  to  M^  Mascarene  to  take 
repossession  of  Menis,  and  make  the  Inhabitants  of  it  renew 
their  oath  of  fidelity  to  his  Majesty ;  which  had  its  desir'd 
Effect. 

"  I  am  with  the  most  DutifuU  regard 
"  My  Lord  Duke, 

"  Your  Grace's  Most  Devoted, 

"  and  Most  Obedient  Humble  Servant 

"W  Shirley." 


Shirlet  to  Newcastle,  20  Oct.  1747. 
{Extract.) 

**  The  general  Inclination  which,  the  french  Inhabitants 
of  Nova  Scotia  have  to  the  french  Interest,  proceeds  from 
their  Ties  of  Consanguinity  to  the  French  of  Canada,  but 
more  especially  from  those  of  their  Religion,  which  last 
seems  to  put  'em  greatly  under  the  Influence  of  their 
Priests,  who  continually  receive  their  Directions  from  the 
Bishop  of  Quebeck,  &  are  the  Instruments,  by  which  the 
Governour  of  Canada  makes  all  his  Attempts  for  the  Reduc- 
tion of  the  Province  to  the  french  Crown,  &  Keeps  the 
Indians  of  Nova  Scotia  (commonly  called  the  Cape  Sabl« 
Indians)  in  their  Dependence  upon  liim;  particular  Instances 
of  which  may  be  given  in  the  first  Body  of  French  & 
Indians,  which  attack'd  the  King's  Garrison  soon  after  the 
Declaration  of  the  present  War's  being  headed  by  a  Priest 
of  Nova  Scotia;  and  the  principal  Part  in  giving  Intelli- 
gence to  the  Enemy,  maintaining  the  Correspondence  be- 
tween Canada  and  Nova  Scotia,  assembling  Cape  Sable 
Indians,  &  influencing  such  of  the  Inhabitants  as  had  joined 


APPENDIX.  855 

with  or  assisted  the  Enemy,  has  been  manag'd  by  another 
Priest  of  that  Province;  Other  Instances  of  this  Kind 
might  be  given,  as  particularly  the  Attempt  to  bring  the 
Inhabitants  into  Revolt  soon  after  the  late  Surprize  at 
Menis  by  endeavouring  to  influence  'em  with  the  Authority 
of  the  Bishop  of  Quebeck  pronouncing  'em  to  be  free  from 
their  Oath  of  Allegiance  to  his  Majesty.  But  I  shall  con- 
tent myself  with  observing  to  your  Grace  only  one  piece  of 
Policy  made  use  of  by  the  french  Priests  in  Nova  Scotia 
for  preserving  the  whole  Body  of  the  People  intirely 
french,  and  Roman  Catholick's,  viz'  forbidding  all  Inter- 
marriages with  the  English  under  Pain  of  Excommunica- 
tion, (of  which  I  am  informed  there  has  been  one  or  two 
late  Instances  in  actual  Excommunication  upon  this  Occa- 
sion) &  which  has  had  so  general  an  Effect  as  to  prevent 
the  Settlement  of  any  one  English  Family  within  the 
Province,  from  the  first  Reduction  of  it  to  the  present 
time,  tho'  some  have  attempted  to  setle  in  the  Country; 
&  to  Keep  out  Inter-marriages  between  the  French  &  his 
Majesty's  English  Subjects,  as  that  I  never  heard  of  any 
one  Instance  besides  the  before  mentioned  ones;  And  I 
would  humbly  submit  it  to  your  Grace's  Consideration  if 
the  free  Exercise  of  the  Roman  Catholick  Religion  and 
an  unlimited  Toleration  of  Roman  Priests  in  Nova  Scotia 
should  continue  to  have  the  same  Effect  in  that  Colony  for 
tlie  next  succeeding  forty  years,  as  it  has  had  within  these 
last  forty ;  the  Inhabitants  there  are  suffer'd  to  remain  a 
distinct  Body  of  French  in  the  Neighbourhood  of  Canada, 
with  the  Ties  of  Consanguinity  &  Religion  between  them 
&  the  Canadeans  still  growing  stronger,  untill  they  double 
or  perhaps  treble  their  Number  (the  French  of  Canada  like- 
wise at  the  same  time  increasing  their  Strength  &  Num- 
bers) whether  it  may  not  prove  in  the  End  cherishing  a 
Colony  of  Inhabitants  for  the  subversion   of   the  King's 


366  APPENDIX. 

Government   in    it,   &   the   strengthening  of    the   french 
Interest  upon  the  Continent. 

"  The  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  my  Lord,  by  which  the  cession 
of  Accadie  (or  Nova  Scotia)  with  its  Inhabitants  was  made 
to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  does  not  seem  to  lay  his 
Majesty  under  an  Obligation  to  allow  the  french  Inhabitants 
the  Exercise  of  the  Roman  Catholick  Religion;  and  as  his 
Majesty  is  as  yet  under  no  Promise  to  do  it,  I  should  hope 
that  Methods  might  be  found  for  weakening  the  Ties  of  Con- 
sanguinity &  Religion  between  even  the  present  Generation 
of  the  french  inhabitants  of  Nova  Scotia  &  those  of  Canada, 
by  beginning  new  ones  between  his  Majesty's  English  & 
french  subjects  there,  and  at  the  same  time  controuling  the 
pernicious  Power  of  the  Romish  Priests  over  the  french  In- 
habitants &  the  Indians  of  that  Province,  which  may  possi- 
bly be  cut  off  or  at  least  obstructed  by  his  Majesty's  making 
a  Promise  to  continue  the  french  Inhabitants  in  the  free  Ex- 
ercise of  their  Religion. 

"  Wherefore  as  his  Majesty  has  been  pleas'd  to  refer  it  to 
my  Opinion  to  fix  the  Terms  of  the  Declaration,  which  he 
has  commanded  me  to  make  in  his  Name  to  the  Inhabitants 
of  Nova  Scotia ;  whereby  it  became  my  Duty  to  avoid  every 
thing  in  it,  which  appear'd  to  me  to  have  a  Tendency  to  dis- 
serve his  Government  within  that  Province,  I  have  taken 
the  Liberty  to  suspend  promissing  'em  the  free  Exercise  of 
the  Romish  Religion,  tho'  it  is  mention'd  in  your  Grace's 
Letter  to  have  been  part  of  what  was  at  first  propos'd  to 
have  been  included  in  his  Majesty's  intended  Proclamation, 
till  I  could  transmit  my  Sentiments  to  your  Grace,  and  I 
should  have  his  Majesty's  farther  Directions  upon  it ;  &  have 
in  the  mean  time  made  a  Declaration  of  such  Points,  as 
seem'd  necessary  to  be  ascertained  to  the  Inliabitants  for 
quieting  their  Minds,  &  Avould  not  admit  of  Delay. 

"  I  might  mention  to  your  Grace  some  local  Reasons  for 


APPENDIX.  357 

my  Omitting  in  the  Declaration  what  I  have  done,  but  shall 
not  presume  to  trouble  you  with  any  but  what  I  thought  it 
my  indispensable  Duty  to  lay  before  your  Grace. 
"  I  am  with  the  most  dutiful  Regard 
"  My  Lord  Duke, 

"  Your  Grace's  most  Devoted 

"  and  most  Obedient  Servant 

"W  Shirley." 


INDEX. 


INDEX. 


Abexaki  Indians,  the,  i.  36  ;  vil- 
lages of,  i.  36  ;  their  treacherous 
conference  with  Governor  Dud- 
ley, i.  36-38;  Queen  Anne's 
War  due  more  to  tiie  French 
than  to,  i.  46,  47  ;  spurred  on 
by  the  French  against  New 
England,  i.  48,  56 ;  join  an  ex- 
pedition against  New  England, 
i.  96 ;  claimed  as  subjects  by 
both  the  French  and  the  Eng- 
lish, i.  183  ;  Father  Rale  among, 
i.  217  ;  their  conference  with 
Governor  Dudley  at  Portsmouth, 
i.  220 ;  Vaudreull  proclaims 
them  his  allies,  i.  250 ;  ratify 
the  Boston  treaty,  i.  255 ;  sent 
from  Montreal  against  the  Eng- 
lish border,  ii.  217;  ii.  236; 
urge  an  attack  on  Fort  Massa- 
chusetts, ii.  237. 

Abenaki  lands,  the,  i.  236. 

Abenaki  missions,  the,  i.  217,  236. 

Abenakis  of  the  Androscoggin, 
the,  i.  224. 

Abenakis  of  the  Kennebec,  the,  i. 
217. 

Abenakis  of  the  Saco,  the,  i.  224. 

Abercrombie,  Captain,  i.  153. 

Acadia,  i.  7  ;  French  claims  re- 
garding the  extent  of  its  terri- 
tory, i.  47 ;  its  government,  i. 
110;  the  old  regime  in,  i.  110- 


119;  friction  between  the  tem- 
poral and  spiritual  powers  in,  i. 
118;  forced  to  make  atonement 
for  the  sins  of  Canada,  i.  120; 
changes  hands,  i.  120-155;  the 
capture  of  Port  Royal  means 
the  conquest  of,  i.  155  ;  claimed 
by  England,  i.  184  ;  France  tries 
to  hold,  i.  184-186;  England  re- 
fu.ses  to  resign,  i.  186  ;  creed  and 
politics  in,  i.  193;  let  alone  by 
the  British  government,  i.  199; 
documents  relating  to,  i.  211; 
ceded  to  England,  ii.  49,  50, 173  ; 
ii.  154  ;  strong  desire  of  France 
to  recover,  ii.  169  ;  Shirley  re- 
solved to  keep,  ii.  170;  the  key 
to  the  British  American  colo- 
nies, ii.  170;  left  by  Newcastle 
to  drift  with  the  tide,  ii.  180; 
ii.  260,  262,  266,  267,  270,  272, 
320.  326,  .336,  .338,  341,  345,  353. 

Acadian  Church,  the,  friction  of 
the  temporal  power  with,  i.  118. 

Acadian  peninsula,  the,  ii.  60,  184. 

Acadian  priests,  the,  Shirley's  at- 
titude towards,  ii.  178. 

Acadians,  the,  trade  of  Boston 
merchants  with,  i.  7,  115;  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  Queen 
Anne,  i.  191 ;  break  their  oath, 
i.  191  ;  apply  to  Vaudreuil  for 
aid,  i.  192;  the  French  and  the 


362 


rXDKX. 


English  rivals  for.  I.  10.1,  194; 
Costeltcllo  complains  of  the 
apatliy  "f,  i.  197  ;  increase  iu 
the  population  of  the,  i.  199; 
Governor  lMiilli|KM  nmlertakes  to 
force  tliein  to  lako  the  oath  of 
allegiance,  i.  '2()f> ;  (Jovernor 
l*hillip.s'  8o-calloil  succetw,  i.  208, 
209  ;  totally  devoiii  of  natural 
Icailers,  i.  210;  refuse  to  join 
Duvivier  against  Annapolis,  ii. 
62;  aiidictcd  to  hoanting,  ii 
172;  characteristics  of,  ii.  172; 
Mascareno's  treatment  of,  ii 
172;  between  two  tires,  ii.  172, 
17.3;  known  a.s  the  "Neutral 
French,"  ii.  17.3;  illiteracy  of, 
ii.  173;  incom|>etont  to  meet  tl>e 
crisis,  ii.  17.3;  their  pleasures, 
ii.  174;  social  eipiality  of,  ii. 
174  ;  their  comimniiahle  dome-s- 
tic  morals,  ii.  174;  population 
of,  ii.  174  ;  greatly  excited  hy 
the  appearance  of  D'Anville's 
fleet,  ii.  175  ;  Shirreff  urges  that 
they  are  a  staM<iiiig  menace  to 
the  colony,  ii.  175;  Shirley's 
plan  for  securing  the  allegiance 
of,  ii.  177;  Shirley's  plan  to 
convert  them  to  Trotestantism, 
ii.  180;  Hame-^ay  tries  to  per- 
suade them  to  join  liis  expedi- 
tion against  Annapolis,  ii.  182  ; 
again  placed  l)etween  two  dan- 
gers, ii.  201  ;  tlieir  letters  to 
Ramesay  and  to  Mascarene,  ii. 
201,  202;  Hamesay's  peremp- 
tory orders  to,  ii.  203;  deplor- 
able position  of,  ii.  203  ;  England 
fails  to  do  its  duty  by,  ii.  203  ; 
Sliirley  and,  ii.  312^57. 

Acadi.in  seas,  the,  i.  104,  120. 

Acadian  village,  the,  life  at,  i.  113. 

Adams,  i.  195. 

Adams,  Mr.,  of  Medfield,  i.  230. 


Adams,  town  of,  ii.  231. 

Afldison,  i.  147. 

Ailleljout,   Captain    d',  command 

ant   at    the    Island    Battery,    ii. 

120,  284;   ii.  .303. 
Aix  la-('haj»elle,     the     I'eace     of, 

signing  of,  ii.  256. 
A  kins,  Mr.,  i.  211. 
Alabama  Hiver,  the,  ii.  51. 
Alabama,  State  of,  i.  .301. 
Albany,  fort  at,  i.  9  ;  efforts  of  the 

English    to   draw   the  fur-trade 

to,  i.   14  ;  ii.  51,    154,    156,   206, 

207;  left  uncovered,  ii.  210;  ii. 

212,  213,  235,  245.  2.54,  273. 
Albany    traders,    the,  op[)o<»ed    to 

the  projwsed  comjucst  of   Can- 
ada, i.  137. 
Aldrich,  .John,    wounded    at    Fort 

.Ma.s.sacim setts,  ii.  246,  251,  2.53. 
Alexander  VI.,  Pope,  i.  305. 
Alexander,      Deacon      Ebenezer, 

blockhou.se  of,  ii.  231. 
Alexander.  .Joseph,    escapes  from 

the  Frenclj  and  Indians,  i.  71. 
Alf..rd.  John,  ii.  115. 
AlgoiMjuins    of    the    Ottawa,    the, 

sent  from  Montreal  against  the 

English  border,  ii.  217. 
Algonquins,  the,  i.  223. 
Alleghanies,  the,  i.  296;  ii.  45,  48. 
AUein,  i.  117. 

Allen,  Caleb,  escapes  from  the  In- 
dians, ii.  250. 
Allen,    Eunice,   escapes  from  the 

Indians,  ii.  2.50. 
Allen,  Mr.,  killed  by  the  Indians, 

ii.  250. 
Allen.    Samuel,   captured    by    the 

Indians,  ii.  250. 
Allen's  Kiver,  i.  112,  127,  152. 
Allison,  Widow,  i.  60. 
Allouez,   the  Jesuit,   at   Fort   St 

Louis,  i.  327. 
Alton  Bay,  i.  96. 


INDEX, 


363 


"  Amazone,"  the,  it.  159. 

Amesburv,  attacked  by  the  French 
and  Indians,  i.  99. 

Amherst,  General,  at  Louisbourj;, 
ii.  104,  105;  demolishes  Crown 
Point,  ii.  2.5.5. 

Amsdim,  killed  bj-  the  Indians,  ii. 
2.50. 

Aiiduver,  i.  260. 

Andros,  i.  10.5. 

Andro.scnggin  Indians,  the,  i.  37. 

Androscoggin  River,  the,  i.  222. 

Anjou,  Due  d',  i.  305, 

Ann,  Cajie,  i.  244. 

Annapoli.s,  i.  112,  170,  190;  pesti- 
lence at,  i.  191;  i.  194;  almost 
totally  neglected,  i.  198;  Du- 
quesnel's  plans  against,  ii.  61  ; 
its  condition,  ii.  til  ;  failure  of 
Duvivier's  attack  on,  ii.  63; 
Duvivier  again  lays  siege  to, 
ii.  126;  the  P>ench  plan  to  at- 
tack, ii.  162,  164;  crumbling 
little  fort  of,  ii.  175;  Ramesay 
tries  to  persuade  the  Acadians 
to  join  his  e.\pedition  against, 
ii.  181  ;  Shirley's  jdans  for  the 
defence  of,  ii.  182;  ii.  312,316, 
317,  318,  319,  322,  326,  327,  328. 
330,  331,  333,  344,  347,  350,  351, 
352. 

Annapolis  Ba.sin,  ii.  165. 

Annapolis,  Council  of,  i.  199,  201, 
204,  205. 

Annapolis  River,  the,  i.  112,  127. 

Annapolis  Royal,  see  Port  Royal, 
and  Annapolis. 

Anne,  Fort,  i.  140. 

Anne,  Queen,  i.  105  ;  sustains  Gov- 
ernor Dudley,  i.  109;  receives 
the  five  Mohawk  chiefs,  i.  147. 

Anse  de  la  Cormoraudiere  Bay, 
ii.  97,  291. 

Anson,  Admiral,  ii.  168. 

Antico!»ti,  the  Island  of,  i.  171. 


Antigua,  ii.  83. 

Anville,  Due  d',  ii.  157,  158;  dis- 
asters of,  ii.  159-162;  death  of, 
ii.  162;  burial  of,  ii.  162;  chiet 
aim  of  iiis  expeilition,  ii.  169  ; 
ii.  175,  235,  .'J30,  346. 

A ppleton, Lieutenant-Colonel  Sam- 
uel,  i.  88 ;  in  tlie  e.xpeditiou 
against  Port  Royal,  i.  127  ;  the 
''  nonsensical  malice  "  of,  i.  130 

Ap.saroka  Imlians,  the,  ii.  25. 

Ari-hives  de  la  .Marine,  the,  i    16. 

Archives  Nationales,  the,  i.  16. 

"  Ardent,"  the,  ii.  62. 

"  Argonaut,"  the,  ii.  160. 

Arickaras,  the,  i.  360. 

Arkan.«as  Indians,  the,  i.  356. 

Arkansx-*  River,  the,  i.  319,  350, 
359,  364,  367 ;  the  Canadian 
Fork  of.  i.  368. 

Arnistrong,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  at 
Annapolis,  i.  198;  governor  of 
Acadia,  i.  201,  202  ;  on  the  polit- 
ical work  of  the  Acadian  mis- 
sionaries, i.  203,  204 ;  succeeds 
Governor  Phillips,  i.  208 ;  un- 
dertakes to  force  the  Acadians 
to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance, 
i.  208;  ii.  312,  .338. 

Arnold,  Benedict,  i.  213. 

Arrowsick  Island,  i.  224,  231,  2.37. 

Artaguette,  Lieutenant  Diron  d', 
reports  on  the  charges  against 
Bienville,  i.  .307  ;  i.  309.  322. 

Artaguette,  Pierre  d',  captured 
an<l  burned  alive  by  the  Chicka- 
saws,  i.  329. 

Ash,  Thomas,  killed  at  Louisbourg, 
ii.  109. 

Ashuelot,  fort  at,  ii.  215;  Indian 
attack  on,  ii.  215. 

Ashuelot  River,  the,  ii.  214. 

As.s.agunticooks,  the,  attend  the 
council  at  Georgetown,  i.  2J4. 

Assiniboin  River,  the,  ii.  14,  15,  20. 


364 


INDEX. 


Assiniboinfl,  the,  ii.  10;  offer  to 
join  the  French  against  the 
iSioux,  ii.  13  ;  mislead  La  V'oren- 
drye  concerning  the  Pacific,  ii. 
15*;  ii.  34,  40;  attack  Saint- 
Pierre,  ii.  41. 

Atkin.son,  Mr.,  sent  to  Montreal 
as  envoy  from  New  Hampshire, 
i.  252  ;  received  l)y  Vaudreuil, 
i.  2.')2 ,  the  interview  with  the 
Indians,  i.  2.')3. 

Atlantic  coa-st,  the,  usurped  from 
the  French,  ii.  48. 

Anchmuty,  Huhert,  ii.  64. 

Augnsta,  i.  222. 

"  Augnste,"  the,  wreck  of,  ii.  42. 

Auneaii,  the  Jesuit,  murdered  by 
the  Sioux,  ii.  13. 

Au.strian  Succession,  the  War  of, 
ii.  59. 

Autcuil.  D',  i.  331  ;  ii.  247. 

Avery,  John,  at  Number  Four,  ii. 
219. 

Avon,  the  river,  ii.  189. 

Ayllon,  Va.''(iue7-  de,  ii.  48. 

Azores,  the,  ii    159. 

Bacon,  Captain  Daniel,  at  Louis- 
bourg,  ii.  120. 

Bacouol,  ii.  187. 

"Radine,"  the.  i.  .300. 

Baker,  e.'H-apes  from  Indian  cap- 
tivity, i.  87. 

Baker.  C.  Alice,  i.  89.  90. 

Baker,  Lieutenant,  killed  at  Grand 
Pre,  i.  123. 

Bancroft,  Robert  Hale,  ii.  89. 

Bangor,  i.  244,  254. 

Bank,  Capt.  Louis,  i.  302  ;  his  in- 
terview with  Bienville,  i.  303. 

Banks,  Lieutenant,  i.  52,  53. 

Banlieue,  the,  Acadiaus  of,  i.  191, 
195,  199. 

Baptiste,  Captain,  captured  by  the 
English,   i.    81  ;    exchanged   by 


the  English  for  John  William^ 
i.  88. 

Barachois,  the,  ii.  106,  109,  279, 
293,  294. 

Barbadoes,  the,  i.  182. 

Barnard,  Kev.  John,  i.  12fi;  his 
experiences  in  the  expedition 
again.st  Port  Royal,  i.  128,  130, 
131. 

Barrett,  Ensign  John,  house  of,  i. 
42. 

Barron,  Klias,  killed  by  the  Pe- 
quawket.s,  i.  265. 

Barrot,.surge<in  of  r./oui8iana,i.308. 

Bart,  Jean,  of  C'auada,  see  Iberville, 
I.f  Moynf  (f. 

Bartlett,  J.  R.,  on  the  Mohawk 
chiefs  in  England,  i.  147. 

Ba.sin  <>f  .Mine.«»,  the.  i.  110,  196. 

Ba.'^tide,  the  English  engiueer,  iL 
107. 

"  Ba.stonnais."  the,  monopolize  the 
Acadian  fisheries,  i.  Ill  ;  their 
trade  with  the  AcaiJiaus,  i.  115  ; 
i.  156,  157;  La  Ronde  Denys 
sent  to  treat  with,  i.  159;  take 
Denys  pri.soner,  i.  160;  exas- 
perated by  the  attacks  on  Can- 
sean  and  Annapolis,  ii.  64;  at 
Louisbourg,  ii.  130,  134. 

Batten  Kill  River,  the,  ii.2I0,  238, 
2.'>3. 

Batterie  de  Francrrur,  the,  at 
Louisl>ourg,  ii.  1.30,  297,  298, 
301 ,  306. 

Baxter,  Rev.  Joseph,  i.  225  ;  among 
the  Norridgewocks,  i.  228-230; 
his  controversy  with  Rale,  i. 
229. 

Biiyagoula  Indians,  the,  i.  301. 

Baye  Verte,  i.  196.  206  ;  Rame.oay 
builds  a  fort  at,  ii.  175;  ii.  184, 
1 85,  1 05, 326, 344.  345,  350,  351 . 

Bean,  Lieutenant,  sent  out  again.«t 
Norridgewock,  i.  245. 


INDEX. 


365 


Beaubassin,  Acadian  settlement  of, 
i.  123;  ii.  184,  185,  198,200,  202, 
203,  260. 

Beaubassin,  Sieur  de,  attacks  Fal- 
mouth, i.  46 ;  letter  from  Ton- 
chartrain  to,  i.  102;  ii.  124,  239, 
298,  299,  300. 

Beaubois,  Tore  de,  i.  368. 

Beaucour,  commands  an  unsuc- 
cessful attack  on  tlie  Connec- 
ticut settlunionts,  i.  95. 

Beauhiirnois,  Charles  de,  the  in- 
tentlant,  on  the  treachery  of  tlie 
Abenakis,  i.  37 ;  on  the  French 
expedition  against  New  Kug- 
land,  i.  56 ;  on  Bcaucour's  un- 
successful expedition  against 
Connecticut,  i.  95  ;  i.  232  ;  averse 
to  violent  measures  against  the 
Indians,  i.  337  ;  slandered  by 
Dupuy,  i.  338;  on  Lignery's  ex- 
pedition against  the  (Jutagainies, 
i.  339  ;  on  the  sclieme  to  reach 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  ii.  6  ;  ii.  7,  8  ; 
tries  to  obtain  aid  from  the 
court  for  [..a  V^rendrye,  ii.  13; 
on  tlie  Mandans,  ii.  21  ;  demands 
the  demolition  of  Oswego,  ii. 
54 ;  on  the  establishment  of 
Crown  Point,  ii.  56 ;  on  the  cap- 
ture of  Louisbourg  by  the  Eng- 
lish, ii.  140;  ii.  171,  172. 

Hcauharnois,  Fort,  ii.  7  ;  aban- 
iloncd,  ii.  7. 

Beaujou,  journal  of,  ii.  170,  184; 
the  hero  of  the  Monongahela, 
ii.  185;  ii.  186,  187,  189,  190. 
191,  192,  194,  195,  196;  on  the 
losses  at  Grand  Pre',  ii.  198  ;  on 
the  c(mrtesies  exchanged  be- 
tween the  French  and  the  Eng- 
lish at  Grand  Pre',  ii.  199  ;  his 
account  of  the  French  victory 
at  Mines,  ii.  200. 

Beauport,  seigniory  of,  i.  25. 


Beaurain,  Chevalier  de,  i.  353,  354, 
357,358. 

Beausejour,  Acadian  post  of,  ii.  42. 

"  Beaux  Hommes,"  les,  ii.  25. 

Beaver-trade,  the,  proposed  restric- 
tion to  Detroit  of,  i.  23. 

Becancour,  the  Abenaki  missi(jn 
of,  i.  217,  233. 

Bedford,  Duke  of,  ii.  170. 

Begon,  the  intendant,  praises  the 
zeal  of  the  Acadian  mission- 
aries, i.  204;  i.  231,  331  ;  on  the 
scheme  for  reaching  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  ii.  6  ;  ii.  b'z. 

Belknap,  on  the  Indian  attack  on 
Wells,  i.  46 ;  on  the  loss  of  life 
in  Queen  Anne's  War,  i.  47  ;  on 
Major  ChJirch  at  Port  Koyal,  i. 
124;  on  March's  failure  against 
Port  Uoyal,  i.  131  ;  on  the  coun- 
cil at  Georgetown,  i.  235 ;  on 
Lovewell's  expeditions  against 
the  Indians,  i.  262  ;  on  the  plan  to 
attack  Louisbourg,  ii.  64,  78,  112. 

Belknap  Pajters,  the,  ii.  144. 

Belieisle,  .Madame  de,  i.  117. 

Bellemont,  Ensign,  ii.  293. 

Bellin,  ii.  14. 

Bellomont,  Lord,  governor  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, letter  from  Brouillan 
to,  i.  7  ;  his  reports  to  the  Lords 
of  Trade,  i.  9 ;  on  the  ministers 
among  the  Indians,  i.  12;  tries 
to  iuHuence  the  Indians  against 
the  Jesuits,  i.  12. 

Bennett,  Captain,  i.  202. 

Benoit,  M.,  ii.  288. 

Berkshire,  il.  230. 

Berwick,  vilLage  of,  Indian  at- 
tacks on,  i.  48,  99,  266. 

Biildeford,  village  of,  i.  46,  266 ; 
ii.  80. 

Bienville,  Jean  Baptiste  de,  re- 
solves to  find  a  better  way  td 
Santa  Fc,  i.  308. 


866 


INDEX. 


Bienville,  Le  Moyne  tie,  i.  301  ;  at 
Uiluxi,  i.  .502  ;  explores  the  Mis- 
8i8si).ipi,  i.  3U2  ;  liis  iiiecting  witli 
Capt.  lx)uis  Hank,  i.  .JOT;  accii 
eatiuiis  against,  i.  307  ;  De  Muvh 
sent  to  siuteeil,  i.  307 ;  Arta- 
guette  reports  favonil)]y  upon 
the  ciuirges  against,  i.  307  ;  L;i 
Mothe-C'a<lilla'-  siuieeil.x,  i.  30'J  ; 
La  Moth»'-('a<liliac's  ijuarrel 
with,  i.  313;  n-appoiuted  gov- 
ernor of  Louisiana,  i.  318;  re- 
newed accusations  against,  i. 
320 ;  I'ericr  Uikes  his  place,  i. 
320 ;  again  made  governor  of 
Louisiana,  i.  322 ;  resigns,  i. 
323 ;  the  "  Father  of  Louisi- 
ana," i.  323  ;  i.  360. 

Bighorn  Mountains,  the,  ii.  31. 

Bighorn  Range,  the,  ii.  29,  3L 

Bigot,  Frau(,'ois,  the  inteudant,  i. 
38;  ii.  37,  97,  98,  108;  on  the 
Knglish  attack  on  ].,ouishourg, 
ii.  Ill;  un  the  Kn;;lish  attack 
on  the  Island  Battery,  ii.  121; 
122;  on  the  weak  condition  uf 
the  Louishourg  garrison,  ii.  131  ; 
on  the  siege  of  Louisl>ourg,  ii. 
144;  ii.  273,  274,  290,  293,  311. 

Billaine,  T..ouis,  ii.  261. 

Billorica,  village  of,  i.  259. 

Biloxi,  the  iiarhor  of,  French  e«- 
talilishnient  at.  i.  302,  303,  312. 

Bi.sray,  Bay  of,  ii.  158. 

Bhukfei't  Indians,  the,  ii.  34. 

Blackliawk,  the  famous  chief,  i. 
344. 

Black  Hills,  the,  i.  353  ;  ii.  23. 

Black  Point,  Indian  attack  on,  i. 
48. 

Black  River,  the,  ii.  221. 

Blake,  Nathan,  captured  by  the 
Indians,  ii.  215. 

Blaucs  Barhus,  see   ^fandans,  the. 

Blastrick,  Jean,  ii.  311. 


'  Blceker,  visits  Onondaga,  i.  13. 
j  Hlenheim,  i.  163. 

"  Blockhouse,"    loose    use    of    the 
I      term,  ii.  241. 

Blue  Earth  River,  i.  351. 

'*  Bobasser,"  see  lieaulxissin,  Sieur 
I      de. 

Uobc,  Father,  sets  forth  the  claims 
]      of  France,  ii.  46-50,  257-274. 

Bodmer,  Charles,  the  artist,  among 
j      the  Mandan.s  i.  345  ;  ii.  20. 

Boishriant,  Major  I'ierre  l)ugu6 
de,  i.  .■J()7  ;  in  command  of  "  the 
Illinois,"  i.  329  ;  i.  360. 

BoishelHjrt,  ii.  185,  188,  189,  194. 

Molinghroke,  Lord,  i.  163. 

BoUan,  William,  secures  reiin* 
Imrsement  for  Ma-ssachusetts 
from  Pwigland  for  expenditures 
on  the  Louishourg  expedition, 
ii.  142,  143;  letters  of,  ii.  143; 
ii.  315. 

Bumazeen,  Captain,  i.  37  ;  cap- 
tures Klisha  riaistcd,  i.  53,  54. 

Bonaventure,  Ca]itain,  on  the 
trade  between  Boston  and  the 
French  of  Acadia,  i.  108,  115; 
his  relations  with  Madame  de 
Freneuse,  i.  116;  attacked  by 
De  (loutin,  i.  117;  on  the  fric- 
tion Ijctween  the  temporal  and 
spiritual  powers  in  Acadia,  i. 
118;  ii.  132.  280.  308. 

Bonaventure,  Madame  de,  i.  154. 

Bonaventure,  the  priest,  i.  194. 

Bonavista.  i.  132. 

Bonner,  Captain,  makes  a  plan  of 
Boston,  i.  170. 

Bonner,  John,  i.  88. 

Borland,  i.  107. 

Boston,  French  plans  for  the  de- 
struction of,  i.  5,  6  ;  i.  55  ;  trade 
between  the  French  of  Acadia 
and,  i.  108  ;  French  schenif  to 
ruin,  i.  161  ;  make  plans  fur  the 


INDEX. 


367 


Canadian  expedition,  i.  164, 165  ; 
disti'usts  the  ICnglisli  troops,  i. 
166;  Uouiier's  jdan  of,  i.  170; 
ii.  47,  60 ;  rumored  attack  of 
tlie  Freiicli  on,  ii.  156;  ii.  261, 
309,  310,  312,  318,  327. 

Boston  Harbor,  i.  143. 

"  IJostuu  Packet,"  tiie,  ii.  83. 

"  Boston  I'ost  Hoy,"  tlie,  ii.  200. 

Boston  Treaty,  the,  i.  2.55. 

Boudier,  Marie,  marriage  of,  ii. 
8. 

Boucher,  I'ierre,  governor  of  Three 
Kivers,  ii.  8. 

Boucherv  illc,  i.  00. 

Bougainville,  ii.  14. 

Bouhirderie,  killed  at  Luuishonrg, 
ii.  98. 

Bourbon,  F(jrt,  on  Lake  Winni- 
peg, ii.  14. 

Bourgmont,  Sieur  de,  i.  360; 
builds  Kort  Orlcan.s,  i.  361  ;  sets 
out  for  the  Comanche  villages, 
i.  361  ;  his  journey,  i.  361-366. 

Buurke,  Captain  .John  (i.,  ii.  43. 

Bourne,  Kdward  K.,  i.  40,  42 ; 
on  tlie  Inilian  attack  on  Wells, 
i.  46  ;  on  the  capture  of  Klisha 
riaisted,  i.  .'■>4  ;  ii.  81. 

Bouton.on  Lovewell's  Expedition, 
i.  270. 

Bow  Indians,  the,  ii.  26  ;  make  an 
attack  on  the  Snake  Indians,  ii. 
30-33. 

Boxford,  village  of,  i.  269. 

Bradford,  village  of,  i.  269. 

Bradley,  Joseph,  attacked  by  In- 
dians, i.  49. 

Bradstreet,  Colonel  John,  ii.  64, 
65  ;  at  Louisbourg,  ii.  100. 

"  Brahmin  caste "  of  New  Eng- 
land, the.  i.  269. 

Brandon,  Arthur,  i   48. 

Brandon,  .Mrs.  Arthur,  killed  by 
Indiana,  i.  48. 


Brandy,  traffic  in,  i.  20. 

Brattleboro',  town  of,  i.  73. 

Brazil,  ii.  270. 

Bn  bcuf,  Jean  de,  at  Malchedash 
Bay,  i.  18;  i.  l.!9,  215. 

Breda,  treaty  of,  ii.  270. 

Brest,  ii.  127,  l.")8. 

Brest  Squadron,  the,  ii.  327. 

Breton,  Cape,  i.  185  ;  Kaudot  urges 
the  occupation  by  the  French 
of,  i.  186;  ii.  42,  60.  85,  104, 
114,  256,  314,  315,  318,  321,  322, 
333, 342 

Bridgman,  .Jonathan,  wounded  at 
Fort  Ma.s.sacliu.>ielts,  ii.  246. 

Bri.-!.sonnet,  the  Plain  of,  at  Louis- 
bourg, ii.  279.  ' 

British  America,  early  maps  of, 
ii.  44. 

British  colonics,  the,  i.  3. 

British  provinces,  the,  ii.  45 ; 
growing  power  of,  ii.  45. 

Brittany,  ii.  166. 

Brookfield,  attacked  by  the  French 
and  Indians,  i.  99. 

Brooks,  Commander,  at  Louis- 
bourg, ii.  120,  121. 

Brouillan,  Jaccjues  Francois  de, 
urges  peace  between  England 
and  France,  i.  6  ;  his  letter  to 
(iovernor  Bellomont,  i.  7  :  in 
command  of  Acadia,  i.  110; 
paucity  of  his  fighting  resources, 
i.  Ill;  characteri.stics  of,  i.  113; 
death  of,  i.  114;  accasations 
against,  i.  114. 

Brown,  ii.  95. 

Brown,  Captain,  .sent  out  against 
Norridgewock,  i.  245. 

Brown,  .John,  wounded  at  Number 
Four,  ii.  228. 

Brown,  John  Carter,  i.  147. 

Brule  Indians,  the,  ii.  34. 

Brunswick,  i.  218;  burned  by  the 
Indians,  i,  239. 


368 


INDEX. 


Bruyas,  the  Jesuit,  i.  11. 

Brynmor,  qu  the  jourual  of  La 
Veienflrye,  ii.  17. 

Buade,  Fort,  i.  18. 

Buffalo,  the,  i.  .-iSl. 

Bullanl,  John,  killed  by  the  In- 
dians, ii.  215. 

Bunker  Hill,  hattle  of,  ii.  90,  123. 

Burchett,  Secretary  of  the  Admi- 
ralty, i.  1 65. 

Burlington,  city  of,  i.  77. 

Burnet,  Governor,  of  New  York, 
])lans  to  build  a  ft^rtified  trad- 
ing-lionse  at  ().<\vegn,  ii.  53. 

Burr's  regiment,  at  Louisbourg, 
ii.  103. 

Bute.  i.  183. 

Butler,  Captain,  i.  i77. 

Cabot,  .Jolin,  ii.  47,  49,  79. 

Cabot,  Sebastian,  ii.  47,  49,  79. 

Caches,  ii.  16. 

Caddoes,  the,  i.  356. 

Cadenaret,  an  Abenaki  chief,  ii. 
237,  238. 

Caaillac,  Seigneur,  de,  see  La 
A/othe,  Jean  de. 

"  C*esar,"  the,  ii.  83. 

Cahokia,  village  of,  i.  328. 

Cahouet,  i.  191. 

Calliere.s,  the  governor,  i.  26,  28. 

Cambridge,  i.  150;  ii.  90. 

Canada,  prepares  for  defence 
against  England,  i.  4  ;  a  virtual 
truce  between  New  York  and, 
i.  1 6  ;  divided  by  two  opposing 
policies,  i.  21  ;  a  country  of 
cabals  and  intrigues,  i.  27  ;  al- 
most iuaccessible  to  New  Eng- 
land, i.  120;  plan  of  Samuel 
Vetch  for  the  conquest  of,  i. 
133;  the  English  ministry  plan 
an  attack  on,  i.  163;  the  Iro- 
quois cease  to  be  a  danger  to,  i. 
216;  Abenaki  settlements  in,  i. 


257  ;  New  York  her  only  rival 
for  the  control  of  the  West,  i. 
273 ;  jealous  of  Luuisiana,  i. 
324  ;  plans  of  the  chiefs  of,  i.  325 ; 
divided  between  two  ojiposlng 
influences,  i.  347  ;  apj)roachiug 
her  last  agony,  ii.  42  ;  Shirley's 
scheme  for  capturing,  ii.  151 ; 
in  alarm  at  tlio  hostile  prepara- 
tions of  the  English,  ii.  153; 
preparations  for  defence,  ii.  154; 
the  attack  abandoned,  ii.  155. 

Canadian  Churcii,  the,  influence 
of,  i.  347. 

Canadian  mis.sioiis,  tlie,  converts 
of,  i.  96,  99. 

Canadians,  the,  brave,  hardy,  and 
well  trained,  i.  5  ;  join  the  expe- 
dition against  New  England,  i. 
56 ;  led  the  way  in  tiie  path  of 
discovery,  i.  346. 

Cannon-ball  River,  the,  ii.  18. 

Canseau,  fisiiing-statiou  of,  ii.  60 ; 
Duquesnel  sends  a  force  against, 
ii.  60;  surrenders  to  the  French 
and  is  burned,  ii.  61  ;  Commo- 
dore Warren  at,  ii.  84  ;  ii.  86 ; 
Poraeroy  at,  ii.  91  ;  pas.ses  into 
the  hands  of  the  English,  ii.  91, 
92,  93  ;  ii.  267,  273,  288,  289, 
290,  311. 

Canseau,  blockhouse  at,  i.  198 ;  the 
Micmacs  attack,  i.  244  ;  ii.  334, 
344,  345. 

Canseau,  Strait  of,  i.  186;  ii.  60. 

Canso,  see  Canseau. 

Canso,  Strait  of,  see  Canseau, 
Sir  a  it   of. 

Canterbury,  Archl)ishop  of,  i.  147. 

Cap  Noir,  ii.  301. 

Cape  Breto'i,  Island  of,  i.  177. 

Cape  Cod,  the  Indians  of,  i.  121; 
ii.  47,  260,  261. 

Cape  Sable  Indians,  ii.  354. 

Capuchin  Friars,  the,  i,  118. 


INDEX. 


3G9 


Carheil,  the  Jesuit,  on  the  ruins  of 
Michilirnackinac,  i.  17;  aversion 
of  Cadillac  for,  i.  19;  his  quar- 
rels with  Cadillac,  i.  20,  'iO. 

"  Caribou,"  the,  ii.  62,  159,  160. 
Carignan,  regimc-ut  of,  ii.  8. 

Carolina,  i.  148 ;  French  settle- 
ment in,  ii.  258 ;  ii.  259,  262, 
263,  264,  265,  266,  269. 

Carolina  traders,  the,  i.  .321,  .32.3. 

Carter,  Khenezer,  releaBed  from 
Indian  captivity,  i.  87. 

Carter,  Marah,  murdered  hy  the 
French  and  Indians,  i.  65. 

Carthagena  expedition,  the,  ii.  72. 

Cartier,  .Jacques,  at  Hochelaga,  i. 
18,  279. 

Cassco,  i.  .36,  .39;  attacked  by  the 
French  and  Indians,  i.  99. 

Casco  Bay,  i.  1 29 ;  the  Boston 
treaty  ratified  at,  i.  255. 

Casco,  the  treaty  of,  i.  .39. 

Caagrain,  Abbe',  i.  196,  211. 

Ca.atine,  town  of,  i.  38,  122. 

Castle  William,  ii.  157,  317. 

Catholicism,  bound  up  with  the 
old  political  order,  i.  1 92. 

Catholic  .Jacobites,  ii.  177. 

Catlin,  George,  the  painter,  among 
the  Mandans,  ii.  20.  j 

Catlin,  .John,  killed  by  the  French 
and  Indian.s,  i.  64.  | 

Catlin,  Mrs.  John,  shows  wonder- 
ful generosity  to  a  wounded 
French  ofBcer,  i.  64  ;  death  of, 
i.  65. 

Catlin,  Joseph,  attacked  by  the 
French  and  Indians,  i.  63. 

Caughnawaga,  ii.  236 ;  see  also 
Su'dt  St.  Louis. 

Cau^hnawaga,  the  Iroquois  mis- 
sion of,  i.  13  ;  the  converted  Iro- 
quois settle  at,  i.  14 ;  J^unice 
Williams  at,  i.  80 ;  i.  217,  234. 

Caughnawagaa,  the,  i.  13 ;    carry  , 
TOL.  II.  —  24 


on  a  contraband  tra^le  between 
New  York  and  Cana<ia,  i.  15;  i. 
36 ;  join  the  expedition  against 
New  England,  i.  56  ;  draw  out  of 
an  expedition  against  New  Eng- 
land, i.  96 ;  pronji.se  .Schuyler  not 
to  attack  New  England,  i.  100; 
in  the  conquest  of  Canada,  i. 
I      1.39. 

j  Caulrield,  deputy-governor  at  An- 
j      napoli.s  i.  196,  205,  206. 
Chacornacle,  Lieutenant,  joins  Ca- 
dillac, i.  28. 
f-'hamberlain,   .John,    tradition    of 
his  meeting  with  I'augus,  i.  268. 
Chamljjy,  death  of,  i.  98. 
Chambly,  settlement  of,  i.  7.-3,  77, 
140,   i4l,   142;  stf..ne  fort  Imilt 
by  the  French  at,  ii.  55. 
Champigny,  the  intendant,  opposes 
Ca'lillac's  plan  of  a  settlement 
at  Detroit,  i.  26,  28 ;  i.  348. 
Champlain,    I^ke,  i.    15,  77,  135, 
139,  140.    16.5,   177,   2.52;  ii.  48, 
55,  153,  20S,  221,  2-30,  235.  265. 
Champlain,     Samuel   de,    in    the 
Onondaga  country,  i.  18,  279  ;  ii. 
259,  262. 
"  Chapeau  Kouge  "  Bay,  »ee   (Jo- 

harus  Bay. 
Chardon,  the  missionary,  urges  the 
extermination   of    the    Outagar 
mies,  i.  .337. 
Cliarle.«  I.,  ii.  262. 
Charles  II.,  of  England,  i.  1.33,  27.3. 
Charlest^jwn,  named  after  Commo- 
dore Charles    Knowles,  ii.  228. 
See  ako  Sainljer  Four. 
Charlestown  Neck,  ii.  90. 
Charlevoix,  the  Jesuit   hi.«torian, 
on  the  French  responsibility  for 
Queen  Anne's    War,   i.   46 ;  on 
the  esi^ential  purpose   of  Queen 
Anne's   War,  i.   47  ;  on   Hame- 
say's  expedition  against  Nichol* 


370 


rXDEX 


son,  i.  141  :  on  the  pestilence 
in  XicholsC'n's  camp.  i.  1+3:  on 
the  siege  of  Porr  Royal,  i.  153; 
on  the  chief  bond  between  the 
French  and  the  Indians,  i-  216 ; 
on  the  English  artack  on  Nor- 
ridgewock,  i.  2+S ;  on  "  the  Illi- 
nois," i-  327 ;  joomey  of,  ii. 
4;  his  report  on  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  iL  5  ;  returns  to  France, 
iL  5. 

Cbattres,  Dae  de,  L  329. 

Chaztres,  Fort,  L  329  ;  iL  57. 

Chassin,  ilichel  de.  i.  317,  329. 

Chateangnav,  accusations  against, 
i.  307. 

Chateau  Richer,  John  WUliams  at, 
LS2. 

Chateau  St.  Louis,  the,  i.  26,  51  ; 
ii.  273. 

Chaudiere  Rirer,  the,  L  5,  6,  213, 
217. 

Cherokees,  the,  L  324. 

**  Ches-ter."  the,  i.  151  ;  captured 
bv  Para.iis,  i.  170;  ii.  165,  334. 

Chevereaux,  L  201. 

Chevry,  iL  de,  i.  102. 

Chevenne  Indians,  the,  ii.  22,  34. 

Cnibucto,  i.  110;  ii.  157,  153,  160, 
161,  162.  164,  175. 

Chibucto  Bar,  D'AnviUe's  fleet  in, 
iL  261 ;  iL  164,  165. 

Chibucto  Harbor,  ii.  326,  327,  329, 
331,  334,  344. 

Chicago,  L  33,  338,  342. 

Chicago  portage,  the,  L  34 1 . 

Chickasaws,  the,  make  war  on  the 
French,  i.  321,  323  ;  L  324,  329, 
356. 

Chignecto,  Acadian  senlement  of, 
L  196,  203;  ii.  170,  175,  176, 
181,  183,  19S,  2a3,  313,  323,343, 
344,  346,  347,  349,  351,  352,  353. 
See  also  Beaulassin. 

Chignecto  Bar,  iL  1 84. 


■  Chimnev  Point,  ii.  254. 
China,  i.  368. 

Choctaws.  the,  make   war  on  the 
i      French,  i.  321  ;  i.  324. 
Choke-Cherrv  Indians,  the,  ii.  33; 

village  of,  iL  34. 
Chrisrian,  the  Mohawk,  i.  24S. 
Church,     ilajor      Benjamin,     at- 
tacked by  the  French   and   In- 
dians,  i.  63 ;    in   King   Philip's 
War,  i.  121  ;  proposes  a  stroke 
of  retaliation  against  the  French, 
i.    121 ;    Governor    Dudley    ap- 
proves his  plan,  i.  121  ;  attacks 
Grand   Pre,    i.   123  ,■    at    Port 
'      Royal,  i.  123. 

Church,      Thomas,      on       Major 

I      Church's  attack  on  Grand  Pre,  L 

123 :  on  Major  Church  at  Port 

I      Royal,  i.  124. 

Cid,  the.  of  Canada,  see  IhervilUf 

ILe  Mojue  d '. 
Cimarron,  the,  i.  367. 
Circular   Battery,   the,   at   Louis- 

bonrg,  ii.  130,  139. 
Clairembault,    the    regiment    of, 

L  19. 
Clark,  Captain,  among  the  Man- 
dans,  ii.  17  ;  makes  his  way  to 
the  Pacific,  ii.  35. 
Clark,  Fort,  L  367. 
Cleaves.  Lieutenant  Benjamin,  at 
Louisbourg,  ii.    112;  his  diary, 
ii.  112,  144. 
Clement,  sells  liquor    to   the  In- 
I      dians,  ii.  213. 
Clesson,  Lieutenant,  ii.  250,  251. 
I  Clinton,   governor  of  New  York, 
I      iL    156;  convenes  the   deputies 
of    the     Five    Nations    at    Al- 
bany, ii.  206 ;  dispute   between 
James   de    Lancey  and,  ii.  207 ; 
I      hampered  at  every  turn,  ii.  207  ; 
his  controversy  with  the  Assem* 
blj,  iL  208 ;  complains  to  New- 


IXDEX. 


871 


caatle,  ii.  209  ;  sees  the  ralae  of 
William  Johnson,  ii.  212. 

Clock,  George,  ii.  213. 

Cobb,  Captain  Svlvanns.  ii.  164. 

Cobequid,  Girard  at,  ii.  185;  ii. 
187,  IBS,  200,  202.  See  also 
TruTO. 

Cobequid  Bar,  ii.  188. 

Cotkerill,  Tliomaa,  i.  137. 

Cod  fcherv,  ii   318. 

Coffin,  i.  107. 

Colbert,  the  minister,  the  whole- 
some polity  of,  i.  4. 

Cole,  Isaac-,  killed  by  Indians,!.  52. 

Colombiere,  ii.  185,  194. 

Colorado,  i.  367. 

Coltou,  Mrs.,  i.  91. 

Conia:;ches,  the,  L  359,  360,  361, 
362.  363,  364. 

Conipaguie  des  Indes  (Law's  Mis- 
sissippi Company),  ii.  4S. 

Company  of  Rangers,  the,  ii.  339, 
344. 

Company  of  the  Colony  of  Can- 
ada, the,  formded  by  the  Eling, 
i.  29  ;  the  entire  control  of  the 
fur-trade  given  to,  i.  23  ;  har- 
dens of,  i.  29  ;  discontent,  i.  30. 

Conajoharie  Castle,  ii.  213. 

Cocde,  Prince  de,  ii.  268. 

Conflans,  Captain  de,  ii.  158,  160, 
161. 

Congregation  of  Missions,  the,  ii. 
46. 

Connecticut,  the  colony  of,  i.  8 ; 
unsuccessful  expedition  of  the 
French  and  Indians  against  the 
settlements  of,  i.  95  ;  refuses  to 
join  an  exjiedition  against  Port 
Royal,  i.  125;  ordered  to  fur- 
nish troops  for  the  conquest  of 
Canada,  i.  135  ;  her  prompt  re- 
sponse, i.  137  ;  decides  to  attack  | 
Port  Royal,  i.  145,  150  :  ordered  1 
to  make  readj  for  the  Canadian  j 


expedition,  L  165;  joins  Shir- 
ley's expedition  against  Louis- 
Ixturg,  ii.  69,  72 ;  make-up  of 
her  contingent,  ii.  82 ;  reim- 
bursed by  England  for  expen- 
ditures on  the  Louis  bourg 
expedition,  ii.  143  ;  supports  the 
plan  to  conquer  Canada,  ii.  1 52 ; 
promises  to  assist  Boston  in 
case  of  French  attack,  ii.  157; 
ii.  313. 

Connecticut  River,  the,  i.  50;  ii. 
214,  217,  218,  221. 

Continental  war,  the,  i.  163. 

Conway,  i.  256. 

Coos  Meadows,  the,  i.  .50,  76. 

Copps  Hill,  i.  166. 

Corlaer,  ii.  236,  265.  See  also 
Sdieneriady. 

Corn  bury.  Lord,  governor  of  New 
York,  i.  8,  59,  .331. 

Corsairs,  the  French,  i.  112. 

Corse,  Elizabeth,  marriage  of,  i.  89. 

Cortlandt,  contributes  to  the  sup- 
port of  New  York,  i.  9. 

Coste,  Jacob,  ii.  2S8. 

Costebelle,  governor  at  Placentia, 
i.  133 ;  on  England's  real  pur- 
pose in  delaying  promised  aid 
to  New  England,  i.  156  :  warns 
Yaudreuil  of  the  English  pre- 
parations against  Canada,  i. 
178;  his  mandate  from  the 
King,  i.  189  ;  in  command  at 
Louisbourg,  i.  194 ;  complains 
of  the  apathy  of  the  Acadians. 
i.  197. 

Cote  de  Beanpre,  the,  i.  348. 

Coulon.  see  VUliers,  Cou'on  de. 

County  courts,  the,  i.  41. 

Coureurs  de  bois,  the,  at  Michili- 
mackinac,  i.  17:  at  Detroit,  i 
279  ;  at  "  the  Illinois,"  i.  328. 

Courtemanche,  falls  ill  at  Boston 
i.  87  ;  ii.  185. 


872 


INDEX. 


Covenanters,  the,  i.  193. 

Coxe,  i.  303. 

Crafts,  Benjamin,  diary  of,  ii.  148  ; 
death  of,  ii.  148. 

Craggs,  Secretary,  i.  198,  203, 
206. 

Cranston,  Governor,  i.  181. 

Crawford  Notch,  i.  2.56. 

Creeks,  the,  i.  324. 

Crespel,  Pere  Emanuel,  i.  339. 

Cristineaux,  the,  ii.  10;  offer  to 
join  the  French  against  the 
Sioux,  ii.  13;  mislead  LaVcren- 
drye  concerning  the  Pacific,  ii. 
15. 

Croisil,  on  the  Kennebec,  i.  234. 

Crow  Indians,  the,  ii.  25. 

Crown  Point,  i.  141  ;  ii.  55  ;  the 
French  intrenched  at,  ii.  55,  56 ; 
La  Corue  urges  the  fortifying 
of,  ii.  56 ;  fort  built  at,  ii.  56 ; 
Sliirley  plans  to  attack,  ii.  156, 
207,  234;  Rigaud  at,  ii.  254; 
description  of,  ii.  254,  255 ;  de- 
molished by  Amherst,  ii.  255 ; 
ii.  350. 

Crozat,  Antoine,  Louisiana  farmed 
out  to,  i.  310;  extent  of  his 
monopoly,  i.  311  ;  his  disappoint- 
ments, i.  315;  gives  up  his  char- 
ter, i.  315. 

Cummings,  William,  wounded  in 
Lovewell's  expeditions  against 
the  Indians,  i.  260. 

Cushnoc,  stone  fort  at,  i.  222. 

Cutter,  Captain  Ammi,  at  Canseau, 
ii.  92. 

Daccarrette,  Sieur,  ii.  290,  291, 

304. 
Daguenet,  at  Louisbourg,  ii.  280. 
D'Aillebout,  Captain,  see  Aillebout, 

Captain  d'. 
Dakota  Indians,  the,  ii.  34. 
Damariscotta  River,  the,  ii.  65. 


D'Anville,  Due,  see  AnviUe,  Due 
d'. 

D'Argeuson,  see  Argenson,  D\ 

Daricn  Scheme,  the,  i.  134. 

Dartmouth  College,  i.  91. 

Dartmouth,  Earl  of,  i.  192. 

Dauhiay,  Jean,  marriage  of,  i.  89. 

Daupiiin,  tlie  lost,  son  of  Louis 
XVI.,  i.  91. 

Dauj)hin  Battery,  the,  at  Louis- 
bourg, ii.  111. 

Dauphin,  Fort,  on  Lake  Manitoba, 
ii.  14. 

Daupiiin  Island,  French  establish- 
ment at,  i.  306,  309,  312. 

Dauphin's  Bastion,  the,  at  Louis- 
bourg, ii.  130,  279,  286,297,298 
301,  302,  303,  305. 

D'Auteuil,  see  Anteuil,  D'. 

Davis,  in  tlie  defence  of  Haverhill 
against  the  French  and  Indians, 
i.  97. 

Davis,  Eleazer,  wounded  by  the 
Pequawkets,  i   265,  266. 

Deas,  1).,  ii.  162,  164. 

Debeline,  General,  ii.  223. 

Deerfield,  villa<;e  of,  i.  56;  loca- 
tion of,  i.  57  ;  reinforced  with  a 
garrison,  i.  59  ;  attacked  by  the 
French  and  Indians,  i.  59-66 ; 
the  captives,  i.  67  ;  loss  suffered 
by  the  French,  i.  68;  not  aban- 
doned, i.  69 ;  again  attacked  by 
the  French  and  Indians,  i.  95  ; 
ii.  148,  242,  245,  249,  250,  254. 

Deerfield  River,  ii.  250,  251. 

De  Cannes,  see  Gannes,  IJe. 

Degonner,  tlie  Jesuit ;  his  theory 
concerning  the  Pacific,  ii.  10. 

De  Goutin,  see  Goutin,  M.  de. 

De  Lancey,  James,  see  Lancey, 
James  de. 

De  Lery,  see  L^ry,  De. 

De  risle,  see  L'Isle,  De. 

De  Aluys,  see  Muys,  De. 


INDEX. 


373 


Denis,  it.  259,  262. 

Denonville,  iMarquis  de,  recog- 
nizes tlie  iiiiportauce  of  possess- 
ing Detroit,  i.  2'2  ;  ii.  53. 

Denys,  M.  tie  la  P.onde,  i.  157; 
sent  to  treat  with  the  "Bas- 
tonnais,"  i.  159 ;  taken  pris- 
oner, i.  160;  on  tlie  losses  of 
the  Englisli  expedition  against 
Canada,  i.  181  ;  sent  to  Annapo- 
lis, i.  194  ;  in  the  Acadian  settle- 
ments, i.  196. 

"  Deptford,"  the,  i.  125. 

Deniiers,  Moise  des,  on  the  illit- 
eracy of  the  Acadians,  ii.  173. 

Dornisscan.  i.  141. 

Dos  Chaillons,  Saint-Ours,  com- 
mands an  exjicdition  against 
New  England,  i.  96. 

Deschenaux,  ii.  274. 

Dos  Enclaves,  I'ere,  i.  202. 

Dosliettes,  in  command  in  the  Il- 
linois country,  i.  336;  proposes 
to  exterminate  the  Ontagamies, 
i.  336 ;  joins  Lignery's  expe- 
dition, i.  338. 

De.sligneris,  ii.  185,  190. 

"Despatch,"  the,  i.  173. 

Destonnel,  .Mr.,  ii.  330. 

D'Kstuurnel,  Vice-.Vdnn'ral,  see 
Estoiirnel,  Vice  Admiral d\ 

Destrahoudal,  M.,  ii.  166,  167. 

Des  I'rsins,  La  Loire,  i.  329. 

Detroit,  important  location  of,  i. 
22 ;  ii.  57 ;  occupied  hy  Da 
l.hiit,  i.  22 ;  Livingston  urges 
the  occupation  of,  i.  22;  its 
rivalry  with  Michilimackinac,  i. 
23;  Cadillac's  plans  for,  i.  23; 
proposed  restriction  of  the 
iieaver  trade  to,  i.  23  ;  Cadillac 
l^ys  the  foundations  for,  i.  28  ; 
in  the  hands  of  the  company  of 
the  Colony  of  Canada,  i.  29  :  is 
giyen  over  to  Cadillac,  i.  32  ;  the 


Indian  population  at,  i.  275; 
Dubuisson  in  command  at,  i.  279 ; 
its  loss  of  strength  in  the  de- 
parture of  La  Mothe-Cadillac, 
i.  .327. 
Detroit,  fort,  i.  279. 

Detroit  River,  the,  i.  29. 
Dicrcville,  i.  131. 

]3ieskau,  Baron,  flotilla  of,  -i.  237, 
Dion,  ii.  2^9,  291, 

Doddridge,  i.  51. 

Dominique,  Father,  i.  190. 

Doolittle,  I>ev.  Benjamin,  ii.  222; 
on  tlie  defence  of  Xuiril)er  Fouri 
ii.  229  ;  sketch  of,  ii.  232 ;  his 
sudden  death,  ii.  233  ;  his  fa- 
mous narrative,  ii.  233,  234. 

Dorchester,  joins  the  expedition 
against  Toi-t  lloyal,  i.  126 ;  i. 
150. 

Dorman,  Ephraim,  ii.  215. 

Doty,  ii.  249. 

Doucette,  at  Annapolis,  i.  196. 

Douglas,  Dr.,  on  the  plan  to  attack 
Louisbourg,  ii.  04,  J56.  112,  118; 
on  the  attack  on  tne  Island  Bat- 
tery, ii.  122;  on  the  life  at 
Louisbourg  after  the  conquest, 
ii.  149. 

Dover,  attacked  by  French  and 
Indians,  i.  95,  99. 

Downing,  Joshua,  killed  by  In- 
dians, i.  52. 

"  Dragon,"  the,  i.  136,  147,  151, 

Dragonades,  the,  i.  4, 

Drake,  S.  G.,  ii.  234. 

Drowned  Lands,  the,  ii.  237. 

Dubuisson,  Sieur,  in  command  at 
Detroit,  i.  279 ;  dangerous  visi- 
tors, i.  2S() ;  timely  succor,  :. 
282 ;  attacks  the  camp  of  the 
Ontagamies,  i.  285  ;  the  siege,  i, 
286;  overtures  from  the  enemy, 
i.  287 ;  renewed  hostilities,  i. 
290;  wavering  allies,  i.  291 ;  th* 


374 


INDEX. 


enemy  begs  for  mercy,  i.  293 ; 
they  surrender,  i.  295  ;  his  re- 
port to  Vaudreuil,  i.  296 ;  i. 
344. 

Duchambon,  Chevalier,  governor 
of  Canada,  ii.  96;  deficient  in 
capacity,  ii.  96 ;  at  Luuisbourg, 
ii.  97  ;  on  the  capture  of  the 
Grand  Battery,  ii.  100,  101,  102; 
his  serious  blunder,  ii.  103,  107  ; 
on  the  English  attack  on  Louis- 
bourg,  ii.  Ill;  summoned  to 
surrender,  but  refuses,  ii.  117; 
on  the  English  attack  on  the 
Island  Battery,  ii.  121,  122,  124  ; 
letter  froni  La  Maiwoiifort  to,  ii. 
12.5;  his  reply,  ii.  126;  on  the 
effect  of  the  English  fire,  ii.  130  ; 
asked  by  his  troops  to  capitu- 
late, ii.  131  ;  surrenders  to  the 
English,  ii.  133  ;  on  the  number 
of  English  at  Louiabourg,  ii. 
134;  his  report  on  the  siege  of 
Louisbourg,  ii.  144,  287-312. 

Ducking-stool,  the,  i.  41. 

Duclos,  i.  313,  314. 

Dudley,  Captain,  i.  173. 

Dudley,  Joseph,  governor  of  Mas- 
sachusetts and  New  Hampshire, 
i.  36 ;  his  conference  with  the 
Abenakis,  i.  37,  38 ;  takes  the 
offensive  against  the  Indians,  i. 
50 ;  on  the  French  loss  at  Deer- 
field,  i.  69  ;  refuses  to  buy  the 
release  of  prisoners,  i.  86;  his 
correspondence  with  Vaudreuil 
concerning  the  exchange  of  pris- 
oners, i.  90 ;  refuses  to  allow  a 
raid  into  Canada,  i.  100;  urges 
the  capture  of  Quebec,  i.  103  ; 
proposes  a  treaty  of  neutrality 
to  Vaudreuil,  i.  103;  character- 
istics of,  i.  105  ;  sent  as  prisoner 
to  England,  i.  105  ;  made  lieu- 
tenant-governor of  the   Isle  of 


Wight,  i.  105;  sent  back  to 
Massachusetts  as  governor,  i. 
105 ;  opposition  of  the  Puritan 
part}'  to,  i.  105;  his  abilities,  i 
106  ;  accusations  against,  i.  107  ; 
sustained  by  the  Queen,  i.  109  ; 
approves  of  Major  Churcli's 
plan  for  retaliation  against  the 
French,  i.  121 ;  refuses  to  allow 
an  attack  on  Port  Royal,  i.  121  ; 
on  Mayor  Church  at  Port  Royal, 
i.  124 ;  plans  to  assist  in  the  con- 
quest of  Canada,  i.  136  ;  his  let- 
ters to  Lord  Sunderland,  i.  145; 
joins  in  the  Canadian  expedition, 
i.  165-168  ;  his  conference  with 
the  Abenakis  at  Portsmouth,  i. 
220. 

Dudley,  Thomas,  governor  of 
Massachusetts,  i.  105. 

Dudley,  William,  i.  87, 103  ;  secre- 
tary of  the  expedition  against 
Port  Royal,  i.  126,  130;  sent  by 
Governor  Dummer  as  envoy  to 
Montreal,  i.  252 ;  received  by 
Vaudreuil,  i.  252  ;  the  interview 
with  the  Indians,  i.  253. 

Dufoure,  Sieur  Jauson,  ii.  289. 

Dugue,  Lieutenant,  joins  Cadillac, 
i.  28. 

Du  Laurent,  ii.  274. 

DuLhut,  Greysolon,  occupies  De- 
troit, i.  22. 

Dummer,  Fort,  Massachusetts  and 
New  Hampshire  dispute  owner- 
ship of,  ii.  217;  left  without 
a  garrison,  ii.  217;  the  New 
Hampshire  Assembly  refuses  to 
support,  ii.  218;  ii.  221. 

Dummer,  Jeremiah,  i.  108 ;  on 
the  French  attack  on  St.  John, 
i.  132  ;  agent  of  Massachusetts 
in  England,  i.  162. 

Dummer,  William,  lieutenant 
governor  of    Massachusetts,    i. 


l.NDEX. 


875 


240;  his  first  meeting  with 
the  council,  i.  241  ;  his  diffi- 
culties with  the  Assembly,  i. 
242 ;  sends  a  force  against 
Norridgewock,  i.  245 ;  accuses 
Vaudreuil  of  instigating  the 
Indians,  i.  250  ;  correspondence 
between  Vaudreuil  and,  i.  250- 
252. 
Dumont,  i.  321. 
Dumontel,   Jean,   marriage  of,  i. 

90. 
Dunkirk,  the  American,  ii.  64. 
Dunstable,  town   of,    i.    257  ;    at- 
tacked by  the  Indians,  i.  258  ; 
i.  259. 
Duperrier,  Captain,  ii.  161. 
Du  Pratz,   Le  Page,  i.    333,   355, 

366. 
Dupuy,    the    intendant,    slanders 
Beauliarnois,     i.    338 ;    on    the 
scheme    to    reach    the    Pacific 
Ocean,  ii.  6  ;  ii.  54. 
Dupuy,  Paul,  i.  180. 
Duquesne,  governor    of   Canada, 

ii.  42. 
Duquesnel,  the  French  military 
governor,  ii.  60 ;  sketch  of,  ii. 
60 ;  sends  a  force  against  Can- 
seau,  ii.  60  ;  bin  plans  against 
Annapolis,  ii.  61  ;  death  of,  ii. 
96;  ii.  311. 
Dutch,  the,  do  little  to  protect  the 

Indians,  i.  11. 
Dutch  traders  of   Albany,  the,  i. 

15,  16,  275,  276  ;  ii.  212. 
Du  Tisne',   expedition    of,  i.  359, 

360. 
Duvivier,  Captain,  i.  118;  sent 
against  Canseau,  ii.  60;  sent 
against  Annapolis,  li.  61-63 ; 
failure  of  his  expedition,  ii.  63 ; 
again  lays  siege  to  Annapolis,  ii. 
126,  171;  ii.  312,  316. 
Dnxbury,  i   121. 


East  Bat,  ii.  237. 

East  Boston,  i.  166. 
East  Hoosac,  town  of,  ii.  231. 
East  Indies,  the,  ii.  256. 
East  Jersey,  i.  8. 

Eastern   Indians,  the,  English  de- 
clare war  against,  i.  239. 
Eastern   missions,   the,  cultivated 
with  diligence  by  the  Jesuits,  i. 
216. 
"  Edgar,"  the.  Walker's  flagship,  i. 
171,    172;     blown    up    in    the 
Thames,  i.  181. 
Edward,  Fort,  i.  140. 
Eliot,  John,  attacked    by  the  In- 
dians, i.  244. 
"  Eltham,"  the,  ii.  93. 
Ely,  Joseph,  wounded  at  Number 

Four,  ii.  228. 
Emerson,  Ralph  Waldo,  ii.  79. 
Emery,  Samuel,  minister  at  Wells, 

i.  41. 
Endicott,  Hon.  William  C,  ii.  42. 
Engelran,  Father,  i.  30. 
England,  the  War  of  the  Spanish 
Succession,  i.  3;  insulted  by 
Louis  XIV.,  i.  4 ;  declares  war 
against  France,  i.  4 ;  her  object 
in  delaying  promised  aid  to  New 
England,  i.  156;  critical  ques- 
tions between  France  and,  i 
185 ;  refuses  to  resign  Acadia, 
i.  186;  her  policy  of  inaction 
towards  her  colonies,  i.  199;  di- 
vision of  the  contest  between 
France  and,  ii.  44  ;  receives  the 
news  of  the  victory  at  Louis- 
bourg  with  joy  and  astonish- 
ment, ii.  142;  repays  provincial 
outlays  on  the  Louisbourg  ex- 
pedition, ii.  143  ;  fails  to  do  her 
duty  by  the  Acadians,  ii.  203 ; 
Bobe''s  claim  that  she  has  no 
rightful  titles  to  North  America 


376 


INDEX. 


except  those  France  may  grant 
her,  ii.  257-274. 

Englisli,  the,  do  little  to  protect 
the  Indians,  i.  11  ;  rumors  spread 
by  the  French  against,  i.  11; 
wish  to  spur  tlie  Five  Nations 
to  active  hostility,  i.  13 ;  their 
interest  in  the  "  Far  Indians,"  i. 
14 ;  importance  of  Detroit  to, 
i.  22 ;  send  envoys  to  Montreal, 
i.  252  ;  their  conference  with  the 
Penobscots  at  the  St.  George,  i. 
254  ;  the  Boston  treaty  ratified, 
i.  255. 

English  colonies,  the,  ii.  46. 

English  Revolution,  the,  i.  192. 

English  traders,  the,  i.  275,  276  ; 
had  one  powerful  attraction  for 
the  Indians,  i.  277;  ii.  212. 

English  Turn,  i.  302. 

I^raque,  D',  i.  353. 

Erie,  Lake,  i.  22  ;  ii.  57. 

Escatary,  ii.  288,  300. 

Essex,  village  of,  ii.  157. 

Estournel,  Vice-Admiral  d',  ii.  162  ; 
suicide  of,  ii.  163. 

Ethier,  Dr.,  on  the  attack  on  Deer- 
field,  i.  70. 

Eugene,  Prince,  i.  119. 

Exeter,  town  of,  attacked  by  the 
French  and  Indians,  i.  99. 


Fabry,  Sieur,  see  La  Bruyere, 
Fahri/  de. 

Falmouth,  hamlet  of,  Indian  at- 
tack on,  i.  45 ;  rises  from  its 
ashes,  i.  222. 

"  Falmouth,"  the,  5.  151. 

"  Far  Indians,"  the,  i.  13  ;  oppos- 
ing interests  of  the  French,  the 
English,  and  the  Five  Iroquois 
Nations  in,  i.  14,  15. 

"Farmer,  on  the  death  of  Cadillac, 
i.  19. 


Farnvsworth,  David,  at  Numhe* 
Four,  ii.  218. 

Farnsworth,  Samuel,  at  Number 
Four,  ii.  218,  219. 

Farnsworth,  Stephen,  at  Number 
Four,  ii.  218. 

Farrar,  Jacob,  mortally  wounded 
by  tlie  Pequawkets,  i.  264. 

Farwell,  Josiah,  escapes  from  the 
Indians,  i.  258 ;  raises  a  com- 
pany to  hunt  Indians,  i.  259 ; 
wounded,  i.  262 ;  death  of,  i. 
266. 

Featherstonhaugh,  the  geologist, 
i.  353. 

Felix,  Pere,  i.  118. 

Ferland,  i.  341  ;  ii.  107. 

Ferryland,  destroyed  by  the 
FrcLch,  i.  132. 

Feudalism,  Canadian,  develops 
good  parti.<an  leaders,  i.  126. 

"Feversham,"  the,  i.  151. 

Field,  Ensign,  ii.  232. 

Fight  Brook,  i.  268. 

Filles  de  la  Congre'gation,  i.  188. 

Fi.sheries,  the  Acadian,  i.  Ill  ; 
New  England  has  a  lion's  share 
of,  i.  1 11, 146;  the  Newfoundland, 
i.  186;  at  Matinicus,  ii.  65. 

Fish  Kill  River,  the,  ii.  210. 

Five  Nations  of  the  Iroquois,  the, 
receives  poor  treatment  from 
New  York,  i.  9,  10;  .suffered 
greatly  from  war,  i.  10;  the 
Dutch  and  English  do  little  to 
protect,  i.  11;  French  agenis 
among,  i.  11  ;  Protestant  clergy- 
men among,  i.  12  ;  the  French 
try  to  preserve  neutrality  among, 
i.  12 ;  the  English  tr\-  to  spur 
them  on  to  active  hostility,  i.  13  ; 
their  interest  in  the  "  Far  In- 
dians," i.  14 ;  appeal  to  King 
William  for  protection  again.st 
the  French,  i.  33 ;  deed   over 


INDEX. 


377 


their  beaver-hunting  ground  to 
King  William,  i.  33  ;  Abraham 
Schuyler  seeks  to  gaiu  their  aid 
in  the  conquest  of  Canada,  i. 
138  ;  their  policy  with  the  French 
and  English,  i.  139 ;  acknowl- 
edged to  be  British  subjects,  i. 
184;  the  Tuscaroras  joined  to, 
i.  274  ;  a  change  comes  over,  i. 
274  ;  importance  of  their  friend- 
ship, i.  275  ;  jealous  of  French 
designs,  ii.  51  ;  refuse  to  allow 
the  French  to  build  a  fort  at 
Niagara,  ii.  52 ;  finally  yield  to 
the  French,  ii.  53 ;  refuse  to 
destroy  Oswego,  ii.  54 ;  con- 
vene with  Governor  Clinton  at 
Albany,  ii.  206 ;  deeply  im- 
pressed by  the  burning  of  Sara- 
toga, ii.  211  ;  agree  to  go  against 
the  French,  ii.  212. 

Flanders,  i.  164. 

Flat  Point,  ii.  97,  102. 

Flat  Point  Cove,  ii.  87,  125. 

Florida,  i.  161  ;  ii.  49. 

Flynt,  Kev.  Henry,  i.  222,  230. 

Folsom,  on  the  Indian  attack  on 
Wells,  i.  46. 

Fort  Hill,  i.  166. 

Fortified  houses,  i.  39. 

Foster,  Deacon  Josiah,  killed  by 
the  Indians,  ii.  216. 

Foster,  Jo.seph,  ii.  162,  164,  165. 

Fox,  on  Lovewell's  Expedition,  i. 
270. 

Fox  Kiver  of  Green  Bay,  the,  In- 
dian population  on,  i.  275,  278, 
332  ;  i.  338,  340,  343  ;  ii.  57. 

Foxes,  the,  i.  14,  275.  See  also, 
Otitiigamies,  the. 

France,  Great  Britain  gains  a 
maritime  preponderance  over, 
i.  3  ;  drunk  with  the  wild  dreams 
of  Rou.sseau,  i.  4 ;  England  de- 
clares war  against,  i.  4 ;  bur- 


dened with  an  insupportable 
load  of  debt,  i.  183 ;  critical 
questions  between  England  and, 
i.  185  ;  does  not  neglect  Acadia, 
i.  200;  occupies  the  mouth  of 
tiie  Mississippi  Kiver,  i.  298 ; 
John  Law  undertakes  to  deliver 
it  from  financial  ruin,  i.  315; 
division  of  the  contest  between 
England  and,  ii.  44 ;  Father 
Bobc  sets  forth  the  claims  of, 
ii.  46-50 ;  fortifies  the  West,  ii. 
57 ;  angered  by  the  capture  of 
Louisbourg,  ii.  157  ;  D'Anville's 
expedition,  ii.  158-162;  La  Jon- 
quicre's  expedition,  ii.  168  ;  her 
strong  desire  to  recover  Acadia, 
ii.  169;  Bobe''s  claim  that  Eng- 
land has  no  rightful  titles  to 
North  America  except  those 
which  may  be  granted  her  hy, 
ii.  257-274. 

Franche-Comte',  i.  217. 

Francis,  Dr.  Convers,  on  the  char- 
acter of  Rale,  i.  229,  231,  249. 

Francis  I.,  ii.  258. 

Francceur,  heights  of,  ii.  301. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  lacking  ia 
entlmsiasm,  ii.  70. 

Franquet,  journal  of,  ii.  174. 

Frederic  of  Prussia  seizes  Silesia, 
ii.  59. 

Frederic,  Fort,  ii.  56,  234,  235. 
See  also  Crown  Point. 

French,  the,  rumors  spread  against 
the  English  b}',  i.  11  ;  try  to 
keep  the  Five  Nations  neutral, 
i.  12  ;  their  interest  in  the  "Far 
Indians,"  i.  14;  importance  of 
Detroit  to,  i.  22  ;  Queen  Anne's 
War  due  to,  i.  46 ;  their  claims 
for  the  territory  of  Acadia,  i. 
47  ;  spur  on  the  Abenakis  against 
New  England,  i.  48 ;  their  mo 
tives,  i.  100-102. 


878 


INDEX. 


French  of  Acadia,  the,  trade  be- 
tween Boston  and,  i.  138. 

French  colonies,  the,  ii.  46. 

French  Cross,  ii.  182. 

French,  Deacon,  i.  60. 

French  explorers,  characteristics 
of,  i.  346. 

French,  Freedom,  converted  and 
baptized  as  Marie  Fran9oise,  i. 
89  ;  her  marriage,  i.  89. 

French  Indians,  the,  in  the  Coos 
meadows,  i.  50 ;  attacked  by 
Caleb  Lyman,  i.  50 ;  ravaging 
the  frontiers,  ii.  213. 

French,  Martha,  baptized  as  Mar- 
guerite, i.  89 ;  her  marriage,  i. 
89. 

French  priests,  the,  in  Acadia,  ii. 
178,  179. 

French  River,  the,  i.  76. 

French,  Thomas,  town  clerk  of 
Deerfield,  i.  60,  68,  89. 

French  traders,  the,  i.  15. 

French  West  Indies,  the,  i.  308. 

Freueuse,  Madame  de,  Brouillan's 
relations  with,  i.  114;  Bouaven- 
ture's  relations  with,  i.  116  ;  her 
quarrel  with  Madame  de  Saint- 
Vincent,  i.  117. 

Fresh-water  Cove,  ii.  97. 

Fron.sac,  ii.  295,  304. 

Frontenac,  Count,  admiration  of 
Cadillac  for,  i.  19;  the  strong- 
est champion  for  the  policy  of 
expansion,  i.  21  ;  i.  101 ;  hum- 
bles the  pride  of  the  Five  Na- 
tions, i.  274;  i.  348  ;  ii.  11,  212, 
318. 

Frontenac,  Fort,  i.  29,  138,  142  ; 
ii.  55. 

Frye,  Jonathan,  chaplain  of  Love- 
well's  expeditions,  i.  200 ;  mor- 
tally wounded,  i.  264  ;  death  of, 
i.  266. 

Frye,  General  Joseph,  i.  269. 


Fryeburg,  village  of,  i.  256,  257, 
261,  268. 

Fundy,  Bay  of,  i.  123;  ii.  182, 
198,  331,  345. 

Fur-trade,  the,  between  the  French 
and  the  Indians,  i.  L4  ;  restric- 
tions placed  by  the  King  upon, 
i.  29  ;  Cadillac  has  transferred 
to  him  the  monopoly  in,  i.  32. 

Fur-trading,  ii.  57,  58. 

GabarusBay,  ii.  93,  97,  277,  290, 

291,  300,  306,  311. 
Gaillard,  i.  362,  363,  364. 
Gandalie,   Charles   de  la,  cure  at 

Mines,  i.  209. 
Cannes,   Captain   de,   i.     155;   ii. 

293. 
Gardner,  attacks  the  French  and 

Indians,  i.  98. 
Garnier,  Charles,  i.  139,  215. 
Gaspe',  ii.  185. 
Gaspe,  Bay  of,  i.  171. 
Gaspereau,  the  river,  ii.  189,  194, 

195,  196. 
Gaulin,    missionary   of    the    Mic- 

macs,   i.    191,    194;    receives    a 

"gratification,"  i.  203. 
Gayarre,  i.  303,  304,  307,  310,  313. 
General  Court  of   Massachusetts, 

the,  offers  a  bounty  for  Indian 

scalps,  i.  50. 
Gens,  the,  ii.  22. 
Gens  de  la  Petite  Cerise,  ii.  33. 
Gens  de  I'Arc,  see  Bow  Indians. 
Gens     du     Serpent,    see     Snake 

Indians. 
George  I.,  i.  205,  206. 
George   II.,  the    accession   of,    i. 

208  ;  restores  Louisbourg  to  the 

French,  ii.  256. 
George,  Fort,  i.  222. 
George,  Lake,  ii.  208,  237. 
Georgetown,  hamlet  of,  rises  from 

its    ashes,     i.     222 ;    Governor 


INDEX. 


379 


Shute  calls  a  council  with  the 

Indians   at,   i.    224  ;  the  second 

council  at,  i.  233. 
Germain,  Father,  the  missionary, 

i.  30;  ii.  184. 
Germany,  i.  163  ;  Protestants  from, 

ii.  177  ;  ii.  341. 
Gibraltar,  ii.  147,  150. 
Gibson,  James,  assists  Shirley  in 

his   plans    against   Louisbourg, 

ii.  67,  68,  81,  82  ;  journal  of,  ii. 

144. 
Gill,  Charles,  on  the  Gill  family, 

i.  93. 
Gill,    Samuel,    captured    by    the 

Abenakis,   i.   92 ;   converted,   i. 

92 ;  his     marriage,    i.     92 ;  his 

descendants,  i.  93. 
Gillet,   killed   by  the   Indians,  ii. 

250. 
Girard,  priest  of  Cobequid,  ii.  185, 

186,  187. 
Goat  Island,  i.  151. 
Goddard,  Captain,  i.  172. 
Godolphin,  i.   163;  the  fall  of,  i. 

184. 
Goldthwait,  Captain  Benjamin,  ii. 

190,  191,  195,  197,  200. 
Goold,  William,  ii.  200. 
Gorham,    I.ieutenant-Colonel,    ii. 

331,  332,  344. 
Gorham's  regiment,  at  Louisbourg, 

ii.  120,  124. 
Gould,  K.,  ii.  175. 
Goutin,  M.  de,  makes  accusations 

against    Brouillan,    i.    114;  his 

quarrel  with  Subercase,  i.  117; 

attacks  Bonaventure,  i.  117;  i. 

133. 
Grand  Battery,  the,  ii.  85,  87,  94, 

95 ;   captured   by   Vaughan,    ii. 

98,  99  ;  the  English  occupation 

of,  ii.  102;  ii.  106,  109,  111,118, 

119,  121,  135. 
Grand  Pre,  Acadian  village  of,  at- 


tacked by  Major  Churcb,  i.  123; 

Noble  at,  ii.  1 82  ;  description  of, 

ii.  183;   ii.    187,   188,   189;    the 

French    attack   on  Noble  at,  ii. 

191-193;    capitulation,    ii.    197, 

198;  losses   on  each  side  at,   ii. 

198;  ii.  200;  reoccupied  by  the 

English,  ii.  201  ;  ii.  346. 
Grand  River,  i.  359,  361. 
Gratiot,  Fort,  i.  22. 
Gravier,   the  Jesuit,  at   Fort  St. 

Louis,  i.  327. 
Gray,  Deacon  John,  ii.  80. 
"  Great   Awakening,"  the,   ii.  76, 

113. 
Great   Britain,   gains  a  maritime 

and  colonial  preponderance  over 

France  and  Spain,  i.  3. 
Great  Butte  des  Morts,  the,  i.  343. 
Great  Carrying  Place,  the,  i.  140. 
Great  Lakes,  the,  Indian  tribes  of, 

i.  14  ;  i.  18.5,  272. 
Great  West,  the,  conflict  for,  i.  272. 
Green,  Dr.  Samuel  A.,  i.  93. 
Green    Bay,  i.  91,   332;  Sieur  de 

Lignery   calls  a  council  of   In- 
dians at,  i.  336  ;  fort  at,  i.  338  ; 

ii.  6,  57. 
Green  Bay  of  Lake  Michigan,  the, 

Indian  population  near,  i.  275. 
Green  Dragon  Tavern,  the,  i.  150 
Greenfield  meadows,  i.  71. 
Green  Hill,  ii.  104,  106,  132. 
Green  Mountains,  the,  i.  76. 
Green  River,  i.  72. 
Grey  Lock,  tiie  noted  chief,  i.  244. 
Gridley,   Colonel,   at   Louisbourg, 

ii.  123,  129,  144. 
Grignon,  Augustus,  i.  344. 
Groton,  town  of,  attacked  by  the 

French   and  Indians,  i.  259  ;  ii. 

218. 
Guignas,  Father,  i.  339  ;  made  the 

head  of  the  Sioux  Mission,  ii.  6j 

ii.  7. 


380 


INDEX. 


Guillaume  le  Sincere,  ii.  274. 
Guinea,  i.  309,  311,  319. 

Habitant  de  Louisbourg,  the, 
on  Duvivier's  attack  on  Annapo- 
lis, ii.  62,  63  ;  on  the  plan  to  at- 
tack Louisbourg,  ii.  68 ;  on  the 
garrison  at  Louisbourg,  ii.  95 ; 
on  the  poor  condition  of  the 
garrison,  ii.  96 ;  on  the  capture 
of  the  Grand  Battery,  ii.  100; 
ii.  107;  on  the  attack  of  the 
J^nglish,  ii.  108;  on  the  capture 
of  the  "  Vigilant "  by  the  Eng- 
lish, ii.  124;  on  the  number  of 
English  at  Louisbourg,  ii.  134 ; 
on  the  siege,  ii.  137;  on  the  ri- 
valry between  Pepperrell  and 
Warren,  ii.  140,  141  ;  remark- 
able letter  of,  ii.  144 ;  describes 
the  siege  of  Louisbourg,  ii.  274, 
287. 

Hadley,  village  of,  i.  57. 

Hagar,  displays  heroism  in  the  de- 
fence of  Haverhill  against  the 
French  and  Indians,!.  98. 

Hale,  Captain,  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 
111. 

Hale,  Colonel  Robert,  letter  from 
.Tolm  Payne  to,  ii.  88,  69. 

Hale's  E.ssex  Regiment,  ii.  148. 

Halifax,  i.  110;  settlement  of  the 
English  at,  i.  205;  ii.  158,  161, 
177,178. 

Hampton,  village  of,  Indian  at- 
tack on,  i.  48. 

Harcourt,  Due  d*,  i.  305. 

Harding,  Stephen,  attacked  by  In- 
dians, i.  43. 

Harley,  Lord  Treasurer,  i.  163. 

Harmon,  Captain,  sent  out  against 
Norridgewock,  i.  245  ;  the  offi- 
cial journal  of,  i.  248. 

Harpswell,  i.  239. 

Harvard  College,  i.  40. 


Haskell,  ii.  327. 

Hassall,  Benjamin,  deserts  from 
Lovewell,  i.  263,  265,  267,  270. 

Hastings,  John,  at  Number  Four, 
ii.  219. 

Hatfield,  village  of,  i.  57  ;  proposed 
French  and  Indian  attack  on, 
i.  95;  ii.  232. 

Haverhill,  French  and  Indian  at- 
tacks on,  i.  49,  97  ;  i.  259. 

Hawks,  Ebenezer,  killed  by  the 
Indians,  ii.  50. 

Hawks,  Sergeant  John,  ii.  242, 
243  ;  sketch  of,  ii.  244  ;  in  charge 
at  Fort  Massachusetts,  ii.  243 ; 
attacked  by  Rigaud,  ii.  244, 
245  ;  a  parley,  ii.  247  ;  capitula- 
tion, ii.  248,  249  ;  journal  of,  ii. 
248 ;  becomes  a  lieutenant-colo- 
nel, ii.  255;  in  the  French  war, 
ii.  255. 

Heath,  Captain,  sent  against  the 
Penobscots,  i.  254. 

Heath,  Joseph,  i.  218,  2.33. 

Heath,  town  of,  ii.  231. 

Heathcote,  Colonel,  ii.  51. 

Hill,  John,  appointed  to  command 
the  troops  in  the  Canadian  ex- 
pedition, i.  164;  poorly  fitted 
for  his  position,  i.  175  ;  gives  up 
the  expedition,  i.  176;  his  jour- 
nal, i.  182. 

Hill,  Mrs.,  i.  181. 

Hill,  Samuel,  captured  by  the  In 
dians,  i.  44,  87,  103. 

Hilton,  Col.  Winthrop,  commands 
an  expedition  against  Port 
Royal,  i.  125;  destroys  Nor- 
ridgewock,  i.  218. 

Hix,  Jacob,  dies  of  starvation,  i. 
76. 

Hobby,  Sir  Charles,  in  the  attack 
on  Port  Royal,  i.  151,  153,  154. 

Hochelaga,  Cartier  at,  i.  18,  279. 

Hocquart,  i.  340 ;  ii.  8 ;  on  the  e» 


INDEX. 


381 


tablishment  of  Crown  Point,  ii. 
56;  ii.  154,  171,  172. 

Holland,  i.  163. 

Holtou,  Eleazer,  ii.  231. 

Hook,  Sergeant,  at  Falmouth,  i.  45. 

"  Hoosac  Patent,"  the,  ii.  239. 

Hoosac  River,  the,  ii.  236,237,  238, 
239 ;  Dutch  settlements  on,  ii. 
239 ;  ii.  243. 

Hoosac  Road,  the,  ii.  251. 

•'  Hope,"  the,  i.  88. 

Hopital  Ge'neral  of  Paris,  the,  i. 
314. 

Horse  Indians,  the,  ii.  22,  24,  25, 
26. 

Hospital  Nuns,  the,  of  Quebec, 
i.  25. 

Hough,  on  the  legend  of  the  "  Bell 
of  St.  Regis,"  i.  92. 

Housatonic  River,  the,  ii.  230. 

Howe,  Captain,  murder  of,  ii.  180; 
ii.  193,  194,  196,  197,  198. 

Hoyt,  on  the  "  Old  Indian  House," 
at  Deerfield,  i.  68;  i.  91 ;  on  the 
defence  of  Number  Four,  ii.  229. 

Hoyt,  David,  attacked  by  the 
French  and  Indians,  i.  63  ;  dies 
of  starvation,  i.  76. 

Hoyt,  Mrs.  David,  wounded  by  the 
French  and  Indians,  i.  63. 

Hubert,  plans  to  explore  the  Mis- 
souri, i.  354,  355. 

Hudson  Bay,  claimed  by  England, 
i.  184;  the  forts  of,  i.  186;  i. 
306  ;  failure  to  find  western  pas- 
sage to,  ii.  3 ;  La  Ve'reudrye  se- 
cures possession  of,  ii.  14. 

Hudson  River,  the,  i.  15,  139,  273; 
ii.  210. 

Huecos,  the,  i.  357. 

Huguenots,  the,  petition  Louis 
XIV.  for  permission  to  settle  in 
Louisiana,  i.  303  ;  the  petition 
refused,  i.  304. 

Huillier,  Fort  1',  i.  351,  353. 


Hunter,  Governor,  of  New  York, 
ii.  51,  52. 

Huron  Indians,  the,  villages  of,  i. 
18;  thorougli  savages,  i.  18; 
Cadillac's  estimate  of,  i.  18; 
draw  out  of  an  expedition 
against  New  England,  i.  96 ;  i. 
235  ;  at  Detroit,  i.  275,  279,  280, 
283,  284 ;  set  out  against  the 
Outagamies,  i.  341. 

Huron-Iroquois  customs,  survival 
at  Michilimackiuac  of,  i.  18. 

Huron  Lake,  i.  22,  28;  ii.  57. 

Hurst,  Benjamin,  murdered  by  the 
French  and  Indians,  i.  90. 

Hurst,  Sarah,  i.  90. 

Hurtado,  General,  i.  368. 

IIutchinson,Thomas,on  the  French 
and  Indian  attack  on  Haverhill, 
i.  99 ;  on  the  negotiations  for 
neutrality  between  Dudley  and 
Vaudreuil,  i.  104;  on  tiie  op- 
position to  Governor  Dudley,  i. 
107  ;  on  the  Queen's  sustaining 
Governor  Dudley,  i.  109;  on 
Major  Church  at  Port  Royal,  i. 
124;  on  March's  failure  against 
Port  Royal,  i.  131  ;  on  Shan- 
non's order  to  attack  Quebec,  i. 
149 ;  on  the  council  at  George- 
town, i.  228  ;  on  the  controversy 
between  Governor  Shute  and  the 
Massaclmsetts  Assembly,  i.  240  ; 
on  the  Indian  attack  on  Oxford, 
i.  243  ;  on  the  death  of  Rale,  i. 
247 ;  on  Lovewell's  expeditions 
against  the  Indians,  i.  262,  270 ; 
on  the  plan  to  attack  Louis- 
bourg,  ii.  64,  85;  ii  143  ;  on  the 
English  plan  to  conquer  Canada, 
ii.  153;  ii.  157. 

Iberville,  Le  Motne  d',  plans 
for  an  expedition  against  New 
England,  i.  6  ;  offers  to  plant  a 


382 


INDEX. 


colony  in  Louisiana,  i.  300  ;  his 
offer  accepted,  i.  300 ;  enters  the 
Mississippi  River,  i.  301 ;  at 
Biloxi,  i.  302  ;  sails  for  France, 
i.  302  ;  royal  instructions  to,  i. 
304  ;  returns  to  Biloxi,  i.  304 ; 
establishes  a  post  at  Mobile  Bay, 
i.  305 ;  forms  a  third  establish- 
ment at  Daupbiu  Island,  i.  306 ; 
accused  of  peculation,  i.  306 ;  i. 
354. 

"Illinois,  tlie,"  i.  327;  annexed  to 
Louisiana,  i.  328  ;  Boisbriant  in 
command  at,  i.  329. 

Illinois  Indians,  the.  Father  Rale 
among,  i.  217,220;  at  Fort  St. 
Louis,  i.  275 ;  at  Detroit,  i.  283, 
289  ;  furiously  attacked  by  the 
Outaganiies,  i.  330,  335  ;  i.  356. 

Illinois  River,  the,  i.  275,  311,  324, 
327,  340,  354,  359  ;   ii.  57. 

Illinois,  State  of,  i.  278. 

Illinois,  the  mission  of  the,  i.  350. 

Indian  Old  Point,  i.  219. 

Indian  ( )ld  Town,  i.  254. 

Indians,  the,  show  a  lack  of  confi- 
dence in  the  English,  i.  9  ;  Ca- 
dillac's plan  of  civilizing,  i.  24  ; 
the  Jesuits'  plan  of  civilizing,  i. 
24 ;  their  forbearance  towards 
female  prisoners,  i.  76  ;  the  cost 
to  Massachusetts  of  killing,  i. 
100 ;  benevolence  of  Samuel 
Sewall  towards,  i.  223;  their 
petty  attacks  on  the  frontier 
settlements,  ii.  214-216.  See 
also :  — 


Abenakis, 

Algonquins, 

Androscoggins, 

Apsarokas, 

Arickaras, 

Arkansas, 

Aaaaguiiticooks, 

Assiniboms, 

Bayagoulas, 


Blackfeet, 
Blancs  Barbus, 
Bows, 
Caddoes, 
Cape  Cod, 
Cape  Sable, 
Caughnawagas, 
Cherokees, 
Cheyennes, 


Chickasaws,  OncpapM, 

Choctaws,  Oneidas, 

Choke-Cherry,  Onondagaa, 

Comanches,  Osages, 

Creeks,  Ottawas, 

Crows,  Otoes, 

Dakotas,  Ouacos, 

Eastern,  Outagamies, 

"  Far,"  Padoucas, 

Five  Nations,  Pawnee  Pictg, 

Foxes,  Pawnees, 

French,  Penacooks, 

Horse,  Penobscots, 

Hurons,  Pequawkets, 

Illinois,  Pigwackets, 

Iroquois,  Pioyas, 

Kansas,  Pottawattamles, 

Kaskaskias,  Puants, 

KennebecB,  Quinipissaa, 

Kickapoos,  Renards, 

Little  Fox,  Sacs, 

Malicites,  Sacs  and  Foxes, 

Mandans,  Sakis, 

Mascoutius,  Saukis, 

Menominies,  Senecas, 

Micmacs,  Shoshones, 

Minneconjous,  Sioux, 

Minnetarees,  Six  Nations, 

Mississagas,  Snakes, 

Missouris,  Sokokis, 

Mohawks,  Taensas, 

Mohegans,  Tuscaroras, 

Montagnais,  "  Upper        Na- 
Musquawkies,  tions," 

Nassonites,  Western, 

Natchez,  Wichitas, 
Norridgewocks,         Winnebagoes, 

Ojibwas,  Yanktons. 
Omahas, 

Ingoldsby,  Colonel,  lieutenant- 
governor  of  New  York,  i.  137  ; 
in  the  conquest  of  Canada,  i. 
139. 

Ipswich,  town  of,  joins  the  expedi- 
tion against  Port  Royal,  i.  126. 

Ireland,  i.  192;  ii.  341. 

Iroquois  Indians,  the,  i.  17  ;  super- 
stitions in  connection  with  sex- 
ual abstinence,  i.  76  ;  accused  of 
causing  the  pestilence  in  Nichol- 
son's camp,  i.  143  ;  cease  to  be 
a  danger  to  Canada,  i.  216. 


INDEX. 


383 


Iroquois  of  the  Lake  of  Two 
Mountains,  the,  sent  from  Mont- 
real against  the  English  border, 
ii.  217. 

Iroquois  of  the  Mountain,  the,  i. 
235. 

Iroquois  of  Sault  St.  Louis,  the, 
sent  from  Montreal  against  the 
English  border,  ii.  217. 

"  Island  Battery,"  the,  at  Louis- 
bourg,  ii.  94,  95,  99  ;  attacked 
by  the  English,  ii.  118,  119;  de- 
scription of,  ii.  120;  failure  of 
the  attack,  122,  129;  ii.  130, 
139. 

Iroquois,  the  converted,  i.  36. 

Isle  au  Cochon,  i.  295. 

Isle-aux-Coudres,  ii.  154. 

Isle  aux  a<:ufs,  i.  174,  175,  179. 

Isle  d'Aix,  ii.  311. 

Isle  of  Wight,  the,  Dudley  lieu- 
tenant-governor of,  i.  105. 

Isle  Royale,  i.  186,  188,  189,  192, 
193,194,  195,  196,  197,200,  201, 
203,  207,  210;  ii.  60,  260,  280, 
288,  295. 

Isle  St.  Jean,  ii.  186,  198,  207. 

Isles  of  Shoals,  the,  ii.  74. 

Isthmus  of  Panama,  the,  i.  134. 

Jamaica,  ii.  270,  275. 

James  I.,  ii.  262. 

James  II.,  of  England,  i.  4, 148. 

Jaques,  Benjamin,  kills  Father 
Kale  at  Norridgewock,  i.  247. 

Jerseys,  the,  ii.  341. 

Jesuit  mis'^ions,  the,  reproach  of, 
i.  24  ;  meagre  results  of,  i.  26 ; 
a  cliange  comes  over,  i.  214. 

Jesuits,  the  Canadian,  among 
Indians,  i.  11  ;  among  the  Mo- 
hawks, i.  13 ;  at  Michilimacki- 
nac,  i.  17 ;  Cadillac's  aversion 
for,  i.  19;  opposed  to  Cadillac's 
plans  to  civilize  the  Indians,  i. 


24 ;  vast  possessions  of,  5.  26  , 
Cadillac's  relations  with,  i.  30 ; 
find  John  Williams  a  .stubborn 
heretic,  i.  78,  79 ;  refuse  to 
give  up  Eunice  Williams,  i.  80 ; 
characteristics  of,  i.  215;  their 
functions  become  as  much  polit- 
ical as  religious,  i.  215  ;  charged 
to  keep  firm  the  bond  between 
the  French  and  the  Indians,  i. 
216  ;  their  methods  of  convert- 
ing the  Indians,  i.  216;  culti- 
vate with  diligence  the  Eastern 
missions,  i.  216  ;  the  early  mis- 
sionaries compared  with  their 
successors,  i.  217. 

Jews,  the,  expelled  from  Louisi- 
ana, i.  316. 

Jogues,  Father  Isaac,  on  the  banks 
of  the  Mohawk,  i.  18;  i.  139, 
215. 

Johnson,  William,  among  the  Mo- 
hawks, ii.  211  ;  charged  with 
Indian  affairs  by  Governor 
Clinton,  ii.  212;  loses  the  {sup- 
port of  the  Assembly,  ii.  212; 
difiiculties  of,  ii.  212. 

Joncaire,  agent  of  France  among 
the  Senecas,  i.  11,  13,  138;  ii. 
52 ;  his  important  v.ork  in 
moulding  the  Indians,  ii.  211. 

Jones,  Esther,  disperses  the  Indians 
at  Dover,  i.  95. 

Jones,  .Tosiah,  wounded  by  the 
Pequawkets,  i.  265,  266. 

Jones,  Lieutenant,  death  of,  ii. 
193. 

Jordan,  the  river,  ii.  48.  264,  265. 

Juchereau,  Mother,  see  Saitit- 
r>ems,  Mother  Juchereau  de. 

Judicial  officers,  method  of  elect- 
ing, i.  41. 

Justinien,  Pbre,  the  R^coUet,  cure 
of  Mines,  i.  194,  206. 


384 


INDEX. 


Kalm,  the  Swedish  naturalist,  i. 
177;  describes  Crown  Point,  ii. 
255. 

Kaministiguia,  the  river,  ii.  3  ;  La 
None  at  the  mouth  of,  ii.  4 ;  ii. 
9. 

Kankakee  Kiver,  the,  ii.  57. 

Kauuan,  H.,  ii.  162,  164. 

Kansas  Indians,  the,  villages  of,  i. 
361,  363;  i.  365. 

Kansas  Eiver,  the,  i.  360,  362,  363. 

Kaskaskia,  town  of,  i.  327  ;  mixed 
marriages  of,  i.  328. 

Kaskaskias,  tlie,  i.  327. 

Kask(^kouke  River,  the,  ii.  236, 
2.53. 

Keene,  Indian  attack  on,  ii.  214. 

Kellogg,  escapes  from  Indian  cap- 
tivity, i.  87. 

Kellogg,  Joanna,  i.  90. 

Kennebec  Indians,  the,  i.  224. 

Kennebec  lands,  the,  titles  to,  i. 
222. 

Kennebec  mission,  the,  i.  219. 

Kennebec  River,  the,  i.  5,  6,  35, 
36,  47 ;  the  dividing  line  be- 
tween the  French  and  New 
England,  i.  213;  watched  with 
greatest  jealousy,  i.  213 ;  the 
Norridgewocks  on,  i.  213,  217, 
234;  ii.  48,  49,  50,  51,  260,  261, 
262,  263,  267,  268,  269,  271,  272. 

Kennebunk,  i.  40. 

Kennetcook  River,  the,  ii.  188. 

Kent,  killed  by  Indians,  i.  45. 

Kentucky,  State  of,  i.  321. 

Keyes,  Solomon,  mortally  wounded 
by  tlie  Pequawkets,  i.  264,  266. 

Kickapoos,  the,  on  Rock  River,  i. 
278  ;  i.  335  ;  villages  of,  i.  341. 

Kidder,  Benjamin,  on  the  expedi- 
tions of  Capt.  John  Lovewell,  i. 
258,  270;  falls  seriously  ill,  i. 
261. 

Kidder,  Frederic,  on  the  treaty  be- 


tween Governor  Dudley  and  the 

Abenakis,  i.  221. 
Kilby,  Mr.,  ii.  315. 
King,  Colonel,  i.  166,  169;  narrow 

escape  of,  i.  173  ;  his  journal,  i. 

182. 
King  Philip's  War,  i.  57,  63,  76, 

121,  220,  223. 
King's  Bastion,  the,  at  Louisbourg, 

ii.  106,  111,  130,  292,   294,   296, 

301,  302,  304,  306. 
"  King's  girls,"  the,  i.  306,  307. 
King's  Road,  the,  i.  40. 
Kingston,  attacked  by  the  French 

and  Indians,  i.  99. 
Kittery,  town  of,  i.  39  ;  attacked 

by  the  French  and   Indians,  i. 

99  ;  ii.  72,  75. 
Kittery  Point,  Pepperrell's  house 

at,  ii.  73. 
Knowles,  Admiral  Charles,  on  the 

character   of  the   Acadians,   ii. 

172  ;  urges  the  expulsion  of  the 

Acadians,  ii.  177  ;  Charlestown 

named  after,  ii.  228;  ii.  327,328, 

335,  336,  345,  352. 
Knowlton,  Thomas,  killed  at  Fort 

Massachusetts,  ii.  247,  249,  251, 

255. 
KoUer,  Sieur,  ii.  299,  300. 

Labat,  M.,  i.  116  ;  on  the  English 
attack  on  Acadia,  i.  123 ;  on 
Major  Church  at  Port  Royal, 
i.  124;  on  the  failure  of  the 
English  expedition  against  Port 
Royal,  i.  131. 

La  Baye,  Fort,  ii.  57. 

Laboularderie,  M.,  ii.  291. 

Labrador,  i.  179. 

La  Bruyere,  Fabry  de,  i.  368. 

Lac  des  Cristineaux,  see  Woods, 
Lake  of  the. 

La  Chasse,  Pfere,  Superior  of  the 
Missions,  i.  219;  his  eulogy  on 


INDEX. 


385 


Father  Rale,  i.  220;  prevents 
peace  beiug  made  at  George- 
towu,  i.  233,  234:;  his  story  of 
the  death  of  Kale,  i.  248 ;  acts 
as  interpreter  between  the  Eng- 
lish and  the  Indians,  i.  253  ;  his 
animosity  toward  the  English, 
i.  254. 

La  Chine,  i.  28. 

Lacroix,  ii.  198. 

La  Corne,  Re'coUet  missionary  at 
Miramichi,  ii.  185. 

La  Corne,  Saint-Luc  de,  advises 
the  fortifying  of  Crown  Point, 
ii.  56 ;  a  model  of  bodily  and 
mental  hardihood,  ii.  185 ;  at 
Grand  Pre',  ii.  191,  194,  195, 196, 
197,  200;  his  report  of  the 
French  victory  at  Mines,  ii.  200. 

Laet,  De,  ii.  262. 

La  Force,  Sieur,  ii.  239. 

La  Forest,  at  Fort  St.  Louis,  i. 
275. 

La  Fresuiere,  Sieur  de,  i.  313,  338; 
at  Crown  Point,  ii.  56. 

La  Galissonniere,  M.  de,  ii.  14 ; 
succeeds  Beauharnois  in  the 
government,  ii.  36 ;  befriends 
La  Ve'rendrye,  ii.  36 ;  returns 
to  France,  ii.  37. 

Lagny,  at  Grand  Pre,  ii.  191. 

La  Harpe,  Be'nard  de,  i.  303,  315, 
320  ;  his  expedition  of  explora- 
tion, i.  355-359  ;  i.  368. 

La  llontan,  tlie  romance  of,  i.  354. 

La  Jemeraye,  joins  La  Ve'rendrye 
in  his  search  for  the  Pacific,  ii. 
12;  at  Fort  St.  Pierre,  ii.  12; 
death  of,  ii.  12. 

La  Jouquiere,  Marquis  de,  suc- 
ceeds La  Galissoniere  in  the 
government,  ii.  37 ;  robs  the 
brothers  La  Ve'rendrye,  ii.  37, 
38;  at  Chibucto,  ii.  163;  makes 
a  last  effort,  ii.  165 ;  pursued 
VOL.  II.  —25 


by  the  pestilence,  ii.  166;  his 
second  expedition,  ii.  168;  taken 
prisoner  by  the  English,  ii.  168; 
chief  aim  of  his  expedition,  ii. 
169. 

La  Jonquiere,  Fort,  ii.  40. 

Lake  country,  the,  Indian  tribes 
of,  i.  330,  337. 

Lake  Geoi-ge,  tlie  battle  of,  ii.  39, 
90,  242. 

Lake  tribes,  the,  at  Michilimacki- 
nac,  i.  17. 

Lalande,  i.  84. 

Lalemaut,  Charles,  i.  139. 

Lalemaut,  Gabriel,  i.  215. 

La  Maisonfort,  Marquis  de,  in 
command  of  the  "  Vigilant,"  ii. 
123;  taken  prisoner,  ii.  125; 
his  letter  to  the  French,  ii.  125  ; 
ii.  281,  304,  305. 

Lamberville,  Jacques,  the  Jeeuit, 
i.  11 ;  at  Onondaga,  i.  138. 

La  Mothe-Cadillac,  Antoine  de,  at 
Michilimackinac,  i.  17;  on  the 
Huron  Indians,  i.  1 8  ;  sketch  of, 
i.  19;  his  aversion  to  the  Jes- 
uits, i.  19  ;  family  of,  i.  19  ;  early 
history  of,  i.  19;  his  quarrels 
with  Carheil,  i.  20 ;  a  strong 
champion  for  the  policy  of  ex- 
pansion, i.  21 ;  his  motives,  i. 
22 ;  presents  a  memorial  to 
Count  de  Maurepas,  i.  23 ;  his 
plans  for  Detroit,  i.  23,  24  ;  Ids 
plan  for  civilizing  the  Indians, 
i.  24 ;  his  plan  of  a  settlement  at 
Detroit  opposed  by  Champigny, 
i.  26 ;  sails  for  France,  i.  27  ;  his 
interview  with  Ponchartrain,  i. 
27 ;  his  letter  to  La  Touche,  i. 
27 ;  Ponchartrain  accepts  his 
plan,  i.  28 ;  his  return  to  Can- 
ada, i.  28 ;  lays  the  foundation 
for  Detroit,  i.  28 ;  his  delight  ia 
ruining  Michilimackinac,  i.  30; 


886 


INDEX. 


his  relations  with  the  Jesuits,  i. 
30;  his  letters  to  Ponchartrain, 
i.  30-32  ;  Detroit  given  over  to, 
i.  32  ;  made  governor  of  Louisi- 
ana, i.  279,  309  ;  his  report  on 
the  condition  of  the  country,  i. 
309  ;  petition  of  the  people  of 
Louisiana  to,  i.  312  ;  his  reply, 
i.  312;  his  quarrel  with  Bien- 
ville, i.  313  •,  Detroit  feels  the 
loss  of,  i.  327 ;  on  the  strange 
customs  of  the  Sioux,  i.  352 ; 
sends  Saint-Denis  to  explore 
western  Louisiana,  i.  355. 

La  Mothe,  Jean  de,  i.  19. 

Lanaudiere,  ii.  185. 

Lancaster,  village  of,  attacked  by 
the  French  and  Indians,  i.  99 ; 
i.  259. 

Lancey,  James  de,  dispute  between 
Governor  Clinton  and,  ii.  206, 
207  ;  characteristics  of,  ii.  207. 

Languedoc,  i.  19. 

La  Noue,  Lieutenant,  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Kaministiguia,  ii.  4. 

"La  Palme,"  ii.  166;  the  story  of, 
ii.  167. 

La  Perelle,  ii.  132,  303. 

Laperelle,  M.  de,  ii.  308. 

La  Perriere,  Boucher  de,  i.  338 ; 
made  the  military  chief  of  the 
Sioux  mission,  ii.  6  ;  his  jour- 
ney to  the  Mississippi,  ii.  6. 

La  Plaiue,  spreads  a  pauic  at  Que- 
bec, i.  142. 

"  La  Poudrerie,"  ii.  186. 

La  Peine,  Fort,  on  the  Assiniboin, 
ii.  14;  La  Ve'reudrye  at,  ii.  15, 
18,  34  ;  Saint-Pierre  at,  ii.  40. 

La  Renaudiere,  i.  360,  362,  363. 

La  Ponde,  M.  de,  i.  116. 

La  Salle,  Chevalier  de,  i.  28 ;  his 
schemes  concerning  Louisiana, 
i.  298,  324;  on  the  Illinois,  i. 
327;  ii.  11    57. 


La  Salle,  Nicolas  de,  accuses  Iber« 
ville  and  his  brothers  to  the 
minister,  i.  306,  308;  i.  315; 
proposes  to  explore  the  Mis- 
souri, i.  354. 

"  La  Socie'te',"  ii.  290. 

La  Touche,  letter  from  Cadillac  to, 
i.  27  ;  on  the  accusations  against 
Brouillan,  i.  114. 

La  Tour,  feudal  claimant  of  Aca- 
dia, ii.  61. 

La  Tressilliere,  Ensign,  ii.  311. 

Launay,  Seigneur  de,  see  La  Mothe, 
Jean  de. 

"  Lauoceston,"  the,  ii.  84,  93. 

Laumet,  Seigneur  de,  see  La 
Mothe,  Jean  de. 

Laurain,  i.  354. 

Lauverjat,  Father,  among  the  Pe- 
iiobsc<jts,  i.  244,  245. 

La  Valliere,  Sieur  de,  ii.  125,  290. 

La  Valterie,  Sieur  de,  i.  179;  ii. 
239. 

Laval  University,  at  Quebec,  i.  211. 

La  Vente,  cure  of  Mobile,  i.  307 ; 
his  memorial  to  Ponchartrain,  i. 
313. 

La  Ve'rendrye,  Chevalier,  among 
the  Mandans,  ii.  20 ;  his  adven- 
tures searching  for  the  Pacific, 
ii.  22-35 ;  discovers  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  ii.  35 ;  jealousy  of 
rivals,  ii.  35 ;  discovers  the  river 
Saskatchewan,  ii.  36 ;  ruined 
hopes,  ii.  37,  38 ;  death  of,  ii.  42. 

La  Ve'rendrye,  Pierre  Gaultier  de 
Varennes  de,  early  history  of, 
ii.  9  ;  at  Lake  Nipigon,  ii.  9  ;  of- 
fers to  search  for  the  Western 
Sea,  ii.  10;  not  supported  by  tlie 
King,  ii.  10;  privileges  granted 
to,  ii.  10;  his  motives,  ii.  11; 
undertakes  the  expedition,  ii.  1 1 ; 
winters  at  the  river  Kaminis- 
tiguia, ii.  12;  followed  by  a  train 


INDEX. 


887 


of  disasters,  ii.  12 ;  avoids  a  war 
with  the  Sioux,  ii.  13 ;  refused 
aid  by  the  court,  ii.  13  ;  goes  to 
Montreal,  ii.  13  ;  lawsuit  agaiiLSit, 
ii.  13 ;  work  accomplished  by, 
ii.  14;  secures  possession  of 
Hudson's  Bay,  ii.  14 ;  forts  es- 
tablislied  by,  ii.  14  ;  fruitless  in- 
quiries, ii.  15;  again  starts  out 
for  the  Pacific,  ii.  15  ;  among  the 
IVlaudaus,  ii.  16-20;  his  journal, 
ii.  17  ;  returns  to  Fort  LaReine, 
ii.  18;  his  adventures  searching 
for  the  Pacific,  ii.  22-35;  dis- 
covers the  Rocky  Mountains,  ii. 
35 ;  jealousy  of  rivals,  ii.  35 ; 
promoted  to  a  captaincy  in  the 
colony  troops,  ii.  36  ;  befriended 
by  Galissouiere,  ii.  36 ;  receives 
the  cross  of  the  order  of  St. 
Louis,  ii.  36 ;  death  of,  ii.  36 ; 
ruined  hopes,  ii.  37,  38 ;  at  Beau- 
stijour,  ii.  42. 

La  Verendrye  (sou),  murdered  by 
the  Sioux,  ii.  13. 

Law,  Jolm,  undertakes  to  deliver 
France  from  financial  ruin,  i. 
315  ;  fiees  for  his  life,  i.  319. 

Law's  Mississippi  Company,  ii.  48. 

Lawson,  i.  107. 

Le  Ber,  Mademoiselle,  the  recluse 
of  Montreal,  i.  179. 

Le  Blanc,  the  Acadian  notary,  ii. 
173. 

Le  Bceuf,  Fort,  ii.  39. 

Lechmere,  Lieutenant,  death  of, 
ii.  194. 

Lee,  Colonel,  i.  181. 

Leisler,  Jacob,  the  revolution  un- 
der, i.  8. 

Le  Loutre,  Abb^,  missionary 
among  the  Micmacs,  ii.  61  ;  his 
absolute  control  over  the  Mic- 
macs,ii.l73  ;  characteristics  of.  ii. 
179  ;  his  Micmac  mission,  ii.  188. 


Le  Moine,  on  the  legend  of  the 

"  Bell  of  St.  Regis,"  i.  92. 

L'Epinay,  succeeds  La  Mothe 
Cadillac  as  governor  of  Louisi- 
ana, i.  318 ;  removed  by  the 
Mississippi  Company,  i.  318. 

Le  Petit  Pere,  i.  321. 

Le  Rocher,  i.  340. 

Lery  De,  the  engineer,  i.  280,  294, 
295,  297  ;  on  Ramesay's  expedi- 
tion against  Nicholson,  i.  141 ; 
ii.  190. 

Les  Mines,  ii.  126. 

Lestock,  Admiral,  ii.  155. 

Le  Sueur,  expedition  of,  i.  348- 
350;  on  the  St.  Peter,  i.  351; 
among  the  Sioux,  i.  352 ;  re- 
turns to  Louisiana,  i.  353 ;  sails 
for  France,  i.  353 ;  returns  to 
Louisiana,  i.  353 ;  his  death,  i. 
353. 

Leverett,  John,  in  the  attack  on 
Port  Royal,  i.  129. 

Lewis,  Captain,  among  the  Man- 
dans,  ii.  17;  makes  his  way  to 
the  Pacific,  ii.  35. 

Lewis,  C.  W.,  on  Lovewell's  Expe- 
dition, i.  270. 

Lewiston  Heights,  ii.  52. 

Lighthouse  Point,  ii.  120, 123, 124, 
129. 

Limoges,  the  Jesuit,  i.  350. 

Lignery,  Sieur  de,  calls  a  council 
of  Indians  at  Green  Bay,  i.  336  ; 
in  favor  of  exterminating  the 
Outagamies,  i.  337  ;  sets  out  on 
his  expedition,  i.  338  ;  burns  the 
chief  village  of  the  Outagamies, 
i.  339  ;  failure  of  his  expedition, 
i.  339. 

Lion  Rampant,  the,  i.  127. 

L'Isle,  De,  manuscript  map  of,  L 
353. 

Little,  Mr.,  ii.  315. 

Little  Butte  des  Morts,  i.  340, 34& 


388 


INDEX. 


Littlefield,  Edmund,  house  of, 
i.  42. 

Littlefield,  Francis,  house  of,  i. 
42. 

Little  Fox  Indians,  the,  ii.  26. 

Little  Harbor,  Governor  Went- 
worth's  house  at,  ii.  73. 

Little  Missouri,  the,  bad  lands  of, 
ii.  23,  24. 

Livingston,  contributes  to  the  sup- 
port of  New  York,  i.  9. 

Livingston,  Captain,  visits  Mont- 
real as  envoy,  i.  85 ;  secures 
the  exchange  of  five  prisoners, 
i.  87. 

Livingston,  Philip,  ii.  52. 

Livingston,  Robert,  urges  the  oc- 
cupation of  Detroit,  i.  22 ;  i. 
134. 

Long  Meadow,  ii.  148. 

Longueuil,  i.  11  ;  uses  pacific  meas- 
ures toward  the  Indians,  i.  336  ; 
on  the  scheme  to  reach  the  Pa- 
cific Ocean,  ii.  6. 

Longueuil  (the  younger),  ii.  54. 

Lopinot,  Sieur,  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 
285,  311. 

Lords  of  Trade,  the,  i.  8,  9,  12, 
198,  202. 

Lorembec,  ii.  124,  289,  298,  299, 
301, 

Lorette,  the  Huron  mission  of,  i. 
217,  234. 

Lotbiniere,  ii.  194. 

Lothrop,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  ii. 
144. 

Louisbourg,  founding  of,  i.  187; 
purely  the  offspring  of  the  Crown 
and  the  Church,  i.  188;  the 
"Dunquerque  of  America,"  i. 
188;  ii.  64;  its  inhabitants,  i. 
188;  Costebelle  in  command  at, 
i.  194,  200 ;  receives  news  of  the 
War  of  the  Austrian  Succession, 
ii.  60;  English  project  to  cap- 


ture, ii.  64 ;  a  standing  menace 
to  all  northern  British  colonies, 
ii.  64  ;  its  construction,  ii.  64  ; 
completing  plans  against,  65-89 ; 
besieged  by  the  English,  ii.  90- 
116  ;  location  of,  ii.  94  ;  not  prop- 
erly prepared  for  the  attack,  ii. 
96  ;  strength  of  its  fortifications, 
ii.  117;  .surrenders  to  the  Eng- 
lish, ii.  133 ;  French  losses  at,  ii. 
133 ;  comparative  work  of  the 
army  and  navy  at,  ii.  138,  139; 
English  documents  on  the  siege 
of,  ii.  144  ;  after  the  conquest,  ii. 
145  ;  restored  to  the  French  by 
the  Peace  of  Aix-laChapelle, 
ii.  256 ;  the  siege  described  by 
French  witnesses,  ii.  274-31 2 ; 
Duchambon's  report  on  the 
siege  of,  ii.  287-312;  ii.  312, 
313,  317,  318,  321,  322,  326,  327, 
328,    329,  333,  344,  352. 

Louis  XIV.,  the  War  of  the  Span- 
ish Succession  springs  from  the 
ambition  of,  i.  4 ;  places  his 
grandson  on  the  throne  of  Spain, 
i.  4  ;  recognizes  the  son  of  James 
II.  as  King  of  England,  i.  4; 
abhors  republics,  i.  159  ;  old  age 
of,  i.  183 ;  makes  important 
concessions  in  America,  i.  184; 
had  deeply  at  heart  the  recov- 
ery of  Acadia,  i.  185;  his  man- 
date to  Costebelle,  i.  189;  re- 
fuses to  allow  the  Huguenots  to 
settle  in  Louisiana,  i.  304. 

Louis  XV.,  ii.  179;  demands  the 
restoration  of  Louisbourg  by 
the  English,  ii.  256. 

Louis  XVL,  of  France,  i.  91. 

Louisiana,  i.  22  ;  La  Mothe-Cadil- 
lac  made  governor  of,  i.  279 ; 
La  Salle's  schemes  for,  i.  298 ; 
Tonty  urges  the  French  to  seize, 
i.  298 ;  Remonville  proposes  to 


INDEX. 


889 


form  a  company  for  the  settle- 
ment of,  i.  299 ;  Iberville  offers 
to  plant  a  colony  in,  i.  300  ;  the 
first  foundations  of,  i.  302  ;  mar- 
riageable girls  sent  from  France 
to,  i.  306,  314  ;  famine  and  pes- 
tilence in,  i.  306  ;  farmed  out 
to  Antoine  Crozat,  i.  310;  the 
effects  of  the  change,  i.  311, 
312;  the  people  petition  to  La 
Mothe-Cadillac,  i.  312 ;  his  reply, 
i.  312  ;  passes  over  to  the  Mis- 
sissippi Company,  i.  315;  be- 
comes the  basis  of  financial  sal- 
vation for  France,  i.  315;  popu- 
lation of,  i.  316 ;  a  prison,  i.  31 6  ; 
the  French  scheme  for  peopling, 
i.  317;  L'Epinay  succeeds  La 
Mothe-Cadillac  as  governor  of, 
i.  318;  Bienville  reappointed 
governor  of,  i.  318;  tlie  total 
amount   of   money    sunk  in,   i. 

320  ;  Sieur  Perier  succeeds  Bien- 
ville, i.  320;  Indian  wars  in,  i. 

321  ;  again  passes  over  to  the 
Crown,  i.  322  ;  Bienville  again 
made  governor  of,  i.  322  ;  Bien- 
ville resigns,  i.  323 ;  at  last  shows 
signs  of  growth,  i.  324 ;  plans 
of  the  chiefs  of,  i.  324 ;  ceded  to 
the  United  States,  ii.  35  ;  ii.  57, 
266. 

Louvigny,  makes  plans  to  attack 
the  Outagamies,  i.  332 ;  illness 
of,  i.  332 ;  sets  out  on  his  expe- 
dition, i.  332;  attacks  the  forti- 
fied village  of  the  Outagamies, 
i.  333 ;  his  description  of  the 
defences,  i.  334  ;  the  Outagamies 
sue  for  peace,  i.  334  ;  returns  to 
Quebec  with  hostages,  i.  335. 

Lovelace,  Lord,  governor  of  New 
York,  i.  135;  death  of,  i.  137, 

Lovewell,  Hannah,  1.  257. 

Lovewell,   Captain  John,   i.    257, 


258 ;  raises  a  company  to  hunt 
Indians,  i.  259  ;  his  expeditions, 
i.  260-268  ;  seriously  wounded,  i. 
262 ;  attacked  by  the  Pequaw- 
kets,  i.  262  ;  burial  of,  i.  267. 

Lovewell's  Pond,  i.  257,  261,  268. 

Lower  Ashuelot,  settlement  of, 
attacked  by  the  Indians,  ii.  214. 

"  Lowestoffe,"  the,  i.  151. 

Loyola,  the  organizing  zeal  of,  L 
214. 

Lund,  Thomas,  on  the  Indian  at- 
tack on  Dunstable,  i.  258. 

Lusignan  (pere),  ii.  185,  190;  let- 
ters of,  ii.  200. 

Lusignan  (fils),  wounded,  ii.  192; 
letters  of,  ii.  200. 

Lydius,  Fort,  i.  140. 

Lyman,  Caleb,  attacks  the  French 
Indians,  i.  50. 

Lynn,  joins  the  expedition  against 
Port  Royal,  i.  126. 

Madras,  ii.  256. 

Maillard,  the  priest,  ii.  185,  186, 
187. 

Maine,  State  of,  the  whole  burden 
of  war  falls  upon,  i.  16;  an  un- 
broken forest,  i.  34 ;  its  beasts 
of  prey,  i.  36  ;  the  Indian  tribes 
of,  i.  36  ;  the  settlements  of,  i. 
39 ;  a  dependency  of  Massachu- 
setts, i.  40  ;  characteristics  of 
the  people  of,  i.  40 ;  the  Abe- 
naki tribes  of,  i.  101  ;  the  settle- 
ments again  inhabited,  i.  221 , 
ii.  260. 

Makisabie,  war-chief  of  the  Potta- 
wattamies,  i.  282. 

Malicite  Indians,  the,  i.  220 ;  join 
Duvivier's  expedition  against 
Annapolis,  ii.  61  ;  ii.  170. 

Mallet,  the  brothers,  in  Colorado 
and  New  Mexico,  i.  367,  368. 

Malplaquet,  battle  of,  ii.  9. 


390 


INDEX. 


Mandans,  the,  ii.  15  ;  La  Veren- 
drye  among,  ii.  16,  17;  decline 
in  numbers,  ii.  17  ;  visited  by 
Prince  Maximilian,  ii.  17;  vil- 
lages of,  ii.  17,  18;  visited  by 
Captains  Lewis  and  Clark,  ii. 
17  ;  persecuted  by  the  Sioux  and 
the  small-pox,  ii.  17  ;  customs  of, 
ii.  19;  Pierre  and  Chevalier  La 
Ve'rendrye  among,  ii.  20 ;  Bod- 
mer  and  Catlin  among,  ii.  20; 
origin  of  the  name,  ii.  21  ; 
lodges  of,  ii.  21  ;  the  "  medicine 
lodge,"  ii.  21. 

Mandan  villages,  the,  i.  367  ;  ii.  1 7, 
18. 

Mandeville,  M.  de,  i.  309. 

Manitoba,  ii.  10 ;  fur-trade  of,  i. 
37. 

Manitoba,  Lake,  ii.  14. 

Mann,  Fort,  i.  357. 

Mantannes,  the,  see  Mandans,  the. 

Maquas,  the,  see  Caughnawagas. 

Marblehead,  ii.  68,  85. 

March,  Colonel  John,  at  Falmouth, 
i.  45 ;  attacked  by  the  Indians, 
i.  45  ;  attacks  the  Pequawkets,  i. 
50,  56 ;  commander-in-chief  of 
the  expedition  against  Port 
Royal,  i.  125;  characteristics  of, 
i.  126;  ill-fitted  for  his  position, 
i.  126  ;  his  disorderly  camp,  i. 
127  ;  his  failure,  i.  129. 

Marc3^  i.  357. 

Marest,  Father,  the  Jesuit,  aver- 
sion of  Cadillac  for,  i.  19  ;  i.  30; 
at  Fort  St.  Louis,  i.  327  ;  i.  331, 
350. 

Mareuil,  the  Jesuit,  at  Onondaga, 
i.  138 ;  on  the  destruction  of  the 
Jesuit  mission-house  at  Onon- 
daga, i.  139. 

Margaune,  Franqois  de,  see  La 
Valterie,  Sieur  de. 

Margry,  Pierre,  i.  18,  21, 25,  26,  27, 


28,  30,  298,   299,  .300,  301,  302, 

303,  304,  354,  355,  356,  358,  360, 

366,  368  ;  ii.  12,  25,  36 ;  on  the 

achievements   of   the  family  of 
La  Vt^reudrye,  ii.  42. 
Marguerite,   see  French,  Martha, 

and  Sfebbins,  Abigail. 
Maricourt,  i.  1 1 . 

Marie  Francoise,  see  French,  Free- 
dom. 
Marie  Jeanne,  see  Hurst,  Sarah. 
"  Marie-Jo.'seph,"  the,  i.  194. 
Marin,   a  French   trader,   i.   343, 

344. 
Marin,  ii.  126,  131,  185,  194,  196; 

attacks    Saratoga,    ii.    210;  ii. 

294,  295,  300. 
"  Marin,"  the,  i.  300,  302. 
Marlborough,   town   of,    attacked 

by  the  French  and  Indians,  i. 

99. 
Marlborough,   Duke    of,    i.    118; 

rancorously     attacked,    i.    163; 

the  prestige  of   his  victories,  i. 

163  ;  the  disgrace  of,  i.  184. 
Marlborough,  Sarah,  Duchess  of, 

i.  164. 
Marquette,  the  Jesuit,  at  Michili- 

mackiuac,    i.    17;  at    Fort    St. 

Louis,  i.  327  ;  ii.  57. 
"  Mars,"  the,  ii.  159. 
Marshall,   N.,   on  Parson  Moody, 

ii.  79. 
Martha's  Vineyard,  ii.  182. 
Martin,  Judge  M.  L.,  i.  344. 
Martinique,  i.  130,  192,  193. 
Martissan,  ii.  106. 
Martissan,   battery   of,    at   Louis 

bourg,  ii.  304. 
Martissaus,  heights  of  the,  ii.  302. 
Maryland,  the  colony  of,  i.  8,  148  ; 

supports  the   plan    to   conquer 

Canada,  ii.  152  ;  ii.  261. 
Mascareue,  Major,  in  command  at 

Annapolis,  ii.  61  ;  attacked    by 


INDEX. 


391 


Duvivier,  ii.  62 ;  refuses  to  sur- 
render, ii.  62;  ii.  127,  171;  his 
treatment  of  the  Acadians,  ii. 
172 ;  his  letter  to  Shirley,  ii. 
172;  ii.  175,  178,  181,  186;  on 
the  losses  at  Grand  Pre,  ii.  198  ; 
ii.  200;  letter  from  the  Acadi- 
ans to,  ii.  202  ;  ii.  .315,  316,  318, 
322  ;  letter  from  Shirley  to,  ii. 
324  ;  ii.  325,  326,  328,  331,  .332, 
342,  343,  347,  354. 

Mascarene,  Paul,  the  engineer,  i. 
191,  198;  on  the  political  work 
of  the  Acadian  missionaries,  i. 
202. 

Mascoutins,  the,  on  Rock  River, 
i.  278  ;  at  Detroit,  i.  280 ;  their 
camp  attacked,  i.  285  ;  the  siege, 
i.  286 ;  their  desperate  position, 
i.  287 ;  make  overtures  to  Du- 
buisson,  i.  287  ;  renewed  hostili- 
ties, i.  290  ;  beg  for  mercy,  i. 
293 ;  they  surrender,  i.  295 ;  i. 
335;  villages  of,  i.  341. 

Masham,  Mrs.,  i.  164,  181. 

Mason,  Edward  G.,  i.  328. 

Massachusetts,  the  colony  of,  i.  7  ; 
the  whole  burden  of  war  falls 
upon,  i.  16;  the  settlements  of 
Maine  a  dependency  of,  i.  40 ; 
the  cost  of  killing  an  Indian,  to, 
i.  100  ;  passes  a  resolve  for  an 
expedition  against  Port  Royal, 
i.  125;  ordered  to  furnish  troops 
for  the  conquest  of  Canada,  i. 
135;  plans  made  for  the  expe- 
dition by,  i.  136,  143;  decides 
to  attack  Port  Royal,  i.  145 ; 
expense  of  her  futile  expedition 
of  1707,  i.  146;  England's  de- 
sire to  reduce  it  to  submission, 
i.  156  ;  enters  heartily  into  the 
Canadian  expedition,  i.  167, 
168;  ii.  55;  enters  into  Shir- 
ley's plans  against  Louisbourg 


with  pious  zeal,  ii.  69  ;  make-up 
of  her  contingent,  ii.  81,  82; 
bankrupt  condition  of,  ii.  142 ; 
reimbursed  by  England  for  ex- 
penditures on  the  Louisbourg 
expedition,  ii.  142;  restored  to 
financial  health,  ii.  143 ;  votes 
to  support  the  plan  to  con(]uer 
Canada,  ii.  152;  ii.  156;  re- 
sponds to  Shirley's  call  to  the 
defence  of  Annapolis,  ii.  182; 
suffers  from  Indian  border  at- 
tacks, ii.  217  ;  New  Hampshire 
disputes  her  claim  to  Fort  Dum- 
mer,  ii.  217;  her  settlements 
pushed  farther  westward  into 
Berkshire,  ii.  230 ;  builds  a  line 
of  forts,  ii.  230  ;  ii.  260,  350. 

"  Massachusetts,"  tlte,  ii.  83. 

Massachusetts,  the  Assembly  of, 
i.  109,  146 ;  controversy  with 
Governor  Shute,  i.  239,  240. 

Massachusetts,  General  Court  of, 
refuses  to  sanction  the  plan  for 
an  attack  on  Louisbourg,  ii.  66, 
67  ;  reconsiders  the  question  fa- 
vorably, ii.  69. 

Massachusetts,  Fort,  ii.  231,  232, 
236 ;  Rigaud  plans  to  attack,  ii. 
237-240 ;  description  of,  ii.  241  ; 
site  of,  ii.  243  ;  the  attack,  ii. 
243.  244;  a  parley,  ii.  247;  capi- 
tulation, ii.  248,  249  ;  plundered 
and  set  on  fire,  ii.  249  ;  rebuilt, 
ii.  255. 

Matchedash  Bay,  Bre'beuf  at,  i.  18. 

Mather,  Cotton,  the  Decenninvi 
luctuosum  of,  i.  50;  i.  105;  his 
opposition  to  Governor  Dudley, 
i.  106,  107. 

Mather,  Increase,  i.  105. 

Matinicus,  i.  122  ;  ii.  65. 

Maumee  River,  the,  ii.  57. 

Maurault,  Abbe,  on  the  Gill  family, 
i.  92,  93. 


392 


INDEX. 


Maurepas,  Count  de,  memorial  of 

Cadillac  presented  to,  i.  23 ;  ii. 

200,  237. 
Maurepas,  Fort,  on  the  Winnipeg, 

ii.  14. 
Maurepas  Gate,  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 

149,  150,  296. 
Maurepas,  Lake,  i.  302. 
Maximilian,    Prince,     of     Wied, 

among  the  Mandans,  i.  345  ;  ii. 

17,  18. 
McKenney,    Mrs.,   killed    by  the 

Indians,  ii.  216. 
M'Donald,  Captain,  ii.  126. 
Medfield,  village  of,  i.  228. 
Medford,  ii.  99. 
"  Medicine  lodge,"  the,  ii.  21. 
"Medicine  men,"  the  Indian,  the 

natural  enemies  of  the  mission- 
ary, i.  219. 
"  Medicines,"  Indian,  i.  79,  216. 
Medoctec,  Abenaki  mission  of,  i. 

236. 
Memeramcook,  ii.  203. 
Memphremagog,  Lake,  ii.  221. 
Menadou,  ii.  288. 
Menard,  Jean  Louis,  marriage  of, 

i.  89. 
Menominies,  the,  on  Fox  River,  i. 

275  ;  at  Detroit,  i.  283  ;  i.  340. 
Mercier,  ii.  190. 
Mer  de  I'Ouest,  the,  see  Pacific 

Ocean. 
Meriel,    Father,     forces     Samuel 

Williams   to    turn   Catholic,   i. 

83 ;  i.  90. 
"  Mermaid,"  the,  ii.  84,  93,  123. 
Merriraac  River,  the,  i.  37,  97,  259. 
Merry-meeting  Bay,  i.  239. 
Meserve,    Lieutenant-Colonel,    at 

Louisbourg,  ii.  105. 
Mesilac,  Sieur,  ii.  291. 
Messager,   the    Jesuit,    joins    La 

V^rendrye  in  his  search  for  the 

Pacific,  ii.  12. 


Mexico,  5.  298  ;  ii.  46. 

Mexico,  city  of,  i.  355. 

Mexico,  the  Gulf  of,  i.  135,  299; 
Spain  bent  on  making  good  her 
claim  to,  i.  301  ;  i.  319,  324. 

Miamis,  the,  raided  by  the  Sagi- 
naws,  i.  335. 

Michigan,  Lake,  i.  341  ;  ii.  57. 

Michilimackinac,  the  Jesuit  mis- 
sion of,  i.  17;  La  Mothe-Cadil- 
lac  at,  i.  17  ;  the  centre  of  the 
western  fur-trade,  i.  17;  the 
favorite  haunt  of  the  coureurx  de 
bois,  i.  17;  curious  survival  of 
Huron-Iroquois  customs  at,  i, 
18;  its  rivalry  with  Detroit,!. 
23;  i.  332,  338,  339;  ii.  6;  im- 
portant position  of,  ii.  57. 

Micmac  Indians,  the,  i.  101,188; 
fiercely  hostile  to  the  English,  i. 
191 ;  the  massacre,  i.  191 ;  i. 
197,  203,  207,  235  ;  attack  Can- 
seau,  i.  244  ;  join  Duvivier's  ex- 
pedition against  Annapolis,  ii. 
61;  ii.  170;  Le  Loutre's  abso- 
lute control  over,  ii.   173. 

Micmac  missions,  Le  Loutre's,  ii. 
188. 

Middlesex,  village  of,  ii.  157. 

"  Military  Movements,"  French,  ii. 
216. 

Minas,  ii.  178,  312,  316,  323,  326, 
334,  343,  344,  345,  346,  347,  349, 
351,  354,  355. 

Mines,  parish  of,  i.  208,  209; 
Ramesay  at,  ii.  181  ;  Noble  at, 
ii.  182;  the  French  victory  at, 
ii.  200  ;  ii.  202,  260. 

Mines  Basin,  ii.  184,  187,  188,  189 

Minneconjou  Indians,  the,  ii.  34. 

Minnesota,  State  of,  i.  348. 

Minnetarees,  the,  ii.  21. 

Minot,  John,  i.  233. 

Miramichi,  La  Come  at,  ii.  185. 

Mire,  ii.  300. 


INDEX. 


393 


Mississagas,  the,  i.  281,  295. 
Mississippi  Company,  the,  Louisi- 
ana  passes  into  the    hands   of, 
i.   315;    efforts   of    the   French 
government  to  maintain,  i.  315, 
316;  removes  L'Epinay  and  re- 
appoints  Bienville  as  governor 
of  Louisiana,  i.  318  ;  the  struggle 
to  obtain  stock  in,  i.   318;  the 
bubble     bursts,    i.    319;    relin- 
quish the  claim  to  Louisiana,  i. 
322. 
Mississippi  River,  the,  i.  22,  275, 
296  ;  France  occupies  the  mouth 
of,  i.  298  ;  i.  300  ;  Spain  bent  on 
making  good  her  claims  to,  i. 
301  ;    Iberville    enters,   i.  301 ; 
Bienville    explores,   i.    302 ;    i. 
311,   319,   327,  328,   349;  ii.  6, 
57. 
Mississippi,  State  of,  i.  301,  302, 

321. 
Mississippi,  the   Valley  of  the,  i. 
22, 185  ;  occupied  by  the  French, 
ii.  58. 
Missionaries,  the  Acadian,  begin- 
ning of  the  political  work  of,  i. 
201 ;  Governor  Phillips  advises 
the  recall  of,  i.  203. 
Mission  of    Two  Mountains,  the, 
converted    Iroquois   at,   i,  341  ; 
set  out  against  the  Outagamies, 
i.  341. 
Missions    Etrangeres,  the  priests 

of,  i.  24. 
Missouri   Indians  at  Detroit,  the, 
i.  283  ;  village  of,  i.  359 ;    join 
Bourgraont's  expedition,  i.  361  ; 
i.  365. 
Missouri  River,  the,  i.  311  ;  plans 
to  explore,  i.  354  ;  Indian  tribes 
of,  i.  360  ;  ii.  5. 
Missouri,  State  of,  i.  359. 
Missouri,  the,  tribes  of,  ii.  28, 
Mitchell,  ii.  55. 


Mobile,  i.  307. 

Mobile,  the  Bay  of,  French  estab- 
lishment at,  i.  305,  312. 
Mogg,   the    Norridgewock    chief, 

killed  by  tiie  English,  i.  247. 
Mohawk  Indians,  the,  Jesuits 
among,  i.  13  ;  in  the  conquest  of 
Canada,  i.  139;  Peter  Schuyler 
takes  five  of  their  cliiefs  to 
England,  i.  147;  their  flattering 
reception,  i.  147  ;  William  John- 
son among,  ii.  211. 
Mohawk  River,  the.  Father  Jogues 

on  the  banks  of,  i.  18;  ii.  83. 
^[ohegan  Indian.s,  the,  i.  50. 
Monongahela,  the,  ii.  185. 
Montagnais,  tlie,  i.  235. 
Montigny,  ii.  247. 
Montmorency,  M.  de,  ii.  268. 
Montreal,  i.   13 ;  the  fur-trade  at, 
i.   14,  22;    i.    96;    the    English 
plan  to  attack,  i.   135,  140;  ex- 
cited in  expectation  of  Nichol- 
son's attack,  i.   142;    Walker's 
expedition    plans   to   attack,   i. 
165;    ii.   6;    La   Vereudrye   at, 
ii.  13  ;    the  English  plan  to  at- 
tack, ii.    153;    war-parties  sent 
against  the  English  border  from, 
ii.  217;  ii.  235. 
Moody,   Captain,   at   St.  John,  i. 
132;  his  letter  to  Sunderland,  i. 
146;    dismissed    by   the   Massa- 
chusetts Assembly,  i.  242. 
Moody,      Father      (Parson),     see 

Moody,  Rev.  Samuel. 
Moody,  Rev.  Samuel,  senior  chap- 
lain of    the  expedition  against 
Louisbourg,  ii.  78  ;  anecdotes  of, 
ii.  78-80  ;  at  Canseau,  ii.  91 ;   at 
Louisbourg,  ii.  135,  137. 
Moore,  Colonel,  ii.  144. 
Moore's  regiment,  at  Louisbourg, 

ii.  103. 
Moosehead  Lake,  i.  36. 


394 


INDEX. 


Morpain,  Captain,  opposes  the 
landing  of  the  English,  ii.  97  ; 
defeated  by  the  English,  ii.  98 ; 
ii.  277,  291. 

Morris,  ii.  1 15. 

Morville,  Comte  de,  ii.  4. 

Moulton,  Captain,  sent  out  against 
Norridgewock,  i.  24.5. 

Moulton's  regiment  at  Louisbourg, 
ii.  103. 

Mount  Desert,  i.  122. 

Mouse  River,  the,  ii.  20. 

Musquawkies,  the,  see  Outagamles, 
the. 

Mussey,  Widow,  killed  by  In- 
dians, i.  48. 

Muy,  De,  the  elder,  send  to  suc- 
ceed Bienville,  i.  307  ;  death  of, 
i.  307;  ii.  235,  247,  251,  254. 

Muy,  De,  the  younger,  ii.  235,  238. 

Nantasket,  i.  165. 

Nantasket  Roads,  i.  165  ;  ii.  88. 

Nantes,  the  Edict  of,  i.  4  ;  revo- 
cation of,  ii.  61. 

Napoleonic  wars,  the,  i.  4. 

Narantsouak,  see  Norridgeicock. 

Narragansett  Swamp  Fight,  the, 
i.  257. 

Nassonites,  the,  i.  356. 

Natchez,  city  of,  i,  304. 

Natchez  Indians,  the,  i.  304  ;  mas- 
sacre the  French,  i.  320,  321. 

Natchitoches,  French  post  at,  355, 
356,  358. 

Nathaniel,  Captain,  captures 
Elisha  Plaisted,  i.  53. 

Naurantsouak,  see  Norridgewock. 

Neal,  Andrew,  fortified  house  of, 
attacked  by  Indians,  i.  48. 

Necessity,  Fort,  Washington  at,  i. 
339;  ii.  185. 

"  Neutral  French,"  the,  ii.  173. 

Neuvillette,  Lieutenant,  death  of, 
i.  111. 


New  Brunswick,  i.  110,  212. 

Newbury,  proposed  French  and 
Indian  attack  on,  i.  96,  97  ;  i. 
126. 

Newcastle,  Duke  of,  ii.  84,  86,  87, 
105,  107,  118,  127,  142,  143,  144, 
146, 147,  150 ;  at  the  head  of  the 
government,  ii.  151  ;  his  ab- 
surdities, ii.  151  ;  ^proves  at 
8hirlc3''s  plan  to  conquer  Can- 
ada, ii.  152;  his  promises,  ii. 
153;  he  fails  to  keep  his  jjrom- 
ises,  ii.  154,  155;  ii.  157,  164, 
168;  his  apathy  regarding  tlie 
defence  of  Acadia,  ii.  170;  [Shir- 
ley's letters  regarding  the  Aca- 
dian dilemma  to,  ii.  171,  175, 
176,  179,  312,  314,  317,  320,  322, 
325,  330,  331,  342,  345,  349,  350, 
352,  353,  354 ;  leaves  Acadia  to 
drift  with  the  tide,  ii.  180  ;  ii. 
201  ;  blamed  by  Sliirley  for  not 
protecting  the  Acadians,  ii.  204 ; 
Clinton  complains  to,  ii.  209 ; 
letter  to  Sliirley  from,  ii.  348. 

Newcastle,  island  of,  ii.  73,  74. 

New  England,  loose  use  of  the 
name,  i.  5 ;  French  plans  for 
the  destruction  of,  i.  5  ;  the 
whole  burden  of  war  falls  upon, 
i.  16;  the  Abenakis  s]iurred  on 
by  the  French  against,  i.  48 ; 
Vaudreuil  sends  a  large  war- 
party  against,  i.  55 ;  another 
expedition  against,  i.  96  ;  contri- 
bution to  the  sufferers  of  the 
Island  of  St.  Christopher  from, 
i.  100;  has  a  lion's  sliare  in  the 
Acadian  fisheries,  i.  Ill;  disap- 
pointment in  the  delay  of  the 
British  fleet,  i.  145  ;  barred  out 
from  the  fur-trade  by  New  York, 
i.  272. 

Newfoundland,  divided  between 
two   conflicting  powers,  i.  131  ; 


IXDEX. 


895 


L  156,161  ;  claimed  by  England, 
L  184;  i.  188,  189;  ii.  318, 
321. 
New  France,  the  early  missions  of, 
i.  214;  fatal  error  of  her  rulers 
in  not  acquiring  possession  of 
New  York,  i.  273 ;  has  two 
heads,  i.  324. 

New  Hampshire,  the  colony  of,  i. 
7  ;  the  whole  burden  of  war  falls 
upon,  i.  16  ;  i.  56 ;  the  Abe- 
naki tribes  of,  i.  101  ;  joins  an 
expedition  against  Port  Koyal, 
i.  125  ;  ordered  to  furnish  troops 
for  the  conquest  of  Canada,  i. 
135 ;  her  prompt  response,  i. 
138,  143;  decides  to  attack  Port 
Royal,  i.  145;  expense  of  lier 
futile  expedition  of  1707,  i.  146, 
150;  ii.  55;  joins  Shirley's  ex- 
pedition against  Louisbourg,  ii. 
69,  70,  71  ;  make-up  of  her  con- 
tingent, ii.  82 ;  reimbursed  by 
England  for  expenditures  on  the 
Louisbourg  expedition,  ii.  143; 
supports  the  plan  to  conquer 
Canada,  ii.  152;  ii.  156;  re- 
sponds to  Shirley's  call  to  the 
defence  of  Annapolis,  ii.  182; 
suffers  from  Indian  border  at- 
tacks, ii.  217  ;  disputes  the  claim 
of  Massachusetts  to  Fort  Dum- 
mer,  ii.  217;  ii.  260,  313,  320, 
343,  350. 

New  Hampshire  Assembly,  the, 
i.  109  ;  refuses  to  support  Fort 
Dummer,  ii.  218. 

New  Hampshire  Regiment,  the, 
ii.  109. 

New  Haven,  i.  136. 

New  Jersey,  State  of,  ordered  to 
furnish  troops  for  the  conquest 
of  Canada,  i.  135  ;  refuses  to 
comply,  ii.  137  ;  quarrel  between 
New  York  and,  ii.  56 ;  supports 


the  plan  to  conquer  Canada,  ii. 
152. 

New  London,  i.  165. 

New  Mexico,  i.  311,  346,  354,  357, 
360, 367. 

New  Orleans,  site  of,  i.  302 ;  fee- 
ble foundations  laid,  i.  318;  i. 
328,  368  ;  Charlevoix  at,  ii.  5. 

Newton,  ii.  242. 

New  York,  French  plans  for  the 
destruction  of,  i.  5,  6;  assist- 
ance received  in  waging  war 
from  the  different  colonies  by, 
i.  8  ;  in  a  wretched  condition  for 
defence,  i.  9  ;  private  assistance 
received  by,  i.  9 ;  its  short- 
sighted treatment  of  the  Five 
Nations,  i.  9,  10  ;  a  mixture  of 
races  .and  religions,  i.  10 ;  Indian 
trade  in,  i.  14 ;  a  virtual  truce 
between  Canada  and,  i.  16; 
ordered  to  furnish  troops  for 
the  conquest  of  Canada,  i.  135  ; 
her  decided  change  of  policy,  i. 
137;  sees  the  necessity  of  con- 
tinuing her  warlike  policy,  i. 
146  ;  ordered  to  make  ready  for 
the  Canadian  expedition,  i.  165  ; 
the  only  rival  of  Canada  for  the 
control  of  the  West,  i.  273 ; 
quarrels  with  New  Jersey,  ii.  56  ; 
gives  aid  to  the  Louisbourg  ex- 
pedition, ii.  85 ;  supports  plan 
to  conquer  Canada,  ii.  152  ;  ii. 
156;  her  deplorable  condition 
as  respects  military  efficiency, 
ii.  206  ;  ii.  313,  336,' 341. 

New  York  Assembly,  the,  i.  137; 
hampers  Governor  Clinton,  ii. 
207,  208. 

New  York  City,  receives  the  news 
of  the  capture  of  Louisbourg  by 
the  English,  ii.  141. 
New  York  traders,  the,  i.  15. 
Niagara,  the  Five  Nations  refuse 


396 


INDEX. 


to  allow  the  French  to  build  a 
fort  at,  ii.  52  ;  the  French  build 
the  fort  at,  ii.  53  ;  slighted  by 
the  western  tribes,  ii.  54 ;  im- 
portant position  of,  ii.  57. 

Niagara,  Fort,  ii.  57. 

Niagara  River,  the,  ii.  51. 

Nicholson,  Colonel  Francis,  com- 
mands the  conquest  of  Canada, 
i.  136,  139;  his  march  to  Wood 
Creek,  i.  140  ;  his  meeting  with 
Eamesay,  i.  140,  141  ;  pestilence 
in  his  camp,  i.  143  ;  sails  for 
Europe,  i.  146  ;  commissioned  to 
command  the  attack  against 
Port  Royal,  1.  147  ;  character- 
istics of,  i.  148  ;  the  attack  on 
Port  Royal,  i.  l.'jl  ;  demands  the 
surrender  of  tho  fort,  i.  1 53 ; 
Subercase  surrenders  to,  i.  1 53  ; 
the  journal  of,  i.  155 ;  makes 
ready  for  the  Canadian  expedi- 
tion, i.  164;  his  rage  at  the 
failure  of  the  fleet,  i.  177  ;  dis- 
bands his  army,  i.  178;  gov- 
ernor of  Nova  Scotia,  i.  191  ;  re- 
solves to  keep  the  Acadiaus  in 
the  province,  i.  195  ;  ii.  337. 

Nicholson,  Fort,  i.  140. 

Niganiche,  ii.  96. 

Niles,  on  the  Indian  attacks  on 
the  frontier  of  Maine,  i.  46. 

Nims,  escapes  from  Indian  cap- 
tivity, i.  87. 

Nipigon,  Lake,  ii.  9. 

Niverville,  Boucher  de,  sent  by 
Saint-Pierre  to  the  Saskatche- 
wan, ii.  39,  40;  his  sufferings, 
ii.  39,  40;  commands  an  attack- 
ing force  against  Number  Four, 
ii.  223 ;  his  interview  with 
Stevens,  ii.  226 ;  retires  from 
the  siege,  ii.  227. 

Noble,  Colonel  Arthur,  at  Grand 
Pre,  ii.  182,  183;  critical  posi- 


tion of,  ii.  183,  184;  Ramesa^ 
plans  to  surprise,  ii.  184;  the 
attack,  ii.  191-193;  killed,  ii. 
193;  military  honors  rendered 
to  the  remains  of,  ii.  199;  ii. 
342,  354. 

Noble,  Ensign,  ii.  191  ;  shot  down, 
ii.  193;  military  honors  ren- 
dered to  the  remains  of,  ii. 
199. 

Noddle's  Island,  i.  165,  166,  169. 

Noiville,  Noel-Alexandre,  priest 
at  Pigiquid,  i.  209. 

Norfolk,  village  of,  ii.  157. 

Norridgewock,  mission  village  of, 
i.  37,  50,  217;  description  of,  i. 
218;  destroyed  by  Colonel  Hil- 
ton, i.  218;  Colonel  Westbrook 
at,  i.  218  ;  life  at,  i.  218  ;  Father 
Rale  at,  i  218,  236;  Dumnier 
sends  a  force  against,  i.  245 ; 
the  attack  on,  i.  246-248 ;  de- 
struction of,  i.  250. 

Norridgewock  Abenakis,  the,  i. 
37 ;  join  an  expedition  against 
New  England,  i.  96 ;  on  the 
Kennebec,  i.  213  ;  Father  Sebas- 
tien  Rale  among,  i.  214  ;  i.  217; 
description  of  their  village,  i. 
218;  at  the  convention  at 
Portsmouth,  i.  220 ;  embittered 
against  the  English,  i.  223 ; 
alarmed  by  the  intrusion  of 
settlers,  i.  224 ;  attend  a  coun- 
cil at  Georgetown,  i.  224 ; 
urged  to  war  by  Rale,  i.  231  ; 
the  second  council  at  George- 
town, i.  233 ;  on  the  war- 
path, i.  235 ;  completely  broken, 
i.  256. 

Northampton,  i.  50;  Indian  at- 
tack on,  i.  94  ;   ii.  90,  220. 

North  Carolina,  ii.  48,  152. 

Northeast  Battery,  the,  at  Louis 
hours:,  ii.  110. 


INDEX. 


397 


Northfield,  settlement  of,  i.  56  ; 
ii.  218,  230;  notoriously  danger- 
ous, ii.  231  ;  early  days  of,  ii. 
232, 

North  Mountain,  the,  ii.  182. 

"Northumberland,"  the,  ii.  160, 
161,  165. 

Northwest  Battery,  the,  at  Louis- 
bourg,  ii.  107. 

Norton,  Mr.,  chaplain  at  Fort 
Massachusetts,  ii.  241,  242,  243, 
245,  247,  248,  249,  251. 

Notre  Dame,  church  of,  at  Mont- 
real, i.  90. 

Nova  Scotia,  i.  110,  191,  212;  ii. 
159,  174,  175,  176,  312,  313,  314, 
316,  320,  321,  322,  324,  325,  326, 
327,  328,  329,  330,  331,  333,  33.5, 
337,  339,  341,  342,  344,  345,  346, 
347,  348,  350,  351,  352,  354,  355, 
356.  ^ 

Nova  Scotian  Peninsula,  the,  ii. 
49. 

Noyes,  Dr.,  i.  222. 

Noyon,  Jacques  de,  i.  90. 

Number  P'our,  settled  by  the 
Farnsworth  brothers,  ii.  218 ; 
fort  built  at,  ii.  219;  Indian  at- 
tacks on,  ii.  221  ;  looks  to  Massa- 
chusetts for  defence,  ii.  221 ; 
left  to  its  own  keeping,  ii.  222 ; 
the  fort  abandoned,  ii.  222 ; 
Massachusetts  sends  Stevens  to 
reoccupy,  ii.  222;  attacked  by 
Niverville,  ii.  223  ;  Stevens'  suc- 
cessful defence,  ii.  224-227 ; 
name  changed  to  Charlestown, 
ii.  228. 

Ohio  River,  the,  i.  311,  349,  350; 
ii.  51. 

Ojibwas,  the,  i.  281,  295,  340. 

"  Uld    Indian     House,"     the,     at 

Deerfield,  i.  68. 
Omahas,  the,  i.  363,  365. 


Oncpapa  Indians,  the,  li.  34. 

Oneida  Indians,  the,  i.  13. 

Onion  River,  the,  i.  76. 

Onondaga,  the  Iroquois  capital,  i. 
11  ;  the  Jesuits  at,  i.  11  ;  Prot- 
estant clergymen  at,  i.  12  ;  the 
centre  of  intrigue,  i.  13  ;  Abra- 
ham Schuyler  at,  i.  138 ;  di- 
vided between  France  and  Eng- 
land, i.  138. 

Onondaga  country,  the,  Cham- 
plain  in,  i.  18,  279. 

Onoudagas,  the,  plunder  and  burn 
the  Jesuit  mission-house  at 
Onondaga,  i.  138. 

Ontario,  Lake,  i.  33 ;  ii.  53,  55, 
57. 

Orleans,  Duke  of,  i.  315;  interest 
in  the  New  World  revives  under 
regency  of,  ii.  3  ;  orders  Charle- 
voix to  investigate  the  Western 
Sea,  ii.  4. 

Orleans,  Fort,  i.  361,  362,363,366. 

Osage  River,  the,  i.  359. 

Osages,  the,  i.  356 ;  village  of,  i. 
359  ;  join  Bourgniont's  expedi- 
tion, i.  361  ;    i.  365. 

Osborne,  ii.  114. 

Ossipee,  Lake,  i.  257,  261,  263, 
266. 

Ossipee  River,  the,  i.  265. 

Oswego,  Burnet's  plan  for  a  forti- 
fied trading-house  at,  ii.  53 ;  its 
establishment  alarms  the  French, 
ii  54 ;  becomes  the  great  centre 
of  Indian  trade,  ii.  54 ;  the 
French  fail  to  ruin,  ii.  54. 

Otoes,  the,  i.  363,  365. 

Ottawa,  i.  16. 

Ottawa  Indians,  the,  i.  14  ;  villages 
of,  i.  18;  at  Detroit,  i.  275,  279, 
283,  284  ;  i.  340. 

Ottawa  River,  the,  i.  28,  338;  ii 
217. 

Otter  Creek,  ii.  221,  235. 


398 


INDEX. 


Ouacos,  the,  i.  357. 

t)ushala,  the  piiucipal  Outagamie 
war-chief,  i.  335. 

Outagamies,  the,  on  Fox  River,  i. 
275  ;  a  source  of  endless  trouble 
to  the  French,  i.  275,  278 ;  at 
Detroit,  i.  280  ;  their  camp  at- 
tacked, i.  285 ;  the  siege,  i.  286 ; 
their  desperate  position,  i.  287 ; 
make  overtures  to  Dubiiisson,  i. 
287  ;  renewed  hostilities,  i.  290  ; 
beg  for  mercy,  i.  293 ;  they  sur- 
render, i.  295  ;  make  a  furious 
attack  on  the  Illinois,  i.  330 ; 
the  scourge  of  the  West,  i.  330 ; 
attacked  by  the  Saginaws,  i. 
330;  Vaudreuil  determines  to 
destroy,  i.  331  ;  Louvigny  attacks 
the  fortified  village  of,  i.  333  ; 
sue  for  peace,  i.  334 ;  again  at- 
tack the  Illinois,  i.  335  ;  called 
to  a  council  at  Green  Bay,  i. 
336 ;  conflicting  plans  against, 
i.  337  ;  Lignery  sets  out  against, 
i.  338  ;  Lignery  burns  the  chief 
village  of,  i.  339  ;  Sieur  de  Vil- 
liers  strikes  them  a  deadly  blow, 
i.  339;  another  blow,  i.  341- 
344 ;  incorporate  themselves 
with  the  Sacs,  i.  344;  i.  350; 
their  hostile  disposition  toward 
the  French,  ii.  5,  7. 

Oxford,  village  of,  attacked  by  the 
Indians,  i.  243. 

Oyster  River,  Indian  attack  on,  i. 
'94. 

Pacific  Ocean,  the,  plans  for 
reaching,  ii.  3  ;  probable  cost  of 
reaching,  ii.  4  ;  report  of  Charle- 
voix on,  ii.  5 ;  the  brothers  La 
Verendrye  search  for,  ii.  22-35  ; 
Captains  Lewis  and  Clark  make 
tlieir  way  to,  ii.  35.  See  also 
Western  Sea,  the. 


Paddon,  Captain,  i.  172,  173. 

Padoucas,  the,  i.  359,  365.  See 
also  Comaiiches,  the. 

Padoucas,  the  River  of  the,  i.  367. 

Pain,  Father  Felix,  i.  190,  194. 

Palfrey,  John  G.,  on  the  contro- 
versy between  Governor  Shute 
and  tlie  Massachusetts  Assem- 
bly, i.  240 ;  on  the  difficulties  of 
Lieutenant-Governor  Dummer, 
i.  242 ;  on  the  Lovewell  Fight, 
i.  271  ;  ii.  143. 

Panawamskc,  Abenaki  mission  of, 
i.  236  ;  burned  by  Colonel  West- 
brook,  i.  244,  245. 

Paradis,  captures  the  "  Chester," 
i.  170. 

"Parfait,"  the,  ii.  165. 

Parisian  House  of  Correction,  the, 
i.  317. 

Parliament  of  Paris,  the,  i.  318. 

Parsons,  ii.  77,  95,  96,  120,  141. 

Parsons,  Widow,  carried  off  by 
Indians,  i.  48. 

Partridge,  Colonel  Samuel,  on  the 
attack  of  Deerfield,  i.  70. 

Passadumkeag,  i.  244. 

Passamaquoddy  Bay,  i.  122. 

Patterson,  on  Samuel  Vetch,  i. 
134,  192. 

Paugus,  war-chief  of  the  Pequaw- 
kets,  i.  257  ;  death  of,  i.  267. 

Pawnee  Picts,  the,  i.  357. 

Pawnees,  the,  i.  335,  359,  365, 

Pawnee  villages,  the,  i.  367. 

Payne,  John,  letter  to  Colonel 
Robert  Hale  from,  ii.  88,  89. 

Pearl-fisheries,  i.  304,  306. 

Pelham,  Fort,  ii.  231. 

Pemoussa,  the  Outagamie  chief,  i. 
288,  292,  296. 

Penacook  Indians,  the,  i.  37. 

Peuecaut,  i.  350,  351,  352,  355. 

Penhalluw,  Captain,  on  the  con- 
ference between  Governor  Dud- 


INDEX. 


399 


ley  and  the  Abenaki's,  i.  37,  38  ; 
on  the  Indian  attacks  on  the 
frontier  of  Maine,  i.  46  ;  on 
Caleb  Lyman's  attack  on  the 
French  Indians,  i.  50 ;  on  the 
attack  of  Deerfiel<l,  i.  70;  on 
Beaucour's  unsuccessful  expedi- 
tion against  Connecticut,  i.  96  ; 
on  the  French  and  Indian  at- 
tack on  Haverhill,  i.  99;  on 
Major  Church  at  Port  Royal, 
i.  124  ;  on  the  French  force  at 
St.  John,  i.  132 ;  on  the  treaty 
between  Governor  Dudley  and 
the  Abenakis,  i.  221  ;  i.  222  ;  on 
the  council  at  Georgetown,  i. 
228  ;  at  Georgetown,  i.  234  ;  on 
the  Indian  attack  on  Oxford,  i. 
243 ;  on  tlie  IMicmac  raids,  i. 
244 ;  the  Boston  treaty,  i. 
255 ;  on  Lovewell's  expeditions 
against  the  Indians,  i.  262,  270. 

Pennsylvania,  i.  51  ;  ordered  to 
furnish  troops  for  the  conquest 
of  Canada,  i.  135 ;  refuses  to 
comply,  i.  137;  not  a  serious 
rival  in  the  fur-trade,  i.  272 ; 
refuses  to  join  Shirley's  expedi- 
tion against  Louisbourg,  ii.  69  ; 
supports  the  plan  to  conquer 
Canada,  ii.  153;  ii.  341. 

Pennsylvania  Assembly,  the,  re- 
fuses to  support  the  plan  to  con- 
quer Canada,  ii.  153. 

Penobscot,  Abenaki  mission  of,  i. 
236. 

Penobscot  Abenakis,  the,  i.  37 ; 
join  an  expedition  against  New 
England,  i.  96 ;  join  the  Mic- 
macs  against  the  English,  i. 
191;  i.  217;  at  the  conference 
at  Portsmouth,  i.  220 ;  attend  a 
council  at  Georgetown,  i.  224  ; 
attack  the  fort  on  St.  George's 
Eiver,   i.   244;    Colonel     West- 


brook  sent  against,  i.  244 ;  their 
attacks  on  Fort  St.  George, 
i.  254 ;  Captain  Heath  sent 
against,  i.  254 ;  their  conference 
with  the  English  at  the  St. 
George,  i.  254. 

Penobscot  Indians,  the,  ii.  170. 

Penobscot  River,  the,  i.  5,  35,  36, 
213;  ii.  261,  264,  265,  266. 

Penobscot  village,  the,  destroyed 
by  Captain  Heath,  i.  254. 

Pensacola,  i.  135,  312. 

Pensens,  sent  to  Annapolis,  i.  194 ; 
in  the  Acadian  settlements,  i. 
196. 

Pepin,  Lake,  i.  348,  351  ;  ii.  6. 

Pepperrell,  Andrew,  ii.  116. 

PepperreU,  Betsy,  ii.  116. 

Pepperrell  Papers,  the,  ii.  87,  144. 

Pepperrell,  William,  on  the  plan 
to  attack  Louisbourg,  ii.  64; 
chosen  commander-in-chief  of 
the  expedition  against  Louis- 
bourg, ii.  72  ;  portrait  of,  ii.  73 ; 
sketch  of,  ii.  74  ;  his  skill  in 
landing  at  Louisbourg,  ii.  97  ; 
effectivene.ss  of  his  command, 
ii.  114;  his  generous  contribu- 
tions, ii.  114;  ii.  125;  disagree- 
ment with  Warren,  ii.  126-129  ; 
comes  to  an  understanding  with 
Warren,  ii.  130;  receives  Du- 
chambon's  offer  of  capitulation, 
ii.  132;  the  surrender,  ii.  133; 
discontent  of  his  soldiers  at  his 
terms  of  capitulation,  ii.  136; 
shares  the  honor  of  victory  with 
Warren,  ii.  138,  139;  rivalry  be- 
tween Warren  and,  ii.  140,  .141  ; 
made  a  baronet,  ii.  142 ;  gov- 
erns Loui.sbourg  jointly  with 
Warren,  ii.  146  ;  mutiny  of  the 
soldiers,  ii.  146;  ii.  318. 

Pequawket,  village  of,  i.  261. 

Pequawket    Indians,    the,   i.  37; 


iOO 


DfDEX. 


C<JoDel  Man*  attw^  L   50: 

anenJ  a  cnuafdl  St  G«orgetovu. 
L  ±24  :  cake  np  the  quarrels  ol 
the  Norridgewocks,  i.  257 ;  Uwir 
attack  OB  Lorewell's  partr,  i. 
262. 

PeieDe.  Ensign.  L  152. 

Perier,  Siear,  sacc«e<is  Bienrille 
as  gtv^emor  of  LoaUiana.  i.  320 ; 
difBcoldes  of  his  position,  i.  320 : 
has  little  sacv^sis  against  ihe 
Indians,  i.  321  ;  removed,  i  322 

Perkins,  Captain.  L  ITS. 

Perrot,  Fi»rt.  L  351. 

Perrot,  Xicvlas.  the  Hmomawmf^ 
grmr,  i.  ."HS  ;  iL  6. 

Perrr,  Professor  A.  L-,  iL  239,  243. 

Perry,  John,  ii  252. 

Perrr,  Mrs.  John.  ii.  252. 

Petit  Lorembec,  iL  125. 

P«it,  M..  i.  117. 

Petty,  escapes  from  Indian  c^xir- 
itr,  i.  8T. 

Petty  s  Plain,  L  56. 

Phila<ielphia,  iL  70 ;  receires  tbe 
new-s  of  the  capcore  of  Loai»- 
bijorg  by  the  English,  ii.  I4l_ 

Philips's  Regiment.  iL  175,  323. 

Phillipg,  Governor  Richard,  i.  107  ; 
at  Annapolis,  i.  19S.  202:  ad- 
Tises  the  recall  of  the  French 
joiests,  L  203 :  undertakes  to 
force  the  Acadians  to  take  the  ! 
oath  of  allegiance,  i.  206  ;  fails 
ra  his  artempc.  i.  207 ;  reports 
success,  i.  208,  209. 

Phjppeny,  kiUed  by  Indians,  L  45. 

Phipps,  Spencer.  iL  243. 

Phipe>.  Sir  Williain,  L  101  ;  cap- 
tures Port  RoyaL  i-  155  ;  brings 
his  fleet  safely  to  Quebec,  i.  175. 

Rckering,  Lieutenant,  death  of, 
ii.  193 

i^erce.  Captain,  killed  at  Louis- 
bonrg,  ii.  109. 


Pigiqnid.  i.  209. 

Pigvacket  Indians,  the,  see  /*•- 
fmatrkets.  tkt. 

Pine  Hill,  i.  257. 

IMnet.  the  Jesuit,  i.  328. 

Pioya  Indians,  the,  ii.  26. 

Piscataqoa.  ii.  327. 

I'iscataqoa  River,  the,  ii.  7S,  74. 

Pisiqnid.  viTlage  of,  i.  209;  iL 
1S9.     Seeal*}  Windsor. 

Pin.  L  162;  goes  oat  of  office,  L 
I  S3. 

Httsfiel.l.  ii.  230. 

1  Lw-entia.  «.  Lief  station  of  the 
French  at.  L  131.  132,  133.  156, 
17S.  ISl.  ISfi.  1?^:  the  inhab. 
itants  of,  L  1 99  ;  Gaolin  at,  i 
192. 

Plaisance.  L  ISS,  199. 

Flaisted.  Elisha.  interrupted  wed- 
ding of .  L  51  :  captured  by  I»- 
dians,  L  52;  his  letter  to  his 
father.  L  53 ;  ransomed,  i.  54. 

Platte,  the.  L  367. 

Hessis,  Joseph,  bishop  of  Quebec, 
L  S9. 

Plymouth,  L  121. 

Plymouth  (England),  L  14S. 

Hymonth  Company,  the,  L  232. 

Pointe  a  la  Chevelure.  see  Crwcm 
Point  and  Scalp  Point. 

Pointe  a  Peletier,  the,  iL  303. 

PoiDte  Blanche,  iL  2S8,  289,291, 
301,306. 

Pointe-Pkte.  ii.  291. 

Pomeroy,  Seth.  at  the  siege  of 
Lonis'bourg.  iL  90,  91,  95,  101, 
106,  107,  124 ;  journal  of,  iL 
144. 

Pomeroy,  Theodore,  ii.  91. 

Ponchartrain.  the  colonial  minis- 
ter, interview  of  Cadillac  with, 
L  27  ;  at-cepts  Cadillac's  plan.  L 
23 ;  letters  from  Cadillac  to,  L 
30-32 ;  gives  over    DetrtMt   to 


INDEX. 


401 


Cadillac,  i.  32 ;  Vandreuil  re- 
ports the  attack  on  Deertield  to, 
i.  68 ;  his  attitude  concerning 
the  inciting  of  the  Indians  to 
war  against  the  English,  i.  102 
letter  from  Subercase  to,  i.  116 
IJe.  Goutin's  reports  to,  i.  117 
Suherca-se's  complaints  to,  i. 
117 ;  Acadian  gossip  reported 
to,  i.  118,  119;  Nicholson's  ex- 
pedition reported  to,  i.  142  ; 
Subercase's  report  of  the  siege 
of  Port  Royal  to,  i.  155;  ap- 
proves of  Costebelle's  scheme, 
i.  153  ;  his  letter  to  the  Acadian 
priests,  i.  190;  Iberville  and  his 
brothers  accused  to,  i.  306,  307 ; 
La  Vente's  memorial  to,  i.  313  ; 
ii.  318. 

Ponchartrain,  Fort,  bailt  by  Cadil- 
lac, i.  28,  279.  See  also  Detroit, 
Fort. 

Ponchartrain,  Lake,  i.  302. 

Pontbriand,  Bishop,  letters  of,  ii. 
200. 

Ponthiea,  regiment  of,  ii.  158, 159. 

Pontoosuc,  see  Pittsjield. 

Popple,  Mr.,  i.  137. 

Porpoise,  Cape,  Indian  attack  on, 
i.  44. 

Port  a  I'Anglois,  i.  187. 

Porte  Dauphine,  the,  see  West 
Gate. 

Portland,  city  of,  i.  45. 

Port  Louis,  ii.  166,  167. 

Port  Royal,  i.  107,  110;  the  seat 
of  government,  i.  112;  Major 
Church  plans  an  attack  on,  i. 
121  ;  Governor  Dudley  refuses 
to  allow  an  attack  to  be  made 
on,  i.  121  ;  Major  Church  at,  i. 
123;  Massachusetts  passes  a  re- 
solve for  an  expedition  against, 
i.  125;  failure  of  the  expedition, 
i.  129-131 ;  New  England  plans 
VOL.  II.  —  26 


another  attack  on,  5.  145  ;  the 
attack  on,  i.  151  ;  surrenders  to 
Nicholson,  i.  153;  its  name 
changed  to  Annapolis  Koyal,  i. 
154;  Vetch  commissioned  as 
governor  of,  i.  154;  previously 
in  the  possession  of  New  Eng- 
land, i.  154;  its  capture  means 
the  conquest  of  Acadia,  i.  155; 
ii.  47, 49,  50 ;  Hamesay  advances 
upon,  ii.  169  ;  should  be  restored 
to  France,  ii.  260;  ii.  267,  268, 
270,  272,  273.  See  also  Annajf 
oils. 

Port  Royal  Basin,  i.  127. 

Portsm'juth.  i.  5,  49,  51 ;  proposed 
French  and  Indian  attack  on, 
i.  96,  97 ;  Vetch  at,  L  136 ;  con- 
ference between  Governor  Dud- 
ley and  the  Al>enakis  at,  i.  220; 
ii.  65,  155,  182. 

Portugal,  i.  145;  ii.  167,  270. 

Poskoiac  River,  the,  ii.  14. 

Postes  de  la  Mer  de  I'Onest,  ii. 
14. 

Pottawattamie*,  the,  i.  14  ;  at  De- 
troit, i.  275,  283  ;  the  village  of, 
L  279. 

Poubomconp,  Marie  Mnis  de,  i. 
118. 

Poutrincourt,  Baron  de,  i.  113. 

Powder  River  Range,  the,  ii.  24. 

Preble,  Captain,  ii.  197. 

Prentice,  Rev.  Mr.,  ii.  115. 

Price,  attacks  the  French  and  In- 
dians, i.  98. 

Priests,  the,  in  Canada,  vast  pos- 
sessions of,  i.  25. 

"Prince  d'lJrange,"  the,  ii.  159, 
160,  165. 

Prince  Edward's  Island,  i.  207. 

Prince,  Rev.  Thomas,  ii.  77. 

Protestantism,  bound  up  with  the 
new  political  order,  i.  192. 

Protestant  Reformation,  the,  i.  214 


402 


INDEX. 


Protestants,  the,  excluded  from 
Louisiana,  i.  316. 

Providence,  i.  147. 

"Province  Galley,"  the,  i.  46,  112, 
122,  125,  151. 

Provincial  Assembly,  the,  ii.  232. 

Puants,  the,  see  Winnebagoes,  the. 

Puritanism,  the  antique,  i.  223. 

Puritans,  the,  dislike  Joseph  Dud- 
ley, i.  105. 

Purpooduck  Point,  Indian  attack 
on,  i.  45. 

Putnam,  Israel,  at  Bunker  Hill, 
ii.  90. 

Puyzieulx,  De,  ii.  274. 

Quakers,  the,  in  Pennsylvania,  i. 
137. 

Quary,  Colonel,  i.  8 ;  on  the  trade 
between  Boston  and  the  French 
of  Acadia,  i.  108. 

Quebec,  i.  6 ;  Dudley  urges  the 
capture  of,  i.  103 ;  the  Englisli 
plan  to  attack,  i.  135 ;  excited  in 
expectation  of  Nicholson's  at 
tack,  i.  142  ;  Viscount  Shauuou 
ordered  to  attack,  i.  143 ; 
Walker's  expedition  plans  to 
attack,  i.  165  ;  its  joy  over  its 
deliverance  from  the  English,  i. 
180;  Saint-Pierre  at,  ii.  41  ;  the 
English  plan  to  attack,  ii.  153; 
ii.  335,  354. 

Quebec,  the  Bishop  of,  i.  194,  200 ; 
ii.  179,  354,  355. 

Queen  Anne's  War,  i.  3, 17,  34-54 ; 
the  attack  on  Wells,  i.  42 ;  on 
the  Falls  of  the  Saco,  i.  44  ;  on 
Spurwink,  i.  44  ;  on  Cape  Por- 
poise, i.  44 ;  on  Winter  Harbor, 
i.  44  ;  on  Scarborough,  i.  44  ;  on 
Purpooduck  Point,  i.  45 ;  on 
Falmouth,  i.  45  ;  due  less  to  the 
Abenakis  than  to  the  French,  i. 
46 ;  the  loss  of  life,  i.  47  ;  the 


essential  purpose  of,  i.  47 ;  at- 
tack on  Hampton,  i.  48 ;  on 
Black  Point,  i.  48  ;  on  York,  i. 
48 ;  on  Berwick,  i.  48 ;  on  Ha- 
verhill, i.  49. 

Queen's  Bastion,  the,  at  Louis- 
bourg,  ii.  301. 

Qnesnel,  i.  363,  364. 

Quiuij)issas,  the,  see  Bayagoulas, 
the. 

Rainy  Lake,  ii.  12;  Fort  St.  Pierre 
at,  ii.  14. 

Rale,  Father  Sebastien,  the  Jesuit, 
at  Xorridgewock,  i.37  ;  the  most 
conspicuous  and  interesting  fig- 
ure among  the  later  French- 
American  Jesuits,  i.  214  ;  early 
life  of,  i.  217  ;  among  the  Abe- 
nakis, i.  217;  his  work  at  Xor- 
ridgewock, i.  218-220  ;  liis 
knowledge  of  the  Indian  lan- 
guages, i.  220;  on  the  treaty 
between  Governor  Dudley  and 
the  Abenakis,  i.  221  ;  on  the 
land  trades  between  the  English 
and  the  Indians,  i.  222  ;  foments 
the  irritation  of  the  Norridge- 
wocks,  i.  224 ;  his  controversy 
with  Ba.xter,  i.  229  ;  his  corre- 
spondence witli  the  New  Eng- 
land ministers,  i.  230 ;  urges  tlie 
Norridgewocks  to  war,  i.  231  ; 
prevents  peace  being  made  at 
Georgetown,  i.  233,  234 ;  price 
placed  on  iiis  head  by  the  Eng- 
lish, i.  237  ;  Colonel  West  brook 
tries  to  arrest,  i.  238  ;  liis  papers 
secured  by  the  English,  i.  238  ; 
killed  by  Benjamin  Jaques,  i. 
247;  estimate  of  his  character, 
i.  248,  249  ;  his  commission  from 
Vaudreuil,  i.  250;  at  Fort  St 
Louis,  i.  327. 

Ralle,  Ralle',  Rallee,  see  Rale. 


INDEX. 


403 


Eameau,  i.  209,  327. 

Raniesay,  governor  of  Montreal, 
on  the  attack  of  DeerfieUi,  i.  70  ; 
on  Beaucour's  unsuccessful  ex- 
pedition against  Connecticut,  i. 
96  ;  sent  out  against  Nicholson's 
expedition,  i.  140;  accomplishes 
nothing,  i,  141  ;  on  the  number 
of  Nicholson's  force,  i.  142; 
complains  of  English  instiga- 
tion, i.  331  ;  sent  to  Acadia,  ii. 
169  ;  advances  upon  Port  Royal, 
ii.  169;  ii.  172,  175,  176;  tries 
to  persuade  the  Acadiaus  to  join 
his  expedition  against  Annap- 
olis, ii.  181  ;  retreats  from  Grand 
Pre  to  Chignecto,  ii.  182,  183, 
184  ;  plans  to  surprise  Noble,  ii. 
184  ;  accident  to,  ii.  185  ;  makes 
good  use  of  the  victory  over  the 
English  at  Grand  Pre,  ii.  200 ; 
letter  from  the  Acadians  to,  ii. 
201 ;  his  peremptory  orders  to 
the  Acadians,  ii.  203;  ii.  343, 
347,  349,  351. 

Ramillies,  i.  163. 

Ramsay,  R.  A.,  on  the  Gill  family, 
i.  93. 

Rasle,  Rasles,  see  Rale. 

Rasser,  ii.  293. 

Raudot,  the  Canadian  intendant, 
on  the  French  and  Indian  attack 
on  Haverhill,  i.  99  ;  his  letters 
to  Ponchartrain,  i.  119;  urges 
tlie  occupation  by  the  French  of 
Cape  Bretou,  i.  18G. 

Eavistock  Parish,  ii.  74. 

Reade,  Gen.  J.  Meredith,  i.  350. 

Rebald,  Pere,  i.  368. 

Rebateau,  M.,  ii.  158. 

Re'collet  Friars,  the,  i.  24,  25,  118. 

Rednap,  the  English  engineer,  in 
the  expedition  against  Port 
Royal,  i.  125,  126,  128. 

Red  River,  i.  355. 


Red  River  Raft,  the,  i.  356. 

Reed,  Josiali,  ii.  252 ;  death  of, 
ii.  255. 

Re'monville,  Sieur  de,  proposes  to 
form  a  company  for  the  settle- 
ment of  Louisiana,  i.  299  ;  i.  .309. 

Renaissance,  the,  far  more  than 
a  revival  of  arts  and  letters,  i. 
214. 

Renards,  the,  see  Oittagamies,  the. 

Renaudiere,  see  La  Renaudihe. 

"  Reuomme,''  the,  ii.  92,  312. 

Repentiguy,  ii.  185. 

Rhode  Island,  the  colony  of,  i.  8, 
121  ;  joins  an  expedition  against 
Port  Royal,  i.  125;  ordered  to 
•  furnish  troops  iov  the  cou(|uest 
of  Canada,  i.  135,  143  ;  decides 
to  attack  Port  Royal,  i.  145 ; 
expense  of  her  futile  expedition 
of  1707,  i.  146,  1.50;  French 
scheme  to  destroy,  i.  162; 
ordered  to  make  ready  for  the 
Canadian  expedition,  i.  165; 
joins  Shirley's  expedition  against 
Louisbourg,  ii.  69,  71  ;  loses 
faitli,  ii.  82 ;  reimlnirsed  liy 
England  for  expenditures  on 
the  Louisbourg  expedition,  ii. 
143  ;  supports  the  plan  to  con- 
quer Canada,  ii.  152;  responds 
to  Shirley's  call  to  the  defence 
of  Annapolis,  ii.  182;  ii.  343, 
350. 

Rhodes,  Captain,  at  Louisbourg, 
ii.  112. 

Ribaut,  voyages  of,  ii.  47. 

Richardson,  Captain,  ii.  91. 

Richelieu,  Cardinal,  ii.  268. 

Richmond,  Colonel,  at  Louisbourg, 
ii.  132. 

Richmond,  Fort,  i.  222,  245. 

Richmond,  town  of,  i.  222. 

Richmond's  Island,  i.  53. 

Rigaud,  see  Vaudreuil,  Rigaud  de. 


404 


INDEX. 


Rigauville,  at  Grand  Pre,  ii.  191. 
Ring,    Joseph,   burned    alive    by 

Indians,  i.  48. 
Rio  del  Norte,  the,  i.  311. 
Rio  Grande,  the,  i.  355. 
Rivicre-aux-Canards,      settlement 

of,  ii.  197,  199,  203. 
Robbius,  Jonathan,  i.  258 ;  raises 

a    company    to    hunt    Indians, 

i.    259;    wounded,   i.    2G2,   2C4. 
Roberts,  Colonel,  burns  the  fort  at 

Albany,  ii.  210. 
Robinson,  Joiin,  attacked   by  the 

Indians,  i.  244. 
Rochefort,  i.  153. 
Rochefort  Point,  ii.  149. 
Rochelle,  i.  153,308;  ii.  1.58,  161, 

168. 
"Rock  Mountains,"  the,  ii.  40. 
Rock    River,    Indian    population 

on,  i.  278;  i.  341. 
Rocky  Mountains,  the,  i.  353  ;  ii. 

30 ;  discovered  by  tlie  brotliers 

La  Verendrye,  ii.  35. 
Rogers,   John,  minister  of    Box- 
ford,  i.  269. 
Rogers,    Susanna,     i.    269 ;     her 

verses  on  the  death  of  Frye,  i. 

271. 
Rolfe,  minister  at  Haverhill,  i.  97. 
Rolfe,  Mrs.,  killed  by  the  Indians, 

i.  97. 
Roman  Catholics,  the,  expedition 

against     Louisbourg      directed 

against,  ii.  70. 
Roman  Church,  the,  i.  201. 
Rome,  the  revolt  against,  i.  214. 
Romish  priests,  the,  ii.  356. 
Rocsevelt,  Theodore,  ii.  101. 
Rosalie,  Fort,  i.  320. 
Rosebud  River,  the,  valley  of,  ii. 

23. 
Rouge,  Fort,  ii.  14. 
Rouille',  Mgr.,  ii.  38. 
Rous,    Captain,    i.    107 ;    in    the 


Louisbourg  expedition,  ii.  83 ; 
English  recognition  of,  ii.  142  ; 
ii.  281. 

Rousseau,  France  drunk  with 
the  wild  dreams  of,  i.  4. 

Rouville,  Ilertel  de,  commands 
the  expedition  against  New 
England,  i.  56;  attacks  Deer- 
field,  i.  59 ;  the  number  of 
prisoners,  i.  67  ;  wounded,  i.  68  ; 
commands  a  second  expedition 
against  New  England,  i.  96. 

Kowe,  town  of,  ii.  231. 

Roxbury,  ii.  67. 

Royal  Battery,  the,  ii.  85,  93,  277, 
278,  279,  280,  282,  288,  294. 

Royal  gate,  the,  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 
294. 

Roy,  Jacques,  marriage  of,  i.  89. 

"  Ruben,"  at  Louisbourg,  ii.  120. 

Rum,  in  Canada,  i.  112. 

Rutland,  i.  244,  251. 

Ryswick,  tlie  Peace  of,  i.  4,  7,  11, 
59,  134,  213. 

Sable,  Cape,  ii.  164,  165,  201, 
320,  326,  328,  345. 

Sable,  Island,  ii.  159,  273. 

Sabrevois,  Sieur  de,  ii.  239. 

Saco,  hamlet  of,  i.  46  ;  rises  from 
its  ashes,  i.  222 ;  ii.  75. 

Saco,  the  Falls  of  the,  Indian  at- 
tack at,  i.  44,  256. 

Saco  River,  the,  i.  36,  37,  50,  256, 
259,  261,  268. 

Sacs,  the,  i  14  ;  on  Fox  River,  i. 
275 ;  at  Detroit,  i.  283,  292 ; 
called  to  a  council  at  Green 
Bay,  i.  336 ;  the  Outagamies 
incorporate  themselves  with,  i. 
344  ;  i.  350. 

Sacs  and  Foxes,  the,  i.  344. 

Saddleback  Mountain,  ii.  243. 

Sadler,  escapes  from  the  Indians, 
ii.  250. 


INDEX. 


405 


Sftgean,  MatWeu,  the  romance  of, 

i.  354. 
Saginaws,   the,   attack   tlie  Outa- 

gamies,   i.  330 ;  make  raids  on 

the  Miamis,  i.  335. 
Saguina,  the  Ottawa  chief,  i.  281, 

283,  284,  289. 
St.  Andre'  River,  the,  i.  368. 
Saint-Ange,  Sieur  de,  i.  340. 
Saint-Ange,  the  younger,  i.  340; 

at  Fort  Orleans,  i.  361. 
St.  Antoine,  Fort,  i.  351. 
St.    Bartholomew,    Island     of,    i. 

186. 
Saint-Castin,   Baron    Vincent    de, 

draws  lip  a  ])lan  for  attacking 

Bo.ston,  i.  6;  fort  of,  i.   122;  i. 

237. 
Saint-Castin,  the  yonnger,  i.  38 ; 

on   the    Kennebec,    i.   234 ;    ar- 
rested   by  the  English,  i.  237  ; 

liberated]  i.  237  ;  ii.  261,  266. 
St.  Charles,  Fort,  on  the   Lake  of 

the  Woods,  ii.  14. 
St.  Christopher,  Island  of,  contri- 
bution of  New  England  to  the 

sufferers  of,  i.  100  ;  i.  186. 
Saint-Clair,  Lieutenant-General,  ii. 

153,  155,  328. 
St.   Croix    River,   the,   i.   213;  ii. 

260,  266. 
Saint-Denis,  Juchereau  de,  sent  to 

explore    western    Loui.-siana,   i. 

355 ;  his   experiences  with    the 

Spaniards,  i.  355. 
Saint-Denis,  Mother  Juchereau  de, 

i.    178;  on   the    deliverance   of 

Quebec  from  the  English,  i.  180; 

on  the  death  of  Admiral  Walker, 

i.  182. 
St.  Domingo,  i.  321,  323. 
St.  Esprit,  ii.  288,  289. 
St.  Etienne,  Lieutenant,  ii.  293. 
St.  Francis,  Abenaki  village  of,  i. 

78,  79 ;  ii.  244. 


St.  Francis,  the  Abenaki  mission 
of,  i.  217,  234. 

St.  George,  Fort,  attacks  of  the 
Penobscots  on,  i.  254. 

St.  George  Hiver,  the,  i.  213  ;  fort 
on,  i.  243  ;  conference  between 
the  English  and  tlie  Fenobscots 
at,  i.  254  ;  ii.  267,  268. 

St.  Germain,  Treaty  of,  ii.  259, 
268,  260,  270. 

St.  Jean  de  Luz,  ii.  289. 

St.  John,  Secretary  of  State,  i. 
163. 

St.  .John,  chief  station  of  the  Eng- 
lish at,  i.  131  ;  aXtiicked  l)y  8u- 
bercase,  i.  131,  132;  Subercase 
repulsed,  i.  132 ;  ca])tured  by 
Saint-Ovide,  i.  132,  133. 

St.  John  River,  the,  i  213  ;  ii.  31 1. 

St.  .Joseph  River,  tlie,  i.  281,  340, 
341  ;  ii.  57. 

St.  Lawrence,  the  Gulf  of,  i.  104, 
186,  324. 

St.  Lawrence  River,  the,  i.  13,  21, 
134,  13,-),  165  169,  170,  175,  186, 
212;  ii.  153,  218,  258,  260,  327, 
329. 

St.  Louis,  city  of,  i.  13,  328. 

St.  Louis,  Fort,  the  Illinois  In- 
dians at,  i.  275  ;  the  Kaskaskias 
at,  i.  327. 

St.  Louis,  mission  of,  i.  80. 

St.  Louis,  the  Rock  of,  i.  327. 

Ste.  Marie,  ii.  297,  308. 

St.  Martin,  Island  of,  i.  186. 

Saint  Michael  the  Archangel, 
mission  of,  ii.  7. 

Saint-Ours,  ii.  185.  See  also  Z>es 
(  Iniillonx,  Sdint-Ours. 

Saint-Ovide,  Sieur  de,  captures  St. 
John,  i.  132;  on  the  apathy  of 
the  Acadians,  i.  197  ;  governor 
at  Louisbourg,  i.  204,  205 ;  ad- 
vises the  Acadians  concerning 
the  oath  of  alliance,  i.  206. 


406 


INDEX. 


St.  Paul's  Bay,  i.  25. 

St.  Peter,  Island  of,  i.  189. 
St.  Peter  River,  the,  i.  351. 
Saint-Pierre,   Jacques    Legardeur 

de,  at  Fort  Beauharnois,  ii.  8  ; 

robs  the  brothers  La  Verendrye, 

ii.  .37,  38  ;  .sets  out  for  Manitoba, 

ii.   39;  liis   journey,    ii.   39-40; 

his  merit  as  an    officer,  ii.  39 ; 

attacked  by  the  Assiniboins,  ii. 

41 ;  returns   to    Quebec,  ii.  41  ; 

ii.  185,  299. 
St.  Pierre,  Fort,  La  Jemeraye  at, 

ii.  12  ;  ii.  14. 
Saint- Poncy,  i.  201. 
St.  Regis,  the  Bell  of,  story  of,  i. 

92. 
St.  Regis,  mission  of,  i.  93. 
Saint  Sacreraent,  Lake,  ii.  265. 
Saint-Simon,  Due  de,  on  Ponchar- 

train,  i.  119;  on  the  peopling  of 

Louisiana,  i.  317. 
St.  Sulpice,  priests  of,  i.  83. 
Saint- Vallier,   Monseigneur  de,  i. 

142,  180. 
Saint- Vincent,  Madame  de,  i.  117. 
Sakis,  the,  see  Sacs,  the. 
Salem,  i.  98;  joins  the  expedition 

against  Port  Royal,  i.  126  ;  ii. 

68,  85. 
Salisbury,  i.  92. 
Salmon.M.,  i.  367,  368. 
Salpetriere,  the,  in  Paris,  i.  317. 
Saltonstall,  governor  of  Connecti- 
cut, i.  136. 
Sanders,  ii.  330. 
Santa  Fe,  i.  367,  368. 
"Sapphire,"  the,  i.  177. 
"  Saratoga,  River  of,"  ii.  254. 
Saratoga,  settlement  of,  i.  140;  ii. 

154;  garrison  withdrawn  from, 

ii.    210;     attacked    by    Marin, 

ii.  210;  the  burning  of,  ii.  211  ; 

ii.  237,  238,  254,  336. 
Saskatchewan  River,  the,  ii.    14  ; 


discovered  by  Chevalier  La  Ve- 
rendrye, ii.  36. 

Saukies,  the,  see  Sacs,  the. 

Sault  St.  Louis,  ii.  217. 

Samuel,  Captain,  i.  37. 

Saunderson,  on  Furt  Dummer,  ii. 
218,  219,  222,  229. 

Sauvolle,  Sieur  de,  at  Biloxi,  i. 
302. 

Saver,  Joseph,  killed  by  the  In- 
dians, i.  43. 

Scalp  Point,  ii.  55. 

Scalps,  Indian,  bounty  offered  by 
the  General  Court  of  Massachu- 
chusetts  for,  i.  50,  1 00. 

Scarborougli,  hamlet  of,  Indian  at- 
tack on,  i.  44;  rises  from  ita 
ashes,  i.  222  ;  ii.  75. 

Schaticook  River,  the,  ii.  236. 

Schenectady,  fort  at,  i.  9  ;  ii.  48, 
236,  254,  265. 

Schuyler,  Abraham,  seeks  to  win 
the  Five  Nations  for  the  con- 
quest of  Canada,  i.  138. 

Schu\'ler,  Peter,  on  the  New  York 
war,  i.  8  ;  contributes  to  the  sup- 
port of  New  York,  i.  9 ;  under- 
stands the  character  of  the  In- 
dians, i.  10;  his  visit  to  Onon- 
daga, i.  12;  on  the  factions 
among  the  Five  Nations,  i.  13  ; 
gives  warning  that  Deerfield  is 
to  be  attacked,  i.  59 ;  warns 
New  England  of  the  proposed 
French  and  Indian  attack,  i.  96  ; 
gains  a  promise  from  the  Caugh- 
nawagas  not  to  attack  New  Eng- 
land, i.  100 ;  favors  the  proposed 
conquest  of  Canada,  i.  137  ;  sails 
for  Europe  with  five  Mohawk 
chiefs,  i.  146,  147  ;  their  flatter- 
ing reception,  i.  147 ;  on  the 
Mohawk  chiefs  in  England,  i. 
147  ;  on  the  disbanding  of  Nich- 
olson's   army,    i.    1''8;    ii.   52; 


INDEX. 


407 


stationed  at  Saratoga,  ii.  210; 
on  Marin's  attack  on  Saratonja, 
ii.  210;  on  the  burning  of  Sara- 
toga, ii.  211. 

Scotch  Highlands,  the,  ii.  177. 

Scott,  Miriam,  ii.  2.52. 

Scott,  Moses,  ii.  252. 

Sea-rovers,  the  Boston,  i.  112. 

Sebasticook  River,  the,  i  222. 

Sedgwick,  Major,  captures  Port 
Koyal,  i.  154. 

Seminary,  the,  at  Quebec,  i.  26 ; 
burned,  i.  83. 

Seminary  priests,  the,  of  Quebec, 
i.  25. 

Senecas,  the,  French  influence 
among,  i.  1.3;  Joncaire  among, 
i.  138 ;  allow  the  French  to  build 
a  fort  at  Niagara,  ii.  53. 

Serier,  Captain,  ii.  60. 

Seven  Years'  War,  the,  i.  185,210, 
212;  ii.  14,  42,  256. 

Sewall,  Samuel,  on  the  conference 
between  Governor  Dudley  and 
the  Abenakis,  i.  37 ;  on  the 
French  and  Indian  attack  on 
Haverhill,  i.  99  ;  opposes  Gov- 
ernor Dudley,  i.  106  ;  his  benev- 
olence towards  the  Indians,  i. 
223 ;  at  the  council  at  George- 
town, i.  224  ;  his  speech  before 
the  Massachusetts  council,  i.  241. 

Seymour's  regiment,  i.  172. 

Shannon,  liichard,  Viscount,  or- 
dered to  attack  Quebec,  i.  149. 

Shea,  J.  G.,  on  the  siege  of  Port 
Royal,  i.  155. 

Sheaf,  on  the  loss  of  the  British 
transports,  i.  174. 

Sheldon,  on  the  Micmac  raids, 
i.  244. 

Sheldon  (and  Temple),  ii.  231, 
232,  234. 

Sheldon,  George,  i.  60,  67,  84,  89. 

Sheldon,   Mrs.  Hannah,  captured 


the 


at 


by  the   French   and  Indians,  i. 
64  ;  exchanged,  i.  87. 

Sheldon,  Ensign  John,  fortified 
house  of,  i.  58  ;  attacked  by  the 
French  and  Indians,  i.  64  ;  visits 
Montreal  as  envoy,  i.  85 ;  se- 
cures the  exchange  of  five  pris- 
oners, i.  87  ;  his  second  visit  to 
Canada,  i.  88  ;  his  third  visit  to 
Canada,  i.  89. 

Sheldon,  Mrs.  (Ensign)  John, 
killed  by  the  French  and  Indians, 
i.  64. 

Sheldon,  John  (son),  escapes  from 
tlie  French  and  Indians,  i.  64. 

Sheldou,  Mary,  captured  by  the 
French  and  Indians,  i.  64. 

Sheldon,    Mercy,    killed     by 
French  and  Indians,  i.  64. 

Sherburn,  Henry,  ii.  77. 

Sherburn,     Captain     Joseph, 
Louisbourg,  ii.  108,  109;  diary 
of,  ii.  110,  131,  132. 

Ship  Island,  i.  312. 

"  Shirley,"  the,  ii.  83,  97,  123,  133, 
165. 

Shirley,  Fort,  ii.  231,  232. 

Shirley,  Governor  William,  of 
Massachusetts,  ii.  61  ;  advised  to 
attack  Louisbonrg,  ii.  64  ;  sketch 
of,  ii.  66 ;  asks  the  General 
Court  to  sanction  his  plan  of  at- 
tack on  Loui.sbourg.  ii.  66  ;  ob- 
tains the  assistance  of  James 
Gibson,  ii.  67,  68  ;  the  General 
Court  reconsiders  favoralilv,  ii. 
69;  obtains  co-operation  from 
other  colonies,  ii.  69  ;  his  choice 
of  a  commander,  ii.  80;  chooses 
a  naval  commander,  ii.  82;  his 
instructions  for  taking  Louis- 
bourg, ii.  86  ;  as  a  soldier,  ii.  87, 
88;  ii.  118,  124,  127,  128,  139, 
140,  141  ;  Engli.sh  recognition 
of,  ii.  142  ;  ii.  143, 144;  restores 


408 


INDEX. 


order  in  Louisbourg,  ii.  146, 147  ; 
his  schemes  to  conquer  Canada, 
ii.  150;  Newcastle's  promises  to, 
ii.  1.53  ;  Newcastle  fails  to  keep 
his  promises,  ii.  1.5.5;  abandons 
the  Canadian  conijucst,  ii.  155  ; 
plans  to  attack  Crown  Point,  ii 
156;  ii.  157,  158,  164,  168;  re- 
solved to  keep  Acadia,  ii.  170; 
Newcastle  leaves  the  defence  of 
Acadia  to,  ii.  171  ;  his  letters  to 
Newcastle  on  the  Acadian  di- 
lemma, ii.  171,  175,  176,  179; 
letter  from  Mascarene  to,  ii. 
172  ;  his  plan  to  secure  the  alle- 
giance of  the  Acadians,  ii.  177; 
his  attitude  towards  the  Acadian 
priests,  ii.  178  ;  plans  for  the  de- 
fence of  Annapolis,  ii.  182  ;  ii. 
186,  190,  198,  200;  reoccupies 
Grand  Pre,  ii.  201  ;  unable  to  do 
for  Acadia  all  that  the  emer- 
gency demanded,  ii.  204 ;  blames 
Newcastle's  government,  ii.  204  ; 
letter  from  Captain  Stevens  to, 
ii.  229 ;  and  the  Acadians,  ii. 
312-.357 ;  letters  to  Newcastle 
from,  ii.  312,  314,  317,  320,  322, 
325,  330,  331,  342,  345,  349,  350, 
352,  353,  354;  letter  to  Masca- 
rene from,  ii.  324  ;  letter  from 
Newcastle  to,  ii.  .348. 

Shirley,  Mrs.  William,  at  Louis- 
bourg,  ii.  147. 

Shirreff,  William,  urges  that  the 
Acadians  be  removed,  ii.  175  ; 
ii.  315. 

Shoshone  Indians,  the,  ii.  26. 

Shrewsbury,  Duke  of,  i.  147. 

Shubenacadie,  mission  of,  ii.  185. 

Shnbenacadie  River,  the,  ii.  188. 

Shute,  Col.  Samuel,  succeeds  Dud- 
ley as  governor  of  Massachu- 
setts, i.  224  ;  calls  the  Indians 
to  a  council  at  Georgetown,  i. 


224 ;  dialogue  between  Chief 
Wiwurna  and,  i.  225,  226,-  hit 
second  interview  with  the  Indi- 
ans, i.  227,  228,  235;  his  con- 
troversy with  the  Assembly,  i. 
239 ;  sails  for  London,  i.  240. 

Sibley,  John  L;tngdon,ii.  99. 

Silesia,  seized  by  Frederic  of 
Prussia,  ii.  59. 

Simons,  lienjamin.  ii.  252. 

Sioux  Company,  the,  organization 
of,  ii.  6  ;  olijects  of,  ii.  6 ;  offi- 
cers of,  ii.  6 ;  early  histor}-  of, 
ii.  7,  8. 

Sioux  Indians,  the,  i.  14;  i.  348, 
350,  351  ;  strange  customs  of,  i, 
352 ;  their  hostile  disposition 
toward  the  French,  ii.  5,  7,  8 ; 
murder  Anneau's  party,  ii.  13; 
per.secute  the  Mandans,  ii.  17; 
tlieir  enmity  t  nvard  the  Snake 
Indians,  ii.  27 ;  sub-tribes  of, 
ii  34. 

Sioux  mission,  the,  ii.  6. 

Six  Nations,  the,  i.  274 ;  see  also 
Five  Nations,  the. 

Skene  Mountain,  ii.  238. 

Slade,  Dr.  Daniel  Denison,  i.  68; 
ii.  244. 

Small-pox,  among  the  Mandans, 
ii.  17. 

Smead,  Captivity,  ii.  252;  death 
of,  ii.  255. 

Smead,  John,  ii.  252;  killed  by 
the  Indians,  ii.  255. 

Smead,  Mrs.  John,  ii.  252 ;  death 
of,  ii.  255. 

Smibert,  the  painter,  gives  a  por- 
trait of  Pepperrell,  ii.  73. 

Smith,  i.  147  ;  ii.  54,  208  ;  on  the 
disputes  of  Governor  Clinton  and 
the  Assembly,  ii.  209. 

Smith,  Captain,  ii.  261. 

Smollett,  on  the  plan  to  attack 
Louisbdbrg,  ii.  64;  on  the  cap- 


INDEX. 


409 


tore  of  Louisbourg,  ii.  142 ;  on 
the  absurdities  of  the  Duke  of 
Newcastle,  ii.  151  ;  on  the 
Peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  ii. 
256. 

Snake  Indians,  the,  ii.  20,  26; 
their  enmity  toward  the  Sioux, 
ii.  27  ;  the  Bow  Indians  make 
an  attack  on,  ii.  30-33. 

Snelling,  i.  344. 

"  Snow,"  a,  ii.  83. 

Snow,  E.  A.,  ii.  43. 

Soissons,  Count  de,  ii.  268. 

Sokokis  Indians,  the,  i.  256. 

Sorel,  town  of,  i.  78. 

Southack,  Captain,  relieves  Fal- 
mouth, i.  46. 

South  Carolina,  the  broad  river 
of,  i.  182;  ii.  48. 

South  Fork,  the,  i.  367. 

South  Sea,  the,  i.  164. 

Souvigny,  Ensign,  ii.  293,  311. 

Spafford,  John,  Jr.,  at  Number 
Four,  ii.  219,  220. 

Spain,  Great  Britain  gains  n  mari- 
time preponderance  over,  i.  3 ; 
Louis  XIV.  places  his  grandson 
on  the  throne  of,  i.  4 ;  bent  on 
making  good  her  claim  to  the 
Mississippi  and  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  i.  301  ;  protests  against 
the  French  establishment  at  Mo- 
bile Bay,  i.  305  ;  ii.  270. 

Spaniards  of  New  Mexico,  the,  i. 
359 ;  advance  to  attack  the 
French,  i    360. 

Spaniards,  the,  occupy  Texas,  i. 
355  ;  in  the  lower  Missouri,  ii.  17. 

Spanish  River,  i.  177,  181. 

Spanish  Succession,  the  War  of 
the,  i.  3  ;  springs  from  the  am- 
bition of  Louis  XIV.,  i.  4 ;  i. 
134  ;  ii.  9. 

Sparhawk,  Nathaniel,  ii.  115,  116  ; 
at  Louisbourg,  ii.  136. 


Sparks,  i.  229,  249  ;  ii.  70. 

Spurwink,  Indian  attack  at,  i.  44. 

"  Squirrel,"  the,  i.  224. 

Stanwood,  ii.  327. 

Stebbins,  Abigail,  i.  89  ;  marriage 
of,  i.  90. 

Stebbins,  Benoni,  i.  58  ;  killed  by 
the  French  and  Indians,  i.  63. 

Stebbins,  Mrs.  Benoni,  i.  63. 

Steele,  i.  147,  195. 

Stevens,  B.  F.,  ii.  229. 

Stevens,  Captain  Phineas,  at  Num- 
ber Four,  ii.  219,  220;  sent  to 
reoccupy  the  fort  at  Number 
Four,  ii.  222 ;  characteristics  of, 
ii.  222  ;  attacked  by  Niverville, 
ii.  223  ;  his  defence  of  the  fore, 
ii.  224  ;  his  letters  to  Colonel 
Williams,  ii.  224,  225,  226,  228; 
his  interview  with  Niverville,  ii. 
226 ;  refuses  to  surrender,  ii. 
226  ;  recognition  of  his  success- 
ful defence,  ii.  228 ;  letter  to 
Governor  Shirley  from,  ii.  229  ; 
diary  of,  ii.  229. 

Stoddard,  escapes  from  Deerfield, 
i.  62. 

Stoddard,  John,  ii.  219,  232,  243. 

Stone,  on  the  disputes  of  Governor 
Clinton  and  the  Assembly,  ii. 
209. 

Stone,  William  L.,  ii.  248. 

Storer,  John,  ii.  80. 

Storer,  Joseph,  palisaded  house  of, 
i.  39  ;  fugitives  at,  i.  43. 

Sturer,  Mary,  captured  by  the 
Indians,  i.  44. 

Stuarts,  the,  i.  105. 

Stuckley,  Captain,  in  the  expedi- 
tion against  Port  Royal,  i.  130. 

Subercase,  governor  of  Acadia,  on 
the  French  and  Indian  attack  on 
Haverhill,  i.  102  ;  on  the  Aca- 
dian fisheries  question,  i.  Ill, 
112;  his  aaxiety  over  the  trad^ 


410 


INDEX. 


between  the  "  Bastonnais  "  and 
the  Acadians,  i.  116;  on  Bona- 
Tenture's  relations  with  Ma- 
dame de  Freneiise,  i.  116;  his 
quarrel  with  De  Goutin,  i.  1 1 7  ; 
in  the  defence  of  Port  Royal,  i. 
127;  on  the  failure  of  the  Eng- 
lish expedition  against  Port 
Royal,  i.  131  ;  attacks  St.  John, 
i.  131,  132  ;  defends  Port  Royal 
against  Nicholson,  i.  152;  sur- 
renders to  Nicholson,  i.  153 ; 
his  report  of  the  siege  of  Port 
Royal  to,  i.  155. 

Subtil,  Captain,  ii.  290. 

Sudbury,  ii.  222. 

Sugeres,  Lieutenant,  i.  302. 

Suite,  Benjamin,  on  the  family 
history  of  the  Varennes,  ii.  9. 

Sumter,  Fort,  ii.  70. 

Sunderland,  Earl  of,  i.  135,  140; 
Vetch's  letters  to,  i.  144 ;  Dud- 
ley's letters  to,  i.  145  ;  his  letter 
to  Dudley,  i.  145 ;  joint  letters 
to,  i.  146. 

"Superbe,"  the,  ii.  84,  93,  128. 

Superior,  Lake,  i.  33,  349 ;  ii.  3  ; 
great  portage  of,  ii.  12  ;  ii.  57. 

Swanzey,  attacked  by  the  Indians, 
ii.  214. 

Swift,  i.  163  ;  on  the  failure  of  the 
Canadian  expedition,  i.  181. 

Swiss  Cantons,  the,  ii.  341. 

Sydney,  harbor  of,  i.  177. 

Symmes,  Rev.  Thomas,  minister 
of  Bradford,  i.  269. 

Taconic  Falls,  i.  245,  248. 

Taensas,  the,  i.  305. 

Tailor,  Colonel,  i.  153. 

Taos,  i.  367. 

Tarbell,  John,  captured  by  In- 
dians, i.  93  ;  becomes  a  Caugh- 
nawaga  chief,  i.  93. 

Tarbell,   Zecbariah,   captured    by 


Indians,  i.  93  ;  becomes  a  Caugb 

nawaga  chief,  i.  93. 
"  Tartar,"  the,  ii.  72,  83. 
Tartary,  i.  368. 

Tatmagouche,  village  of,  ii.  187. 
Taunton,     joins     tlie     expedition 

against  Port  Royal,  i.  126. 
Temple,  on  tlie  Micmac  raids,  i. 

244;  ii.  231,  232,  234. 
Tennessee   River,   the,  i.  296 ;  ii. 

51. 
Tennessee,  State  of,  i.  321. 
Terror,  the,  in  France,  i.  4. 
Texas,   the   Spaniards   occupy,   i. 

355. 
Thames  River,  the,  i.  181. 
Thaxter,  Samuel,  sent  to  Montreal 

by  Governor  Dummer  as  envoy, 

i.  252 ;  received   by    Vaudreuil, 

i.  252  ;  the   interview   with  the 

Indians,  i.  253. 
Thierry,  Captain,  ii.  101,  292,  293. 
Thomassy,  i.  355. 
Thornton,  ii.  327. 
Three  Rivers,  Varennes  governor 

of,  ii.  8  ;  Rigaud  at,  ii.  235. 
Ticoiideruga,  Fort,  ii.  237. 
Titcomb's  Battery,  at  Louisbourg, 

ii.  107,  110. 
Tiverton,  i.  121. 
Tonty,  Alphonse  de,  joins  Cadillac, 

i.  28. 
Tonty,    Henri   de,   i.  28;  holds  a 

monopoly   of    the    fur-trade,    i. 

275 ;  urges  the  French  to  seize 

Louisiana,   i.   298  ;  his  reasons, 

i.  298. 
Topsfield,    joins    the     expedition 

against  Port  Royal,  i.  126. 
Topsham,  i.  239. 
Toronto,  trading-post   established 

by  the  French  at,  ii.  55. 
Toulouse,     Comte     de,     receives 

Charlevoix's  report  on  the  Pa- 
cific Ocean,  ii.  5. 


INDEX. 


411 


Toulouse,  the  Parliament  of,  i. 
19. 

Toulouse,  Port,  i.  196. 

Townshend,  ii.  51. 

Townsend,  Vice-Admiral,  ii.  327, 
328,  329,  331. 

Trading  houses,  at  Minas,  ii.  344. 

"Trident,"  the,  ii.  160. 

Trinity  Bay,  i.  132. 

Truro,  ii.  187.     See  also  Cohequid. 

Tucker,  Sergeant,  captured  by  In- 
dians, i.  52. 

Tufts,  William,  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 
99,  121. 

Turner,  attacks  the  French  and 
Indians,  i.  98  ;  i.  365. 

Tuscaroras,  the,  joined  to  the  Five 
Nations,  i.  274. 

Two  Mountains,  the  Lake  of,  ii. 
217. 

Tyng,  Captain  Edward,  i.  50,  56, 
267,  270 ;  chosen  naval  com- 
mander of  the  expedition  against 
Louisbourg,  ii.  82. 

Ulster,  Protestants  from,  ii.  177. 

Upper  Ashuelot,  settlement  of,  at- 
tacked by  the  Indians,  ii.  214. 

Upper  Lakes,  the,  Indian  tribes 
of,  i.  331 ;  Charlevoix  at,  ii.  4; 
ii.  51. 

"Upper  Nations,"  the,  i.  13. 

Ursuline  Convent,  the,  at  Quebec, 
i.  26. 

Ursulines,  the,  of  Quebec,  i.  25. 

Usher,  Robert,  wounded  by  the 
Pequawkets,  i.  264. 

Utrecht,  the  Treaty  of,  i.  184,  190, 
192,  193,  196,  197,  200,  206,  212, 
220,  251  ;  followed  by  a  three- 
fold conflict  for  ascendency  in 
America,  i.  272 ;  i.  274  ;  ii.  44, 
46,  48,  50 ;  leaves  unsettled  the 
questions  of  boundary,  ii.  59 ; 
cedes   Acadia    to    England,   ii. 


173  ;  ii.   203,   205,  258,  262,  263, 
264,  267,  272,  273,  338,  356. 

VAiLL.\>rT,  the  Jesuit,  i.  11. 

Valle',  Lieutenant,  ii.  298. 

Vantadour,  Due  de,  ii.  268. 

Varennes,  the  family  history  of, 
ii.  9. 

Varennes,  Pierre,  birth  of,  ii.  9  ; 
early  hi.^tory  of,  ii.  9.  See  also 
La  Verendrye,  Pierre  Gaulfiei 
de  Varennes  de. 

Varennes,  Rene  Gaultier  de,  mar- 
riage of,  ii.  8 ;  becomes  governor 
of  Three  Rivers,  ii.  8. 

Vauban,  ii.  78. 

Vaudreuil-Cavagnal  Pierre  Rigaud 
de,  governor  of  Canada,  on  tlie 
treachery  of  the  Abenakis,  i.37  ; 
his  responsibility  for  Queen 
Anne's  War,  i.  46 ;  sends  a 
large  war-party  against  New 
England,  i.  55  ;  reports  the  at- 
tack on  Deerfield  to  Ponchar- 
train,  i.  68  ;  buys  John  AVilliams 
from  the  Indians,  i.  79 ;  his 
correspondence  with  Dudley 
concerning  the  exchange  of 
prisoners,  i.  90 ;  on  Beaucour's 
unsuccessful  expedition  against 
Connecticut,  i.  95 ;  on  the  at- 
tack on  Haverhill,  i.  97 ;  on  the 
French  loss  of  life,  i.  98  ;  on 
Dudley's  refusal  to  permit  a 
raid  into  Canada,  i.  100  ;  atti- 
tude of  Ponchartrain  toward  the 
policy  of,  i.  102 ;  Dudley  pro- 
poses a  treaty  of  neutrality  to, 
i.  103 ;  his  conditions,  i.  103, 
104  ;  falsely  accused  to  Ponchar- 
train, i.  104;  on  the  destruction 
of  the  Jesuit  mission-house  at 
Onondaga,  i.  139  ;  on  Ramesay's 
expedition  against  Nicholson,  i. 
141 ;  on  the  pestilence  in  Nich- 


412 


INDEX. 


olaon's  camp,  i.  143 ;  Ponchar- 
train  recommends  Costebelle's 
scheme  to,  i.  158 ;  warned  of 
the  English  preparations  against 
Canada,  i.  178;  unable  to  give 
aid  to  the  Acadians,  i.  192; 
praises  the  zeal  of  the  Acadian 
missionaries,  i.  204 ;  prevents 
peace  being  made  at  George- 
town, i.  233  ;  the  delicacy  of  his 
position  with  the  Abenakis,  i. 
236 ;  turns  the  Indians  again 
against  New  England,  i.  2oO ; 
proclaims  the  Abenakis  to  be 
liis  allies,  i.  250;  his  commission 
to  Rale,  i.  250 ;  correspondence 
between  Dummer  and,  i.  250- 
252 ;  receives  the  English  en- 
voys, i.  252  ;  Dubuisson's  report 
on  the  Outagamies  at  Detroit, 
to,  i.  296  ;  his  report  on  the  at- 
tack of  the  Outagamies  on  the 
Illinois,  i.  330 ;  determines  to 
destroy  the  Outagamies,  i.  331  ; 
in  despair  over  the  difficulty  of 
keeping  the  western  tribes  quiet, 
i.  335  ;  on  tlie  scheme  to  reach 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  ii.  6 ;  his 
efforts  to  build  a  fort  at  Niag- 
ara, ii.  52  ;  ii.  235. 

Vaudreuil,  Rigaud  de,  sets  out 
against  the  English,  ii.  235 ; 
plans  to  attack  Fort  Massachu- 
setts, ii.  237 ;  journal  of,  ii. 
237;  the  march,  ii.  238,  239; 
his  estimate  of  the  garrison,  ii. 
243  ;  the  attack,  ii.  243,  244 ; 
wounded,  ii.  245 ;  a  parley,  ii. 
247 ;  capitulation,  ii.  248,  249 ; 
his  humane  treatment  of  prison- 
ers, ii.  253  ;  his  account  of  his 
expedition,  ii.  253. 

Vaughan,  William,  of  Damaris- 
cotta,  ii.  64;  advises  an  attack 
on  Louisbourg,  ii.  64  ;  sketch  of, 


ii.  65 ;  captures  the  Grand  Bat 
tery,  ii.  98,  99,  110;  his  rash 
resolution,  ii.  117,  118. 

Vera  Cruz,  i.  301,  315. 

Vercheres,  death  of,  i.  98. 

Verelst,  the  Dutch  artist,  v. 
147. 

Verger,  Ensign,  ii.  293. 

Verrazzano,  voyages  of,  ii.  47,  49. 
258,  2.59,  262. 

Verrier,  the  engineer,  ii.  101,  292, 
293,  305,  308. 

Versailles,  i.  113,  119;  ii.  6. 

Vetch,  Captain  Samuel,  i.  87,  103, 
104,  107,  126;  his  plan  for  the 
conquest  of  Canada,  i.  133  ;  his 
history,  i.  133 ;  his  marriage,  i. 
134;  characteristics  of,  i.  134; 
sails  for  England,  i.  134  ;  his 
requests  granted  by  the  court,  i. 
135;  waiting  for  the  promised 
fleet,  i.  144;  in  the  attack  on 
Port  Royal,  i.  147,  151  ;  com- 
missioned as  governor  of  Port 
Royal,  i.  154 ;  commands  the 
provincials  in  the  Canadian  ex- 
pedition, i.  170  ;  on  board  the 
"Despatch,"  i.  173;  disgusted 
by  the  inefficiency  of  Walker 
and  Hill,  i.  176;  his  journal,  i, 
182;  i.  190;  the  first  governor 
of  Nova  Scotia,  i.  191. 

Vetch,  William,  death  of,  i.  134. 

"  Vigilant,"  the,  captured  by  the 
English,  ii.  123;  ii.  126,'  127, 
129,  131,  138,  280,  281,  301. 

Villebon,  i.  111. 

Villermont,  Cabart  de,  i.  298 ;  at 
Grand  Pre,  ii.  191. 

Villiers,  Coulon  de,  strikes  the 
Outagamies  a  deadly  blow,  i. 
339  ;  ii.  185;  commands  the  ex- 
pedition against  Noble,  ii.  185; 
a  winter  march,  ii.  1 87  ;  the  plan 
of  attack,  ii.  190,  191  ;  the  at- 


INDEX. 


418 


tack,  ii.  129  ;  severely  wounded, 
ii.  192;  ii.  198. 

Villieu,  M.  de,  i.  118. 

Vinceiines,  Sieur  de,  comes  to  the 
aid  of  Detroit,  i.  282,  284,  295, 
297  ;  ii.  57. 

Virginia,  the  colony  of,  i.  8,  148; 
not  a  serious  rival  in  the  fur- 
trade,  i.  272;  ii.  150;  supports 
the  plan  to  conquer  Canada,  ii. 
152. 

Voyageurs,  at  Detroit,  i.  279,  327  ; 
at  "the  Illinois,"  i.  328;  grow- 
ing fewer  in  numbers,  i.  347. 

Wabash  River,  the,  ii.  57. 

Wainwright,  Col.  Francis,  com- 
mands an  expedition  against 
Port  Royal,  i.  125. 

Waldo,  Brigadier,  ii.  84,  101,  111, 
119,  144. 

Waldron,  Mrs.  Adelaide  Cilley, 
ii.  74. 

Waldron,  Richard,  on  the  capture 
of  Elisha  Plaisted,  i.  54. 

Walker,  Admiral,  Sir  Hoveuden, 
naval  command  of  the  expedi- 
tion against  Canada  given  to,  i. 
164;  in  Boston,!.  169;  the  loss 
of  his  transports,  i.  172-174; 
gives  up  the  expedition,  i.  176; 
disgraced,  i.  182;  death  of,  i. 
182  ;  his  journal,  i.  182. 

Walker's  expedition,  i.  156-182. 

Wallace,  town  of,  ii.  186. 

Walpole,  Horace,  on  the  absurdi- 
ties of  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  ii. 
151. 

Walton,  Colonel,  accusations 
against,  i.  240;  dismissed  by 
the  Massachusetts  Assembly,  i. 
242. 

Wanton,  Governor,  ii.  71,  76,  81. 

Warren,  Commodore  Peter,  ii.  83  ; 
joins     the    expedition    against 


Louisbourg,  ii.  84,  93,  108,  109, 
119,  125;  disagreement  with 
Pepperrell,  ii.  127-129;  comes  to 
an  understanding  with  Pepper- 
rell, ii.  130  ;  receives  Ducham- 
bou's  offer  of  capitulation,  ii. 
132;  the  surrender,  ii.  133; 
shares  the  honor  of  victory  with 
Pepperrell,  ii.  138,  139;  rivalry 
between  Pepperrell  and,  ii.  140, 
141  ;  made  an  admiral,  ii.  142  ; 
governs  Louisbourg  jointly  with 
Pepperrell,  ii.  146  ;  made  gov- 
ernor of  the  fortress  of  Louis- 
bourg, ii.  150;  in  sympathy 
with  Shirley's  plan  to  conquer 
Canada,  ii.  152;  ii.  168,  212; 
ii.  277,  285,  304,  305,  .308,  317, 
318,  326,  329,  333,  335,  348. 

Warren,  Mrs.  Peter,  at  Louis- 
bourg, ii.  147. 

Washington,  George,  i.  339 ;  at 
Fort  Le  Bceuf,  ii.  39  ;  defeated 
at  Fort  Necessity,  ii.  185. 

Webster,  Mount,  i.  256. 

Weeping,  over  strangers,  the  cus- 
tom of,  i.  352. 

Wells,  John,  visits  Montreal  as 
envoy,  i.  85 ;  secures  the  ex- 
change of  five  prisoners,  i.  87. 

Wells,  Jonathan,  fortified  house 
of,  i.  58 ;  fugitives  in,  i.  62 ; 
leads  a  party  against  the  French 
and  Indians,  i.  66  ;  petitions  the 
General  Court  for  an  allotment 
of  land,  i.  67. 

Wells,  Thomas,  i.  42,  43. 

Wells,  Mrs.  Thomas,  i.  42; 
murdered  by  the  Indians,  i.  43. 

Wells,  village  of,  i.  39,  40  ;  effects 
of  the  Indian  wars  on,  i.  40; 
new  church  built  in,  i.  41  ;  far 
from  a  religious  community,  i. 
41  ;  life  still  exceeding  rude  at, 
i.  42 ;  troop  of  horse  sent  to,  i. 


414 


INDEX. 


49 ;  attacked  by  the  French  and 
Indians,  i.  99  ;  becomes  the  east- 
ern frontier,  i.  220;  ii.  81. 
Wendell,  Jacob,  ii.  162. 
Wentworth,  Governor  Benning,  of 
New  Hampshire,  i.  270 ;  ii.  70 ; 
joins  Shirley  iu  planning  against 
Louisbourg,  ii.  70,  71  ;  his  ambi- 
tion to  be  commander-in-chief, 
ii.  72,  73. 

Westbrook,  Colonel,  at  Norridge- 
wock,  i.  218;  sent  to  Norridge- 
wock  to  arrest  Rale,  i.  238 ; 
sent  against  the  Penobscots,  i. 
244 ;  burns  Panawamske',  i. 
244,  245. 

Western  Company,  the,  see  Mis- 
sissippi Compani/,  the. 

Western  Indians,  the,  become  less 
important  to  Canada,  i.  216  ;  ii. 
217. 

Western  mission,  the  great,  i.  215. 

Western  Sea,  the,  i.  354,  368 ;  ii. 
3,  4. 

West  Gate,  the,  of  Louisbourg,  ii. 
106,  109,  110,  130. 

West  India  Company,  the,  i.  360 ; 
ii.  266. 

West  Indies,  the,  i.  Ill,  164;  ii. 
158,  161,333. 

West  River,  i.  73;  ii.  15. 

West  Virginia,  i.  51. 

Weymouth,  joins  the  expedition 
against  Port  Royal,  i.  126. 

Wheeler,  i.  239. 

Wheelwright,  Hannah, interrupted 
wedding  of,  i.  51. 

Wheelwright,  John,  palisaded 
house  of,  i.  51. 

Whipple,  i.  365. 

Whitefield,  George,  ii.  76. 

Whitehall,  town  of,  ii.  237,  238. 

White  Mountains,  the,  i.  43,  256, 
259.  261. 

White  River,  i.  75,  76;  ii.  15 


Whiting,  wonnded  in  Lovewell's 
expeditions  against  the  Indians, 
i.  262. 

Wichita  River,  the,  i.  357. 

Wichitas,  the,  i.  357. 

Wild  cherry,  the,  used  as  food,  ii. 
34. 

Willard,  Rev.  Joseph,  killed  by 
the  Indians,  i.  244,  251. 

Willard,  Secretary,  ii.  143. 

Willard 's  regiment,  at  Louisbourg, 
ii.  90,  103. 

William,  Fort,  at  St.  John,  at- 
tacked by  Subercase,  i.  132  ;  the 
French  repulsed  by,  i.  132; 
captured  by  Saint-Ovide,  i.  132. 

William  and  Mary,  Fort,  ii.  74. 

William  and  Mary's  War,  i.  36; 
the  "  woful  decade"  of,  i.  50. 

William  III.,  King  of  England, 
the  Five  Nations  appeal  for  pro- 
tection against  the  French  to, 
i.  33 ;  receives  a  deed  of  their 
beaver-hunting  ground  from  the 
Five  Nations,  i.  33. 

Williams  College,  ii.  239,  242. 

Williams,  Eleazer,  impostures  of, 
i.  91  ;  his  personal  appearance, 
i.  92 ;  his  story  of  the  "  Bell  of 
St.  Regis,"  i.  92. 

Williams,  Captain  Ephraim,  ii. 
232  ;  in  command  at  Fort  Massa- 
chusetts, ii.  241  ;  the  founder  of 
Williams  College,  ii.  242 ;  sketch 
of,  ii.  242;  death  of,  ii.  242. 

Williams,  Esther,  released  from 
Indian  captivity,  i.  87. 

Williams,  Eunice,  in  Indian  cap- 
tivity, i.  75  ;  at  Caughuawaga, 
i.  80  ;  becomes  an  Indian  squaw, 
i.  90,  91. 

Williams,  Major  Israel,  ii.  232. 

Williams,  John,  minister  at  Deer- 
field,  i.  57 ;  his  letter  to  the 
governor,    i.    59  ;  attacked    by 


INDEX. 


415 


the  French  and  Indians,  i.  61  ; 
captured,  i.  62 ;  on  the  attack 
of  Deeriield,  i.  69 ;  his  experi- 
ences during  captivity,  i.  71-79; 
his  sufferiufi-s,  i.  77 ;  proves  a 
stubborn  heretic,  i.  78,  79 ; 
h<)ngiit  bv  Vaudreuil,  i.  79 ; 
Uiudly  treated  by  Vaudreuil,  i. 

81  ;  sent  to  Chateau  Kicher,  i. 

82  ;  his  grief  at  bis  sou  Samuel's 
conversion  to  Catholicism,  i.  83  ; 
on  the  methods  employed  by  the 
Jesuits  in  converting  prisoners, 
i.  84  ;  released  from  captivity, 
i.  88  ;  on  the  French  and  Indian 
expedition  against  Connecticut, 
i.  95. 

Williams,  Rev.  John,  ii.  148. 

Williams,  Mrs.  John,  captured  by 
the  French  and  Indians,  i.  72 ; 
separated  from  her  husband,  i. 
72 ;  killed  by  the  Indians,  i. 
73. 

Williams  River,  i.  74. 

Williams,  Roger,  ii.  71. 

Williams,  Samuel,  in  Indian  cap- 
tivity, 1.  75;  at  Montreal,  i.  83  ; 
forced  to  turn  Catholic,  i.  83  ; 
returns  to  his  creed,  i.  84 ;  ex- 
changed, i.  84  ;  death  of,  i.  84. 

Williams,  Stephen,  on  the  attack 
of  Deerfield,  i.  70,  71,  74 ;  car- 
ried up  the  Connecticut,  i.  75  ; 
released  from  Indian  captivity, 
i.  88  ;  ii.  148  ;  chaplain  at  Louis- 
bourg,  ii.  149;  diary  of,  ii.  149. 

Williams,  Stephen  W.,  i.  57,  91. 

Williams,  Thomas,  ii.  242. 

Williams,  Colonel  William,  letters 
from  Captain  Stevens  to,  ii.  224, 
225,  226,  228,  229;  ii.  243. 

Williamson,  list  of  the  New  Eng- 
land navy,  ii.  83. 

Williamson,  on  the  Indian  attack 
on  Wells,  i.  46 ;  i.  222 ;  on  the 


council  at  Georgetown,  i.  228; 
i.  235 ;  on  Lovewell's  expedi- 
tions against  the  Indians,  i.  262. 

Williamstown,  ii.  239,  242. 

Williamstown  valley,  the,  ii.  240, 
251. 

Wilson,  Gen.  James  Grant,  on 
Sanmel  Vetch,  i.  134. 

Wind  River  Range,  the,  ii.  31. 

"Windsor,"  the,  i.  175. 

W^indsor,  village  of,  i.  209;  ii.  189. 
See  also  Pisiqnid. 

Wiunebagoes.  the,  on  Fox  River, 
i.  275;  called  to  a  council  at 
Green  Bay,  i.  336  ;  i.  340,  350. 

W^iuuepesaukee  Lake,  i.  96,  259. 

Winnipeg,  the  city  of,  site  of, 
ii.  14. 

Winnipeg  Lake,  ii.  4,  12,  14. 

Winnipeg  River,  the,  ii.  14. 

Winooski  River,  the,  i.  76,  77. 

Winsor,  Justin,  i.  147,  222. 

Winter  Harbor,  Indian  attack  on, 
i.  44;  surrenders,  i.  47  ;  attacked 
by  the  French  and  Indians,  i.  99. 

Winthrop,  Fitz-John,  governor  of 
Connecticut,  i.  70. 

Wisconsin,  State  of,  i.  91,  278. 

Wisconsin  River,  the,  i.  342,  351 ; 
ii.  6,  57. 

Wiwurna,  the  Norridgewock  chief, 
at  the  council  at  Georgetown, 
i.  225  ;  dialogue  between  Gov- 
ernor Shute  and,  i.  225,  226. 

Woburn,  i.  260. 

Wolcott,  General  Roger,  holds 
second  rank  in  the  expedition 
against  Louisbourg,  ii.  72,  84, 
94,  102,  121,  137;  journal  of, 
ii.  144. 

Wolfe,  i.  162. 

Wood  Creek,  i.  135, 140,  141,  142, 
177;  ii.  230,  237,254. 

Woods,  Lake  of  the,  ii.  4 ;  mas- 
sacre at,  ii.  12. 


416 


INDEX. 


Woods,  Sergeant,  •with  Lovewell 
in  his  expeditions  against  the 
Indians,  i.  261. 

Worcester,  village  of,  ii.  157. 

Wright,  Daniel,  ii.  232. 

Wright,  Ebenezer,  petitions  the 
General  Court  for  an  allotment 
of  laud,  i.  67. 

Wroth,  Ensign,  i.  208. 

Wyatt,  Lieutenant,  attacked  by- 
Indians,  i.  48. 

Wyman,  Ensign  Seth,  joins  Love- 
well's  expeditions  against  the 
Indians,  i.  260,  262 ;   his  heroic 


defence  against  the  Pequawkets, 
i.  263,  267. 

Xavier,    the     exalted    zeal    of, 
i.  214. 

Yankton  Indians,  the,  ii.  34. 
Yellowstone  Park,  the,  ii.  30. 
Yellowstone    Kiver,    the,    i.   360, 

367  ;  ii.  24,  28,  29. 
York,  settlement  of,  i.  39  ;  Indian 

attacks  on,  i.  48,  99;  i.  51;  ii, 

78,  136. 


5U^ 

6 


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